Peng Shuzi

The Struggle Within the CCP and China’s Situation

Written: 1968
Source: International Information Bulletin, Volume 1968 No. 1. Published as a fraternal courtesy to the United Secretariat of the Fourth International by the (US) Socialist Workers Party
HTML Markup/Transcription/Proofing: Andrew Pollack
Public Domain: Peng Shuzi Internet Archive 2005. This work is completely free to copy and distribute. Please cite the Marxists Internet’s Peng Shuzi Internet Archive if the contents herein are reproduced.

(This is part of the series on the Chinese Cultural Revolution authorized by the IEC at its Spring 1967 meeting)
(The following text is a resolution passed on Feb. 28, 1967, at a plenary session of the provisional National Committee of the Revolutionary Communist Party of China.)


The underlying basis of Mao Tse-tung’s thought on China’s socialist construction is that despite the poverty, backwardness and the isolation of the country, spiritual strength—leader’s appeal, revolutionary agitation and examples—exertion of physical strains, and human wave tactics will make the country leap into the realm of the big powers, which will thus exert a dominating influence on the world situation. Mao’s thought reflects the psychological state of the recklessness of building socialism in a single backward country after the leadership has triumphed in the revolution. This idea was even further strengthened when the Soviet Union withdrew her experts and cancelled all aid, this plunging China into a greater state of isolation.

Liu Shao-chi and other leaders within the CCP, however, after having followed Mao’s line in the past, have tried to introduce some modifications in Mao’s line after their illusions were shattered by the actual reality of some of Mao’s policies. On the question of building socialism, they tried, to a certain extent, to take into account the objective laws in the economy, give up “the great empty talk”, advance the welfare of the masses, put more emphasis on science and technology, and improve the relationship between China and other countries. This of course does not counter the idea of building socialism in a single country, but merely expresses the idea that it must be done in a more steady and cautious way.

The movement of the Cultural Revolution essentially reflects a “life and death” struggle between two major tendencies within the CCP which are represented by Mao Tse-tung and Liu Shao-chi respectively. From 1952 to 1966 there have existed inside the CCP some differences of opinion over some of the major questions. Although the differences, under the bureaucratic party system, were not able to take the form of open debate, those who were dissatisfied with Mao’s policies, gathered around Liu Shao-chi eventually leaving Mao virtually isolated within the party.

The main objections to Mao’s policies are as follows:

1. On the collectivisation of agriculture—the opposition has taken issue with Mao over the intensiveness of agricultural collectivization.

2. On the policy of the Three Red Banners—the opposition has objected to the Great Leap Forward, to the tempering of steel on an all-people basis, to the practice of Satellite Field and to the People’s Communes movement.

3. On the policy of literature and art—the opposition opposes the extremely tight control on the intellectuals, the party jargon, and the modern operas taking the place of traditional operas.

4. On the cult of the personality—the opposition while maintaining the formula of “Marxism-Leninism, and Mao Tse-tung’s thought,” nevertheless, objects to the intensification of the cult of Mao.

Among all these differences, the most serious is over the policy of the Three Red Banners. The Great Leap Forward movement embodying Mao’s recklessness, fantasies and childishness—particularly the tempering of steel on an all-people’s basis and the practice of Satellite Fields—and the policy of the people’s communes have virtually ruined China’s economy. These policies have not only failed in making the country catch up with Britain within “15 years,” but have on the contrary, plunged the whole economic construction of the country into a chaotic situation and set it back several years. As a result of this reckless economic policy, China suffered a severe famine which lasted for a period of three years.

All the above decisions were not fully deliberated on by the leadership of the CCP. Mao Tse-tung was the only person responsible for making the above policy decisions—decisions of impulse. Mao’s personal dictatorship has developed to such an extent that he frequently ignores the Central Committee and even the Politbureau of the CCP. The Politbureau and Central Committee then has to accept Mao’s decisions after the fact and bear the responsibility for all the disastrous consequences brought about by what Mao has decided.

During the Stalin era, the personal dictatorship was tolerated, but today after de-Stalinization, many leaders of the CCP, who have devoted themselves to the Chinese revolution find it difficult to bear it. The situation compelled Teng Hsiao-ping, the party’s General Secretary, and Liu Shao-chi, President of the People’s Republic, as well as a majority of other leaders such as Peng Chen, Lu Ting-yi, Chou Tang, Lo Jui-ching, etc., to group themselves together in order to resist Mao’s fantasies and to lessen his outlandish policies detrimental to the bureaucracy. That Mao Tse-tung was forced to step down from the Presidency of the Republic in Dec. 1958, was symbolic, indicating that Liu-Teng and Co. had planned to curtail Mao’s overgrown power. The further development of the curtailment resulted in the weakening of Mao’s leading role in the party. The way Mao has complained about certain people having treated him like a deceased parent vividly describes this situation.

