The Making of Mind. A R Luria

Romantic Science

AT THE BEGINNING of this century the German scholar Max Verworn suggested that scientists can be divided into two distinct groups according to their basic orientation toward science: classical and romantic. These two basic orientations, he noted, reflect not only the scholar's general attitude toward science but his personal characteristics as well.

Classical scholars are those who look upon events in terms of their constituent parts. Step by step they single out important units and elements until they can formulate abstract, general laws. These laws are then seen as the governing agents of the phenomena in the field under study. One outcome of this approach is the reduction of living reality with all its richness of detail to abstract schemas. The properties of the living whole are lost, which provoked Goethe to pen, “Gray is every theory, but ever green is the tree of life.”

Romantic scholars' traits, attitudes, and strategies are just the opposite. They do not follow the path of reductionism, which is the leading philosophy of the classical group. Romantics in science want neither to split living reality into its elementary components nor to represent the wealth of life's concrete events in abstract models that lose the properties of the phenomena themselves. It is of the utmost importance to romantics to preserve the wealth of living reality, and they aspire to a science that retains this richness.

Of course, romantic scholars and romantic science have their shortcomings. Romantic science typically lacks the logic and does not follow the careful, consecutive, step-by-step reasoning that is characteristic of classical science, nor does it easily reach firm formulations and universally applicable laws. Sometimes logical step-by-step analysis escapes romantic scholars, and on occasion, they let artistic preferences and intuitions take over. Frequently their descriptions not only precede explanation but replace it. I have long puzzled over which of the two approaches, in principle, leads to a better understanding of living reality.

This dilemma is a reformulation of the conflict between nomothetic and ideographic approaches to psychology that concerned me during the first years of my intellectual life. Within psychology the conflicting approaches underlay the crisis between explanatory, physiological psychology and a descriptive, phenomenological psychology of the higher psychological functions. One of the major factors that drew me to Vygotsky was his emphasis on the necessity to resolve this crisis. He saw its resolution as the most important goal of psychology in our time. But our work did not take place in a vacuum. Rather, it was carried out in a larger social and scientific context which shaped the attitude of all scientists, including myself.

Since the beginning of this century there has been enormous technical progress, which has changed the very structure of the scientific enterprise. It can be assumed that this progress began in the first half of the nineteenth century with the discovery that single cells constitute the elementary particles of all living organisms. This discovery paved the way for Virchow's cellular physiology and pathology. Reductionism, the effort to reduce complex phenomena to their elementary particles, became the guiding principle of scientific efforts. In psychology it seemed that by reducing psychological events to elementary physiological rules, we could attain the ultimate explanation of human behavior. Reductionism in the study of learning led to an emphasis on contiguity and reinforcement as the basic elements, the combination of which could explain even the most complex forms of behavior, including human conscious activity. In this atmosphere, the rich and complex picture of human behavior which had existed in the late nineteenth century disappeared from psychology textbooks.

Later, as a result of the enormous progress made in biophysics, another wave of reductionisrn was launched. During this period many scholars supposed that the explanation of behavioral processes, including such higher psychological processes as memory and attention, could be found at the molecular and even submolecular level. These attempts to reduce complex forms of conscious behavior to a microscopic level were especially dominant in the study of the brain as the basis of behavior. During this period the study of human conscious activity became submerged in a sea of molecular speculation.

Then came what was perhaps the most striking breakthrough of all. Electronic devices whose detection capabilities and speed greatly exceeded those of individuals were invented, and self-regulating electronic computers became one of the basic tools of science. Many scholars began to suppose that observation could be replaced by computer simulation and mathematical models. Psychological textbooks and monographs overflowed with such models and schemas. This deluge brought a still graver danger: the reality of human conscious activity was being replaced by mechanical models.

This tendency to reduce living facts to mathematical schemas and to leave investigation largely to instruments was especially great in medicine. The medicine of previous years had been based on the effort to single out important syndromes by describing significant symptoms. This activity was considered essential both for diagnosis and for treatment. With the advent of new instrumentation, these classical forms of medical procedure were pushed into the background. The physicians of our time, having a battery of auxiliary laboratory aids and tests, frequently overlook clinical reality. Observation of patients and evaluation of syndromes have begun to give way to dozens of laboratory analyses which are then combined by mathematical techniques as a means of diagnosis and as a plan of treatment. Physicians who are great observers and great thinkers have gradually disappeared. It is rare now to find a really good physician who is equally adept in observing, judging, and treating. I do not intend to underrate the role of instrumentation in medicine. But I am inclined to reject strongly an approach in which these auxiliary aids become the central method and in which their role as servant to clinical thought is reversed so that clinical reasoning follows instrumental data as a slave follows its master.

