Red International of Labor Unions

Problems of Strike Strategy

Decisions of the International Conference on Strike Strategy

Held in Strassburg, Germany, January, 1929

 

Strikes in Countries with Divided Trade Union Movements

Revolutionary trade unions in countries with divided trade union movements (France, Czecho-Slovakia, Roumania, Greece, Japan, etc.,) in applying international political and tactical experiences in economic struggles, are faced with a whole series of specific problems, which are especially sharply raised at the time of mass movements. Whereas in such countries as Germany and England, the fight for the leadership of the masses is carried on between the official organs and the opposition, in countries with a divided trade union movement, the fight for influence over the masses is carried on between two organizations.

In such a situation one of the most important tasks before the revolutionary unions is the utilization of each economic conflict to strengthen their position, broadening the base of the revolutionary trade unions by bringing in new members from among the unorganized, at the expense of the reformist trade unions. Everything possible must be done, during, and immediately following mass movements, to liquidate parallel reformist organizations, by transferring all the members, or an overwhelming majority of them, into the ranks of the revolutionary unions (see the resolution of the IV Congress of the Profintern on the first item of the agenda).

In this regard, the experiences gained in Bordeaux during the strike of the longshoremen, where the reformist unions completely disappeared because their members transferred into the Unitarian Union, are worthy of serious study and duplication. Regarding those reformist trade unions, from which we have won over only part of the membership during, or immediately after the strike, measures should be taken to strengthen, politically and organizationally, the influence of the revolutionary opposition within these unions, in order to win over the majority of the membership, thus creating the condition for the liquidation of these reformist trade unions.

On the other hand, in the face of the existence of two parallel, competing unions, it is essential that the revolutionary unions be extremely sensitive in registering the moods of the masses and the stages of the fight against the demagogy of the reformist leaders, who are always ready to simulate struggle for the sake of retaining their influence over the membership. In such countries, it is especially dangerous for the adherents of the Profintern to permit the initiative to slip from their hands. We must not be deceived by the left phrases of the reformist leaders or trust in their ability and desire to actually carry on the struggle against the bourgeoisie. This would lead directly to the destruction of the revolutionary trade union movement.

It is understood, of course, in cases where a, local union affiliated to a reformist center really wages a fight against the employers, that it is the task of the revolutionary union to enter into a united front with this local union, taking precautions, however, against any possible tendencies towards capitulation especially during decisive moments of the strike. We must lead all the workers, those organized in unions, as well as, and especially, the unorganized, thereby demonstrating in practice that only the revolutionary trade unions are consistent defenders of the interests of the toiling masses. Therefore the revolutionary organizations must base themselves on elected strike committees and establish the closest cooperation with them.

Only a correct policy in the leadership of economic struggles can raise the authority of the revolutionary trade unions among the masses, and strengthen them politically and organizationally. Thus can the revolutionary trade unions be converted into organizations embracing the majority of the working class.


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