From the viewpoint of the Liu-Teng faction as opposed to Mao, it is not a pure struggle for personal power. Objectively this faction reflects the widespread dissatisfaction that has existed in the CCP for some time, In other words, the Liu faction is an echo within the CCP of the deep contradictions between the bureaucracy and the masses. That is not to say, however, that the Liu-Teng faction is really struggling for the interests of the broad masses, but only, that the Liu-Teng faction is prudent enough to realise the approaching explosion of the contradictions in society as a whole. In order to maintain the bureaucracy, they prefer reforms with the aim of rectifying the blunders that could have been avoided in the first place, even under the bureaucratic regime, so as to alleviate the contradictions that exist between the bureaucracy and the masses. This has been a common trait of all reformists in history.

The control of the whole party and most of the state apparatuses was achieved by the Liu-Teng faction peacefully and gradually. At the time when they were in power, they broke up a great number of the people’s communes into production teams, slackened the control on free markets and small private holdings, placed agriculture as the foundation of economic construction, slowed down the speed of economic development, loosened the grip on the intellectuals, and lessened the tense relationship between China and the USSR, etc. As a result, the economic condition which had been deteriorating, gradually began to recover.

Peking, under the Mayor Peng Chen, became an anti-Maoist center; the propaganda department and the Ministry of Culture which controlled the nation-wide propaganda and cultural work, also stood on the side of the Liu-Teng faction, giving the intellectuals an opportunity to level critical attacks against Mao Tse-tung’s blunders. “Evening Chats at Yenshan” and Notes from the Three Family Village” are the most outstanding examples.

In the face of weakening power and the critical attacks, Mao found it difficult to sway the realm in Peking, therefore, he went to Shanghai where he planned his counter-attack, thus opening the curtain to the most unrelenting party struggle.


In comparison with Mao and Co., the opposition controlled the party and Youth League apparatuses, the trade unions and the majority of the Central Committee, the Standing Committee and the Politbureau, all sided with the opposition. Along with the Central Committee and local party organizations, the opposition also controlled most of the state apparatuses, thus leaving Mao Tse-tung in a very isolated position. Therefore, Mao could not hope to change the whole situation through the normal procedures. The only way out for him was to depend on the armed forces of Lin Piao attempting to regain his power.

Mao first launched his attack on “The Three Family Village” in the “Liberation Army Daily” and the “Shanghai Wenhui Bao”, and then, he returned to Peking in order to remove Peng Chen with the support of Lin Piao’s armed forces. With Lin’s backing, Mao also ousted a number of the Central Committee members, and then, convened the 11th plenary session of the Central Committee. He reshuffled the Politbureau and the Standing Committee to pave the way for reestablishing his power in the Central Committee. Despite these drastic measures, Mao was still unable to control the whole party, the Youth League organizations or the state apparatus.

After Mao had “seized power” in Peking, he hesitated to continue taking power with only military forces for fear that if he depended too much on Lin’s army, he would lose some of his own personal power to Lin Piao. Mao as well, hoped he could regain his power under the cloak of the mass movement. At the same time, Mao wanted to take this opportunity to breed a score of new bureaucrats to take the place of the old ones.

Therefore, Mao agitated through the medium of propaganda for the youngsters to form the Red Guards. Taking advantage of his personal prestige and the rebellious impulse of the young people, Mao urged the Red Guards to launch struggles against the opposition elements.

Although the Red Guard movement is a kind of mass movement--in which a majority of participants are students -- the movement was organized in a hurry and is essentially a loyalist movement, the central task of which is to protect Mao’s personal power and the absolute dominating position of his thought. The Red Guard movement is in the main led by Mao’s personal henchman, Chen Po-ta, and his wife, Chiang Ching. The Cultural Revolution Group under the Central Committee is in fact the temporary headquarters of the Maoists. The childish programs which are aimed at reforming the traditional customs and are carried out by the burgeoning Red Guards have only created an atmosphere of rebellion for the purpose of setting the stage for the purge of the Liu-Teng faction and the many other dissidents. In practice, the Red Guards have worked hand in hand with Lin Piao’s army in an effort to overthrow the reformists who occupy many different positions in the local governments as well as all the other opposition elements who are in positions of authority.