In the previous century, when auxiliary laboratory methods were rare, the art of clinical observation and description reached its height. One is unable to read the classical descriptions of the great physicians J. Lourdat, A. Trousseau, P. Marie, J. Charcot, Wernicke, S. Korsakoff, Head, and A. Meyer without seeing the beauty of the art of science. Now this art of observation and description is nearly lost.

Simple observation and description have their shortcomings too. They can lead to a description of immediately perceived events that seduces observers into pseudoexplanations based on their own phenomenological understanding. This kind of error jeopardizes the essential role of scientific analysis. But it is a danger only when phenomenological description is superficial and incomplete. Truly scientific observation avoids such dangers. Scientific observation is not merely pure description of separate facts. Its main goal is to view an event from as many perspectives as possible. The eye of science does not probe “a thing,” an event isolated from other things or events. Its real object is to see and understand the way a thing or event relates to other things or events.

I have always admired Lenin's observation that a glass, as an object of science, can be understood only when it is viewed from many perspectives. With respect to the material of which it is made, it becomes an object of physics; with respect to its value, an object of economics; and with respect to its form, an object of aesthetics. The more we single out important relations during our description, the closer we come to the essence of the object, to an understanding of its qualities and the rules of its existence. And the more we preserve the whole wealth of its qualities, the closer we come to the inner laws that determine its existence. It was this perspective which led Karl Marx to describe the process of scientific description with the strange-sounding expression, “ascending to the concrete.”

The observation and description of psychological facts should follow the same process. Clinical and psychological observations have nothing in common with the reductionism of the classicist. The clinical analysis of my early research is a case in point. Such an analysis seeks out the most important traits or primary basic factors that have immediate consequences and then seeks the secondary or “systemic” consequences of these basic underlying factors. Only after these basic factors and their consequences have been identified can the entire picture become clear. The object of observation is thus to ascertain a net-work of important relations. When done properly, observation accomplishes the classical aim of explaining facts, while not losing sight of the romantic aim of preserving the manifold richness of the subject.

I have tried to preserve the spirit of clinical analysis while using instrumental laboratory aids as a means to meaningful scientific advancement. In a good deal of this work my approach has been as much that of the classical scholar as the romantic one. But from time to time in my life I have had an opportunity to pursue my interests in a more purely romantic style.

My efforts to revive the traditions of romantic science resulted in two books, The Mind of a Mnemonist (1968) and The Man with a Shattered World (1972). In each of these works I tried to follow in the steps of Walter Pater in Imaginary Portraits, written in 1887, except that my books were unimagined portraits. In both books I described an individual and the laws of his mental life. But since it is almost impossible to write an analytical description of the personality of someone taken at random from a crowd, I chose to write about two men, each of whom had one feature that played a decisive role in determining his personality and which set him apart from all other people. In each case I tried to study the individual's basic trait as carefully as possible and from it to deduce his other personality traits. In other words, I tried to do a “factor analysis” of my subjects.

The first book in which I used this approach was The Mind of a Mnemonist. S. V. Sherashevsky, the famous mnemonist who was the hero of this book, had an outstanding memory which dominated his personality. However, his memory itself was not the subject of my book, but rather its influence on his personality.

Sherashevsky's memory was of a complex, eidetic-synesthetic type. He easily converted each impression, even acoustically perceived words, into optical images, which were closely associated with other sensations, including sounds, taste, and tactile sensations.

I remember one day when we were to go together to the laboratory of the Russian physiologist L. A. Orbeli. “Do you remember how to get there?” I asked Sherashevsky, forgetting that he permanently preserved all of his impressions. “Oh,” he answered, “how could I possibly forget it? After all, here's this fence. It has such a salty taste and feels so rough; what's more it has such a sharp, piercing sound.” He informed Vygotsky, “You have such a yellow and crumbly voice.” He told me about an occasion when he was buying ice cream. The woman selling it asked in a deep voice, “Do you prefer chocolate?” Her voice seemed so terribly squawking to him that in his mind's eye black flecks immediately covered the ice cream, and he was unable to taste it. As he explained the process:

“I recognize a word not only by the images it evokes but by a whole complex of feelings that the image arouses. It's hard to express ... it's not a matter of vision or hearing, but some overall sense I get. Usually I experience a word's taste and weight, and don't have to make an effort to remember it – the word seems to recall itself. But it's difficult to describe. What I sense is something oily slipping through my hand ... or I'm aware of a slight tickling in my left hand caused by a mass of tiny, lightweight points. When that happens, I simply remember, without having to make the attempt.” (Record, May 22, 1939)

