SINCE its formation, the R. I. L. U. has consistently combatted the treacherous reformistic leadership of the Amsterdam, because it is this leadership that is responsible for the split in the trade union movement of the world. As long ago as November, 1922, the R. I. L. U., at its Second World Congress, expressed its viewpoint on the necessity of trade union unity in a thesis in which the following paragraph appears:
If the workers will not succeed in attacking capitalism by the united front, they will not only suffer new defeats, not only greater misery and slavery will await them, but they will even lose their organizations and remain completely disarmed.
This serves to prove that the slogan of world trade union unity is no mere diabolical plot on the part of the R. I. L. U. or the Communist International, but that this policy and this slogan flow from the fundamental conception of the R. I. L. U. as to the role of the revolutionary trade unions and adherents of the R. I. L. U. in every country.
With the growth of the revolutionary minorities within the trade unions affiliated with Amsterdam, the bureaucracies proved that they were willing even to smash the trade unions rather than allow them to fall into the hands of revolutionary leadership. The splitting of the trade union movement by the reformists has been carried so far in France and Czecho-Slovakia that the trade union movement was cleft in twain in order that the reformists could maintain their positions of leadership. These desperate measures were taken by the social-democratic leadership in order to maintain their position of close alliance with the capitalists that they had maintained thruout the period of the world war. The role of these labor leaders has been correctly stated time and again by the R. I. L. U. as that of the “last bulwark of capitalism.”
The capitalist offensive upon the standard of living and the organizations of the working class beginning in 1920 found its greatest allies in the leaders of Amsterdam, since they sabotaged every effort of the organized workers to defend themselves against this vicious attack. It was precisely owing to the success of this attack by the international capitalist class upon the working class that the R. I. L. U. issued the slogan of the unity of the world trade union movement in order to successfully combat it.
At the Third World Congress of the R. I. L. U., July, 1924, the following appears in a resolution regarding the question of international trade union unity:
Never for a moment stopping its determined fight against all manifestations of reformism within the international labor movement, mercilessly revealing all its treacherous substance, untiringly explaining this to all workers who do not understand yet the role of reformism as a brake to the struggle of the proletariat for emancipation, the Third Congress, in the interests of a united leadership in the struggle of the workers against the economic offensive of capital and fascist reaction, considers it the most pressing task of its activity to develop a widespread campaign among the working masses in favor of the unity of the international labor union movement.
From that time on, the R. I. L. U. has not allowed this question merely to be a question of resolutions, but at the Vienna Congress of the Amsterdam International, when the British delegation led by A. A. Purcell raised the question of admittance of the Russian trade unions into the Amsterdam International, the Central Council of the Russian trade unions telegraphed to Vienna an offer of negotiations to heal the split in the international trade union movement. At the Vienna Congress the usual kind of hypocritical resolution was passed in order to soothe the British delegation. This resolution admitted the possibility of the entry of the Russian trade unions into the Amsterdam International, but had reservations which said that this entry would be “on the basis of the existing statutes of the Amsterdam International” and that “the dignity of the Amsterdam International should be observed.”
At the Sixth All-Russian Trade Union Congress there was present a delegation representing the Council of the British Trade Union Congress. At this congress, these leaders re-affirmed their desire for trade union unity. Negotiations carried on during the congress between the British delegation and the Central Council of the Russian Trade Unions resulted in a resolution being passed by the All-Russian Trade Union Congress calling for the formation of an Anglo-Russian Unity Committee which would work for a closer alliance between the trade unions of Russia and Great Britain and also for the unity of the world trade union movement.
The significance of this step lies in the fact that the British trade unions form the basis of the Amsterdam International and the Russian trade unions form the basis of the R. I. L. U. and as such the traitorous leadership of Amsterdam can only fight against the convocation of a congress for the unifying of the trade union movement at the expense of a split with the British trade unions—in other words, a split with their main support in the European labor movement.
Is unity of the trade union movement possible? The two trade union internationals, the Red International of Labor Unions and the Amsterdam International Federation of Trade Unions are separated by a deep gulf of principle and practise. On the one hand, the Amsterdamers have proven themselves to be agents of capitalism working within the labor movement, defenders of capitalism who stand for unity with the capitalist class. On the other hand, the R. I. L. U. stands for uncompromising warfare against capitalism. Amsterdam has unity with the capitalists to preserve capitalism, by sabotaging every struggle of the working class against capitalism, while the R. I. L. U. works to destroy capitalism.