In short, Mao’s purpose is to reestablish his personal dictatorship and to cut short any reform measures. To achieve this, he has deliberately intensified the propaganda of his own personality cult, pushing it to the utmost extreme, and he has desperately made his own thought the only orthodoxy of China’s 700 million people. Mao’s cult of personality has even gone beyond that of Stalin’s during the period of the thirties and forties. Mao Tse-tung is firmly holding on to the most conservative fortress of Stalinism in spite of the fact that he dresses himself up in the most attractive and glittering terms, such as, “revolution”, “anti-revisionism,” “mass movement,” “the Paris Commune”, “Great democracy”, etc. Mao is fighting against the world-wide currents of de-Stalinization in a desperate effort to maintain the gone-by “glory” which was bestowed upon Stalin. From this point of view, Mao’s Cultural Revolution, Red Guard movement, power-seizing movement, etc., are reactionary in character.


The major short-comings of the Liu-Teng faction are:

1. Although Liu, Teng and their followers are dissatisfied with Mao’s policies, they are still not actually placing themselves outside of the category of Mao’s thought. Since they have been showing respect for Mao’s supreme position, they remain, in effect, Mao’s adorers and his stewards, and thus, they are more bound to fail in vying for leadership in opposition to Mao.

2. The Liu-Teng faction has never launched any open attack on Mao’s erroneous policies either within or outside the party, nor has it put forth any clear or comprehensive political program in opposition to Mao. In the course of the struggle, therefore, they are forced “to oppose red banners with red banners.” As a result, they are not in a position to show their true political colors in order to win over the masses and wage an effective struggle for power.

3. The Liu-Teng faction does not trust the masses, and they do not depend upon them. They merely carry on the struggle in the uppermost levels of both the party and Youth League. Therefore, when they encounter the attacks and are humiliated by the Maoists, they cannot gain the dynamic support of the masses.

4. The Liu-Teng faction lacks in revolutionary temperament, gratifying themselves by remaining within the bounds of the traditional ways and legal procedures (possibly hoping to avoid a civil war). When Mao Tse-tung employs extra-legal methods of struggle against them, they are caught in a bind. In addition, Mao’s prestige is so great that they could not or dare not unite themselves in open opposition to Mao using the state apparatus. Consequently, they have no alternative but to submit to the attacks.

The methods used by Mao Tse-tung to struggle against the opposition faction are to knit, by hook and by crook, a tissue of crimes and a web of lies which he uses to discredit and humiliate his opponents. There is no chance for the opposition to speak out and defend themselves. Whosoever opposes Mao is dubbed as a “revisionist” and “taking the capitalist road”. The Liu-Teng faction who have worked with Mao for a number of years and who have themselves used these very same methods, understand very well what these methods really mean. While Mao launches the Cultural Revolution, Liu-Teng organize “work-teams”; while Mao organizes his Red Guards, they also organize their own Red Guards and even workers’ Red Guard groups; while Mao stages the mass touring, they also follow suit; while Mao calls for the great alliance, they too appeal for great unity; while Mao decides to carry out the seizure of power, they too pursue the same line except that they occasionally are put on the defensive by the anti-seizing of power. They seem to be under the shadow of Mao, the Almighty. There is no doubt, however, that clashes between the Red Guards supporting Mao and those supporting Liu-Teng, and clashes between the workers in favor of the reformists and the students “loyal” to Mao have been taking place everywhere.

All the bureaucrats whose experience of the process of decomposition and unity, re-decomposition and re-unity, a process which has still not reached a decisive stage, are forced to take a stand on one side or the other.

Many of the elder generation of the CCP, such as Chu Teh, have teen purged due to their dissatisfaction over the purge of their fellow comrades.

The new leader Tao Chu who has in these turmoils been promoted from the Secretary of the Central-south Bureau to the number four position in the Politbureau, the position of the propaganda chief and to the Cultural Revolution group, was himself recently purged, though at first, he seemed to be occupying a buffer position between the Maoist faction and the Liu-Teng faction.

The members of the Central Committee’s Cultural Revolution group as well as the members of the People’s Liberation Army’s Cultural Revolution group, are constantly changing. New clashes are developing between Chiang Ching and the new leaders, causing new cleavages within the Mao-Lin faction. It is evident that the turmoil is still developing. The question of who will actually triumph is not yet known, and there is still a rather long way to go before either side will be able to claim a decisive victory.