These synesthetic components furnished him with additional information that guaranteed accurate recall. If he reproduced a word inaccurately, the additional synesthetic sensations he experienced would fail to coincide with the word, leaving him with the sense that something was wrong and forcing him to correct his error. But they were secondary to the visual quality of his recall. When he heard or read a word, it was at once converted into a visual image corresponding with the object that the word signified for him. As he described it:

“When I hear the word green, a green flowerpot appears; with the word red I see a man in a red shirt coming toward me. As for blue, this means an image of someone waving a small blue flag from a window ... Even numbers remind me of images. Take the number 1. This is a proud, well-built man; 2 is a high-spirited woman; 3 is a gloomy person” (Record, September 1936).

When Sherashevsky read through a long series of words, each word elicited a graphic image. Since the series was usually fairly long, he had to find some way of distributing these images in a mental sequence. Most often he would “distribute” them along some roadway or street he visualized in his mind. This technique explains why he could so readily reproduce a series from start to finish, or in reverse order, and why he could rapidly name the word that preceded or followed the one I had selected from the series. To do so, he would simply begin his walk, either from the beginning or from the end of the street, find the image of the object named, and “take a look” at whatever happened to be situated on either side of it.

These images and sensations were remarkably stable, and he could read off at will material from performances or conversations that had occurred decades before. It was impossible to establish a limit to the capacity or the duration of his memory, or to find any indications that his memory traces were extinguished over the course of time.

This stability became a special problem to him when he began his career as a professional mnemonist. He wrote:

“I'm afraid I may begin to confuse the individual performances. So in my mind I erase the blackboard and cover it, as it were, with a film that's completely opaque and impenetrable. I take this off the board and listen to it crunch as I gather it into a ball ... Even so, when the next performance starts and I walk over to that blackboard, the numbers I erased are liable to turn up again” (Letter, 1939).

He tried writing things down so that he would no longer have to remember them, but this was not satisfactory either. He went further and started to throw away and even burn the slips of paper on which he had written items he wished to forget. But he still remembered.

“Then, one evening – it was the 23rd of April – I was quite exhausted from having given three performances and was wondering how I'd ever get through the fourth. There before me I could see the charts of numbers appearing from the first three performance. ... I thought I'll just take a quick look and see if the first chart of numbers is still there. I was still afraid somehow that it woudn't be. I both did and didn't want it to appear ... And then I thought: the chart of numbers isn't turning up now and it's clear why – it's because I don't want it to! Aha! That means if I don't want the chart to show up, it won't. And all it took was for me to realize this!”

A description of Sherashevsky would have been inadequate if it had been limited to his memory. What was required was a careful analysis of how his fantastic memory influenced his thinking, his behavior, and his entire personality. During the decades I studied him, both the strengths and the limits of his intellectual capacities became clear. When he could imagine all the data of a problem, he could deal with it much better and faster than persons with normal memories. He could become more deeply involved in a narrative than most people, and he never missed a single detail and often spotted contradictions writers themselves had failed to notice. His solutions to riddles had a highly aesthetic quality.

But his use of immediate images, both visual and synesthetic, in solving problems presented certain difficulties that he was unable to overcome. For instance, when he read a passage from a text, each word produced an image. As soon as he began a phrase, images would appear; as he read further, still more images were evoked. If a passage was read to him quickly, one image would collide with another in his mind; images would begin to crowd in upon one another and become contorted. The problem for him then, was how to understand anything. If a text was read slowly, this too presented problems:

“I was reading this phrase: ‘N. was leaning up against a tree.’ I saw a slim young man dressed in a dark blue suit (N., you know, is so elegant). He was standing near a big linden tree with grass and woods all around But then the sentence went on: ‘and was peering into a shop window.’ Now how do you like that! It means the scene isn't set in the woods, or in the garden, but he's standing on the street. And I have to start the whole sentence over from the beginning” (Record, March 1937).

Thus, trying to understand a passage, to grasp the information it contained, became a tortuous process for Sherashevsky. The images kept rising to the surface of his mind, and he continually had to struggle against them in order to concentrate on what was essential. Inasmuch as his images were particularly vivid and stable and recurred thousands of times, they soon became the dominant element in Sherashevsky's awareness and came uncontrollably to the surface whenever he touched on something that was linked to them even in the most general way. His figurative thinking was a particular hindrance when he tried to read poetry. Each expression gave rise to an image which conflicted with another image that had been evoked.