In face of these fundamental differences, why is it that the R. I. L. U. issues the slogan of trade union unity? The objective of the Communists is to win the masses from the reformists for revolutionary struggle against capitalism and the unity of the trade unions will create a broader field in which the Communists will work for winning the masses to the revolutionary banner. The menace of the Dawes plan, fascism, imperialist war and the capitalist offensive on the workers’ standard of living can only be combatted by a united front of all workers. For these reasons the R. I. L. U. has issued the slogan and taken practical steps towards effecting world trade union unity.
The struggle for unity in the trade union movement flows logically from the Bolshevik attitude towards the trade unions during the entire history of the Bolshevik Party. The Bolsheviks fought to preserve trade union unity not only when they were in the majority but also when they were in the minority in the trade unions. Prior to the November revolution, when the mensheviks were in the majority in the trade unions, the Bolsheviks combatted all splitting tendencies, considering it one of their major tasks if the proletarian revolution was to be successful, to win the majority of the organized workers to the support of their policy. When the Bolsheviks won a majority in the trade unions, they likewise fought against all splits.
The Communist International and the R. I. L. U fought consistently against those misguided Communists who have from time to time raised the slogan of “Leave the trade unions.” The kernel of Lenin’s teaching on Communist work in the trade unions lies precisely in the necessity of preserving unity, fighting all secessionism and dual unionism, and working within the trade unions to win the majority for the revolutionary struggle. Unity of the trade unions is a Bolshevik method of winning the masses.
The passionate earnestness with which Lenin combatted all splitting of the trade unions in his pamphlet, “Left Wing Communism—An Infantile Sickness,” shows the importance given to trade union unity by Lenin. Further, his statement that those Communists who leave the trade unions give aid to the reformist bureaucrats by so doing, adds additional emphasis to Lenin’s view on the necessity of trade union unity. Lozovsky, in his pamphlet, “The Role of the Trade Unions in the Russian Revolution,” states that the revolution is impossible outside of or against the will of the trade unions.
Since its organization the R. I. L. U. has raised the question of trade union unity on an international scale and in various countries has fought the Amsterdamers and their disruption of the trade union movement. An example of his occurred in 1921 when the R. I. L. U. offered as the price of unity of the French trade union movement the liquidation of the revolutionary fractions in the trade unions. This the Amsterdamers rejected, with the result that the trade unions of France were split in two. It is clear, therefore, that to the Communists trade union unity is not only necessary to preserve the standard of living and conditions of work of the working class, but is also a prerequisite for the winning of the masses for the world revolution.
But, it will be objected, must not the Communists impose conditions upon the Amsterdamers in order to prevent Amsterdam swallowing the Communist trade unions in the event of Amsterdam having a majority if unity is effected? It will be said that the R. I. L. U. should insist that the unified trade union international must fight against the Dawes plan, against the capitalist offensive and against imperialist war.
To put up these conditions is tantamount to rendering unity impossible, because the Amsterdamers will utterly refuse to break their alliance with capitalism. Therefore the R. I. L. U. makes only one demand: The convening of a congress representative of all trade union workers, whether belonging to Amsterdam, the R. I. L. U., or to neither, in order to found a united trade union international. The R. I. L. U. wants unity of the working class irrespective of whether Amsterdam has the majority and will lead the new trade union international or not, knowing that unity of the working class will lay the basis for a struggle against capitalism and create a broader field in which to carry on the ideological struggle to win the workers for Communism.
On the contrary, the Amsterdamers impose conditions because they are opposed to unity of the working class and want unity with the capitalist class. For this reason the issuance of the slogan of world trade union unity by the R. I. L. U. precipitated a campaign of villification against the unity proposals. The most virulent campaign was led by the German trade union bureaucrats and the leaders of the German social-democratic party against the R. I. L. U. unity proposals. In the Berlin Vorwarts, the reformists expressed their real opposition to world trade union unity when they demanded: Will this world congress demanded by the R. I. L. U. be formed by proportional representation? Will the new trade union international allow national autonomy for the trade unions? Will the new trade union international be independent of all political parties? Will the new international be used only to better working conditions or for world revolution? And, as a last refuge, they sought to defend their alliance with the capitalists by saying that to break with the capitalists will mean that no more wage agreements could be made with the bosses, and that all co-operation with the Labor Bureau of the League of Nations would be broken.