As for the future development of the situation, we can venture to make the following assessment:

In spite of the fact that the Mao-Lin faction has gained the upper hand in the current round of struggles, putting under house arrest many of the opposition’s most important leaders, seizing power in some of the larger cities and provinces, the present situation indicates that the pro-Liu-Teng elements are spreading all over the country, are in control of several big administrative districts (in area they are much bigger than those controlled by the Mao-Lin faction) and have the support of a portion of the armed forces. To purge and outcast these tremendous forces of opposition, to pull them down from power, remains, indeed, a very difficult task for Mao and his faction.

The Red Guards and the Rebel Organizations on which Mao depends to seize power consist of well-nigh undisciplined mobs, lacking in experience and training. If we say that the Red Guards showed their childish impulse of rebellion in the initial stages, they cannot help but quarrel over bureaucratic privileges when they undertake the task of real power. New clashes which are constantly taking place, have forced Mao to attack what is termed as “individualism”, “gangsterism”, “cliquism”, etc., in an effort to avoid the contradictions within his own faction. It is very dubious whether the Red Guard organizations will be able to maintain the power after taking it, and advance economic production when the opposition has been crushed.

Whether Mao will be able to triumph over the opposition or not, he, nevertheless, seems to have shattered in a very short time the well disciplined and unified party which has gone through a variety of stages in its forty year history.

The purging and the ousting by Mao of the most capable and experienced comrades who emerged from the generations of the twenties and forties, amounts to the destruction of the backbone of the CCP, and thus, the lowering of the CCP into its grave. It is certain that from now on there will be no stable or solid foundation for bureaucratic rule. Stalin’s ruthless rule over Russia was brought to light after he was dead, but Mao’s bureaucratic rule has shown itself to be disintegrating while he is still alive. This obviously indicates that history is accelerating its steps towards socialist democracy. Socialist democratization is a world-wide trend which a single Mao Tse-tung will never be able to counter.

The only real way the knot of the Chinese situation can be untied is by an upheaval of the masses. Due to all of the pro-Liu-Teng ruling apparatuses being under fire while at the same time the new pro-Mao apparatuses are still in the process of being set up, the whole political shackle has been loosened, even to the point that there exists a state of semi-anarchy in some places. Appeals to the masses to struggle against any of the top bureaucrats other than Mao himself and other selected leaders will objectively pave the way for the criticism of the CCP by the masses by making use of the “decreed” democracy.

These people in power in the local governments always appeal to workers and peasants to defend them when they are being attacked by the Red Guards. Therefore, the workers and the peasants will have the opportunity to stand up and take action. Those who were forced to transfer to the countryside in the past are returning in large numbers to the cities. Those who were put into the labor camps are participating in the struggles. The workers have emerged in the struggle demanding a change in the unreasonable living standards and working conditions set by the regime, and are asking for economic benefits, and have gone on strikes which have paralysed the country’s economic and social life as a whole. The big strikes in Shanghai last January were such dramatic events. In the countryside, the members of the people’s communes have taken action and have divided among themselves the accumulating funds and stocks of foodstuffs. In the initial stages, the worker-peasant movements always appear to be tinted by economic demands.

The people in power adopted an attitude of non-responsibility towards the mass movement while Mao and his followers accuse the mass movement of being a counter-attack in the form of “economism” instigated by the persons in power. Mao and his supporters are not prepared to yield to the economic demands of the masses. On the contrary, the Maoists ask them to give up what they have already gained in the struggle. The pro-Maoist elements regard such economic demands as “capitalist tendencies”, and call for the workers to show their “devotion”, and to eliminate the “selfishness” that obsesses their minds. Mao repeatedly indicates that the living conditions of the workers and the peasants cannot be improved, which makes clear that the Maoist line runs counter to the interests of the working masses. This line will undoubtedly be cast away by the masses.

It is a matter of fact that the current mass movement is only the first step of intervention by the masses in the political events. The masses still lack a clear orientation and a correct leadership, however. Under these circumstances, the mass movement is not yet in a position to play a decisive role in the present situation. Therefore, the situation may in the near future follow the line of several possible alternatives mentioned below:

1. During the process of Mao’s nationwide seizure of power, some large administrative districts or provinces under the influence of the Liu-Teng faction may take an independent position of defying Mao, and resist the Maoist seizures of power, thus creating a local or regional civil war (in fact, there has already existed a local civil war in some places).