Abstract ideas meant another round of problems and torments for him:

“Infinity – that means what has always been. But what came before this? What is to follow? No, it's impossible to see this ... In order for me to grasp the meaning of a thing, I have to see it ... Take the word nothing. I read it and thought it must be very profound. I thought it would be better to call nothing something ... for I see this nothing and it is something. If I'm to understand any meaning that is fairly deep, I have to get an image of it right away.”

Sherashevsky was perplexed and overwhelmed when faced with abstract ideas, the way young people are when they first realize that abstract ideas cannot be understood in graphic terms. But most adolescents shift from thinking in concrete terms to dealing with abstractions, and the problem ceases for them. The role that graphic images once played in their thinking is replaced by certain accepted ideas about the meaning of words. Their thinking becomes verbal and logical, and graphic images are relegated to the periphery of their consciousness. But this is a transition that Sherashevsky never made. He was unable to grasp an idea unless he could actually see it, and so he tried to visualize the idea of “nothing” and to find an image with which to depict “infinity.”

His behavior was also affected by his memory. He was able to control his involuntary processes, such as his heart rate and the temperature of his body, in the same way that a yogi does. A clear image of himself running fast increased his pulse rate. An image of a piece of ice on his hand decreased the temperature of his hand. And an image of his hand holding a glass of hot water increased his skin temperature. By this process he could increase or decrease the temperature of his hands by 5 degrees. But in cases where his inner image conflicted with a real situation, he was lost. “I had to go to court, and I prepared,” he told me. “I had imagined the judge sitting here, and myself standing there ... But when I arrived at court, everything was different. I was lost and could not deliver my speech.”

Sherashevisky's entire personality was determined by his fantastic capacities. As a child, he was a dreamer whose fantasies were embodied in images that were all too vivid, constituting in themselves another world, one through which he transformed the experiences of everyday life. He tended to lose sight of the distinction between what formed a part of reality and what he himself could “see.” For instance:

“This was a habit I had for quite some time: perhaps even now I still do it. I'd look at a clock and for a long while continue to see the hands fixed just as they were, and not realize time had passed ... That's why I'm often late” (Record, October 1934).

His dreams became a substitute for action in that they were based on his experiences of himself which had been converted into images. His ability to “see” himself in this way, to “cut himself off,” to convert his experiences and activity into an image of another person who carried out his instructions, was of enormous help to him in regulating his own behavior, as when he controlled his autonomic processes. Yet sometimes cutting himself off in this way interfered with his having complete control of his behavior; the “he” seen by Sherashevsky slipped out of control and began to operate automatically.

Because Sherashevsky's entire personality was shaped by his incredible memory, I could study the structure of his mind in the same way that I studied syndromes. By contrast, my second book using the approach of romantic science began, not with an outstanding capacity, but with a catastrophe that had devastated a man's intellectual powers. A bombshell wounded a young man, destroying the parietal lobe of the left hemisphere of his brain. His whole world was shattered. He forgot his name, his address. All words disappeared. As he described it later:

“Because of that wound I'd become an abnormal person. I was abnormal because I had a huge amount of amnesia and for a long time didn't even have any traces of memories ... I'm in a fog all the time, like a heavy half-sleep. My memory's a blank. I can't think of a single word. All that flashes through my mind are images, hazy visions that suddenly appear and just as suddenly disappear, giving way to fresh images. But I simply can't understand or remember what these mean.”

He was unable to read. or even to say whether the newspaper was in a foreign language. During our first interview at the rehabilitation hospital where he had been sent after his injury, I asked him to read something:

"What's this?... No, I don't know ... don't understand ... what is this?” he asked. He tried to examine the page more closely, holding it in front of his left eye, then moving it further to the side and scrutinizing each of the letters in amazement: “No, I can't,” was all he could reply. I then asked him to write his first name and home town for me. This too led to a desperate struggle. Awkwardly he picked up the pencil, by the wrong end at first, then groped for the paper. But again, he could not form a single letter. He was beside himself, he simply could not write and realized he had suddenly become illiterate.

As a result of his wound, his body became strange to him. He often “lost” the right side of his body, which inevitably occurs when the parietal area of the left hemisphere is injured. He also thought that parts of his body had changed:

“Sometimes when I'm sitting down I suddenly feel as though my head is the size of a table – every bit as big – while my hands, feet, and torso become very small. When I remember this, I myself think it's comical, but also very weird. These are the kinds of things, I call bodily peculiarities. When I close my eyes, I'm not even sure where my right leg is: for some reason I used to think it was somewhere above my shoulder, even above my head.”