To this the R. I. L. U. replied, thru Lozovsky in his speech at the Sixth All-Russian Trade Union Congress, that the R. I. L. U. proposed that the labor organizations be represented at the unity congress in proportion to their numbers and the R. I. L. U. would combat any attempt of the Amsterdamers to limit the representation to trade union bureaucrats appointed by the officialdoms. What the R. I. L. U. desired was the election of delegates representing the workers in the shops and factories who really desire trade union unity. On the question of national autonomy, he pointed out that under the guise of national autonomy the Amsterdamers had committed the blackest crimes against the working class, since national autonomy had been utilized to break strikes in every country thru international scabbing. Thus British and French coal was used in 1922 against the coal miners. of the United States on strike, and, vice versa, United States coal had been used against the miners of Great Britain and France to break their strikes. The new international would really be a co-ordinating center to bring international unity into the struggles of the workers against the capitalists.
With an innocent air, these Amsterdamers pretend that “their” trade unions are independent of all political parties, but in those countries in which they are not the backbone of the social-democratic and labor parties and act as the handmaidens of capitalism, they are altogether dependent on the capitalist parties, as in the United States. But what the Communists are advocating is international trade union unity and have already declared that even though they are in the minority at the world congress, they will remain in the international, obey its discipline, and lay their program before the workers and let the working class decide whose program and tactics are right—the R. I. L. U. and the method of the class struggle, or Amsterdam and co-operation with the capitalists at the expense of the workers.
The opposition of the Amsterdamers to the trade unions mobilizing the working class for the abolition of the wage system is expressed in their demand that the trade unions shall be used only to better working conditions and not for the overthrow of capitalism, but under the leadership of the Amsterdamers the trade unions have done neither one nor the other. Not only have these leaders sabotaged the struggles of the workers to preserve their standard of living and working conditions, but they have also prevented the seizure of power by the working class, as, for instance, in Central Europe in the years 1918-19.
That the Amsterdam leaders stoop to the futile argument that to break with the capitalists will mean that no wage agreements can be made with the bosses shows that they are desperately fighting against world trade union unity in order to preserve their unity with the capitalists. They conveniently overlook the vast difference between wage agreements forced on the bosses by the struggles of the workers and the voluntary entry of Amsterdam leaders into capitalist governments to stifle working class revolt, and sabotage of even the most elementary struggles of the working class. They desperately fight against unity since they know that world trade union unity will lay the basis for a fight against capitalism which they will be forced to oppose to defend capitalism, and thus expose themselves to the mass of the organized workers. To preserve their social standing, the alliance with the capitalist class is absolutely necessary for these leaders and they will betray every working class action to preserve it.
At the Scarborough meeting of the British Trades Union Congress the British trade unions definitely placed themselves in line with the Russian trade unions on the question of international trade union unity. Up until that time the British leaders had held the idea that the entry of the Russian unions into the Amsterdam International would secure the unity desired. But the bitter antagonism of the right wing Amsterdam leaders (Jouhaux, Merrheim, Oudegeest, etc.) against having anything to do with the movement for unity or the Russian unions, has disillusioned the British unionists regarding the possibility of securing the co-operation of Amsterdam in securing trade union unity.
Today the British unions support the program of the Russian unions on the unity question: To secure world trade union unity by an all-inclusive international federation of trade unions. This can be achieved thru an international congress of representatives of the workers from the factories, shops, mines and unions irrespective of whether they belong to Amsterdam, the R. I. L. U. or neither of them.
The Anglo-Russian Unity Committee, composed of official representatives of the British and Russian unions is the center of the world movement for unity. The Norwegian Federation of Labor has gone on record for affiliation to the Anglo-Russian Unity Committee.
The reactionary trade union officials denounce this movement for unity, the capitalists and their press are bitterly attacking it. The agents of the bosses in the trade union movement are mobilized to maintain the divisions in the ranks of the trade unions to prevent a united resistence of the workers against the attacks of capital. Those who stand for unity are for the interests of the workers. Those who oppose unity are aiding the capitalists.
Next: Chapter V. The Steps Toward World Trade Union Unity