2. The opposing forces now being attacked in the border areas, such as Siankiang, Tibet, etc., may retreat to mountainous areas in armed groups in preparation for guerilla war. Mao’s past experience of launching guerillas may be used to attack Mao himself. The August 1st Army event has indicated this tendency. The guerillas may have gotten the support of the Soviet Union, and formed an irresistible force.

3. In the process of the mass movement, a new tendency that could cast off the reformist leadership now opposing Mao, will be just as likely to develop as the revolutionary ideas that developed during the Hundred Flowers Blossom movement, thus leading to a political revolution.


In the struggles inside the CCP, we are against the triumph of the Mao-Lin faction, because their victory will block all reformist roads, revive adventurism, and intensify the frenzied cult of the personality and personal dictatorship. On the international level, Mao’s victory will strengthen the Stalinist current and ruin the possibility of a socialist united front against imperialism, which will objectively benefit the warlike policy of imperialism.

While we should severely criticize the un-thorough nature of Liu-Teng’s reformism, some of their reform measures such as giving up the priority of developing heavy industries, doing away with the Great Leap Forward, de-centralizing the people’s communes, the maintaining of some private plots, loosening the grip on the free markets to a certain extent, liberalizing the atmosphere for the intellectuals by advocating that the workers in the cultural and art fields take their own initiative, opposing Mao’s cult of personality, and vindicating those purged in the Peng Teh-huai events, etc. Undoubtedly these reforms reflect the demands and dissatisfaction of the broad masses, and are better than the diehard policies of Mao Tse-tung, and will benefit China’s socialist development. However, these reformist measures remain confined in the category of Stalinism, and are comparable to what has been done, or is being done in the Soviet Union and in some East European countries. We should put before the masses all the tantalizing reform measures, so that we are able to push the masses forward onto the road of true Marxism-Leninism.

Nevertheless, even if the struggles of the masses against the Mao-Lin faction are initiated and led by the reformists in the COP, our attitude towards these struggles should be: while maintaining our own independent policy, we shall lose no chance to stand on their side, giving them our support in the struggles against the common enemy. Only by so doing, will we be able to push the struggles to a stage of wider and more thorough development, providing the masses themselves with an opportunity of advancing forward and leaving behind the reformists who may, by then, have desperately set limits to the revolutionary activities of the masses.

Furthermore then, as for our general attitude towards the struggle within the CCP against the Mao-Lin faction, we should give the opposition our critical support, because, what the opposition of the CCP has been doing reflects the progressive demands of the masses. We must admit that the triumph of the Mao-Lin faction will inevitably bring to China a worse situation than has ever existed.

On the one hand, we will direct our attack together with the opposition of the CCP on the most conservative layer of the bureaucracy so as to create favorable conditions for the political revolution in which the whole conglomeration of bureaucrats will be buried. In actual class struggle, on the other hand, we will certainly be able to win over the revolutionaries to our side through our genuine Marxist program, thus further strengthening our movement in wiping out the bureaucracy and building democratic socialism in China.

Class struggle is a merciless reality. A genuine revolutionary is in no case allowed to sit on the fence in the class struggle.

As we have mentioned before, we should always be vigilant against the compromising nature of the reformists of the CCP and against their opportunist ideology impregnated with Stalinism. In actual struggles, we should not hesitate to expose the opportunism of the opposition of CCP while we stand side by side with them to fight the most decadent stratum of the bureaucracy. We advance with the reformists in launching attacks on the Mao-Lin faction, but we should draw a definite and clear line of demarcation between our position and that of the reformists. The class consciousness of the masses is developed from stage to stage until the masses really understand that the only way to build a democratic socialist society in China is to overthrow the bureaucracy—a fact which is proved to the utmost by the past 17 years’ experience—which has become a stumbling block to the harmonious development of China’s socialism.

That is the real meaning of our critical support to be given to the opposition in the CCP.

In order to advance the movement towards democratic socialism and towards the orientation of organizing the broad masses, we put forth the following basic demands:

1. Publish immediately all conditions and information concerning the struggles, and the differences of opinions in CCP, so that the masses, nationwide, will understand what has happened and can judge what is right and wrong.

2. Give freedom to the opposition in the CCP to voice their opinions and to defend themselves: at the same time, give freedom to all revolutionary workers and peasants, intellectuals, and revolutionary parties to speak out and criticize the opinions of others.

3. Stop immediately the forced self-humiliation and secret trials of dissidents.

4. Grant those who support the cause of the proletarian revolution and socialism freedom to think, to speak, to write, to publish, to associate, to demonstrate, to strike, to bear arms, to oppose the cult of personality and personal dictatorship.