And his vision was damaged so that he could not perceive anything completely. He had to use his imagination to fill in the gaps in what he saw:

“That is, I have to picture them in my mind and try to remember them as full and complete – after I have a chance to look them over, touch them, or get some image of them.”

This was because he had lost the right field of vision in both eyes. It meant that if he focused on a point with either eye, he could see only what was to the left of the point. Everything to the right was blocked out. In addition, there were blank spaces in his vision. But then one day, in the course of therapy, a discovery was made which proved to be a turning point:

“At first I had just as much trouble with writing – that is, even after I thought I knew the letters, I couldn't remember how they were formed. Each time I wanted to think of a particular letter, I'd have to run through the alphabet until I found it. But one day a doctor I'd come to know well, since he was always very informal with me and the other patients, asked me to try to write automatically – without lifting my hand from the paper. I was bewildered and questioned him a few times before I could even begin, but finally picked up the pencil and after repeating the word blood a few times, I quickly wrote it. I hardly knew what I'd written since I still had trouble reading ... It turned out I could only write certain words automatically – short ones.”

After intensive training for about six months he learned to read and write. Writing came far more quickly because writing was an automatic skill for him with a series of built-in movements that had not been affected by his injury. However, he continued to read slowly, breaking words down into letters and syllables because the part of the cortex which controls visual functioning had been damaged. Nonetheless, he could write automatically, even though he had to rack his brain for words and ideas with which to express himself. As he described it:

When I look at a word like golovokruzbeniye [dizziness], I just can't understand it. All the letters – even parts of the word – are as meaningless to me as they would be to a child who'd never seen a primer or an alphabet. But soon something begins to stir in my mind. I look at the first letter g and wait until I remember how to pronounce it. Then I go on to the letter o and pronounce the whole syllable. Then I try to join it to the next syllable. I take a quick look at the next letter, wait a little, then quickly look at the letter o. While I'm looking at that letter the two letters to the left of it escape my vision – that is, I see only the letter o and two of the letters on the left. But the first two or three letters in the word are no longer visible. To put it more exactly, at that point I see only a gray mist in which spots, threads, and little bodies seem to shift and flicker back and forth.

Despite this difficulty, he decided to write a journal, describing what had occurred to him and his struggles to overcome the damage to his brain. He worked on this journal day after day for twenty-five years, struggling with every word and sentence. Sometimes it took him an entire day to write half a page. He first called his journal “The Story of a Terrible Brain Injury” but later changed it to “I'll Fight On.” His diary is now more than three thousand pages long.

I observed this patient for more than thirty years. The book about him is in no way an “imaginary portrait.” Mr. Zassetsky exists. To write a portrait of him, I used portions of his journal to describe what it felt like to have such a wound. But the book also contains digressions in which I explained the psychological structure of the difficulties he was experiencing and how they were caused by the type of lesion he had suffered. So this book is not only a portrait but also an attempt to come closer to understanding some psychological facts through the use of neuropsychology.

There have been many times when I felt that I would very much like to write a third book, or even a short series of such books. I could describe a man with a complete loss of memory and all that happened to his personality as a result of this loss. Or I could write about a patient with a frontal lobe lesion which caused a complete breakdown of his ability to formulate goals and plans and how this had affected him. Until now such attempts have more often been made by writers, such as Alexander Green, the Russian writer, who wrote “Hell Lost and Regained,” a short story describing a patient whose frontal lobes had been wounded. But this is only an “imaginary portrait,” as is the Jorge Borges short story “Funes the Memorious,” in which some of my observations of Sherashevsky are repeated.

To perform more research for a book of this kind would be very difficult for me. One has to find individuals with exceptional qualities – an overdevelopment of some trait or a breakdown of some primary function – which have caused a complete change of personality. Then one has to spend decades following up that “unimagined story,” singling out decisive factors and step by step constructing the whole syndrome. Unfortunately, I do not have such an opportunity.

The only remaining possibility has been to turn to myself and describe “The Life of a Soviet Psychologist in Retrospect,” bearing in mind that the components of such a story are far different from those of preceding books. There is no subject with exceptional abilities – I have none. Nor is there a specific capacity or a specific disaster. But there is the atmosphere of a life, beginning at that unique time which was the start of the Revolution. There is a period of exploration, the meeting with a genius and falling under his influence, and the series of deeds that a scholar could accomplish during a rather long life.

People come and go, but the creative sources of great historical events and the important ideas and deeds remain. That is perhaps the only excuse I had for writing this book.