On the above basis, a nationwide debate among the masses on the future policy should be held.

The dictatorship of the proletariat is practiced over all class enemies such as the imperialists, the capitalists, the landlords, and the rich peasants. It should, however, provide ample freedom for workers, peasants, and revolutionary intellectuals. Capitalist democracy is only for the few—it is a false democracy. Proletarian democracy is for the majority—it is a real democracy. The democracy of the proletariat should be much broader and more thorough. Unfortunately, the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet Union has proceeded along the bureaucratic road ever since Stalin betrayed Lenin and persecuted Leon Trotsky. From that time, the countries of the proletarian dictatorship the world over, have followed in the mould of Stalinism, with a bureaucratic system. Due to the ruthless rule of the bureaucratic hierarchy, a great number of people who fought for the cause of revolution have lost their confidence in Marxism-Leninism and socialism. Those who have lost faith in Marxism-Leninism will inevitably bow to capitalist democracy. As a result, the development of the true socialist democracy will be hampered and objectively will pave the way for the consolidation of Stalinism. This is an historical tragedy. Under these circumstances, we should uphold high the banners of true Marxism-Leninism and proletarian democracy so as to push forward all revolutionary forces toward democratic socialism.

We believe that in the CCP and in the Youth League there are a great number of members who cherish hopes of reforming society and possess revolutionary enthusiasm. Although they are growing up in Mao’s era, they have opportunity to approach Marxism-Leninism. In their daily life and social struggles, they are developing independent thinking, trying to find the correct road for China’s socialist construction. We sincerely hope that they will unite themselves inside their party or outside of it to form an independent nucleus that will eventually lead to the formation of a new leadership which will in turn lead to the rational development of socialism in China. We wish to establish a comrade-like relationship with those revolutionaries or revolutionary organizations in an effort to work out the correct line for constructing socialism in China and struggling for socialist democracy.

In order to deal with the current situation, our basic proposals are the following:

1. To maintain the state ownership of property and all achievements so far gained; destroy all the plots of the imperialists, the capitalists, the landlords and the rich peasants in their attempt to restore the overthrown private ownership of property and capitalism.

2. To let proletarian democracy prevail. The workers, peasants, and revolutionary intellectuals should be granted the freedom of setting up political parties, of printing, putting forth manifestos, publishing books, newspapers and magazines, of organizing the masses, staging demonstrations and strikes, and of participating in elections.

3. To abolish the right of all party committee members to control the state apparatus, educational institutions and social organizations.

4. To let the workers, the peasants, experts, scientists, experimental workers, etc., form themselves into a national economic construction committee to make an overall plan for economic development in China’s socialist construction.

5. To observe the principle of having the peasants’ agreement in carrying out agricultural collectivization and communization. The state should help the peasants advance toward collectivization with mechanical and scientific technology, and consolidate the collectivization by using the influence of its economic capabilities. To let the peasants have the right to join or to withdraw from the commune.

6. All factories and production organizations in the countryside should be run by committees democratically elected by the workers and peasants themselves. On this solid principle, production can be supervised and supplies smoothly delivered.

7. On the basis of proletarian democracy, elect worker-peasant-soldier committees, at different levels, as the countrywide and local apparatus of authority. Different committees should be by-elected once a year (the duration of office for a committee member should not last for more than 3 years). The voters reserve the right to dismiss those elected to offices.

8. To abolish all the privileges of the bureaucrats. Their remunerations should not exceed those of the ordinary working man.

9. To oppose the opportunist principles of Bandung, and to give selfless aid to the revolutionary struggles of the workers and the peasants in other countries so as to advance the world revolution.

10. To establish a united anti-imperialist front among all workers’ states, so that an effective struggle against the imperialists and their aggressive war will be waged and true peace in the world will be achieved.

We firmly believe that only the forces of socialist democracy both in the economic and political fields will put an end to the ruthless, barbarian and dictatorial rule and that democratic socialism is necessary in order to correctly orientate the construction of socialism in China into a harmonious and reasoned direction, to improve the living conditions of the people, to provide an outlet for the creativeness and enthusiasm of the people, to regain confidence in socialism, and to exert once again China’s revolutionary influence on the oppressed and the exploited people all over the world as well as upon the future development of all the workers’ states. All these positive factors will eventually help advance China’s socialist construction, shattering China’s backward state, and the building of a harmonious alliance of world socialism.


Back to Peng Shuzi Archive
Back to Marxist Writers Archive