THE London Corresponding Society having determined to call a General Meeting of its Members, and other Friends, to Parliamentary Reform; on the 31st of July last; a requisition was accordingly prepared, which after having undergone a legal investigation, was regularly advertised in the Courier of the 22d and Sunday Review of the 23d past; and posting bills were distributed, and the preparations for holding the same went on regulary, when on the Saturday preceding the meeting, an advertisement appeared from the magistrates of Bow-street, stating that the meeting would be illegal, and calling on all constables, &c, to attend the same. The Executive Committee met in the evening, and immediately deputed Citizen SAMUEL WEBBE, one of their members, with a person who signed the requisition, to the magistrates of Bowe-street, with the following letter:

Committee Room, July 29, 1797

GENTLEMEN

The Executive Committee of the London Corresponding Society, in consequence of an advertisement from the Public Office, Bowe-street, has deputed S. WEBBE to learn wherein the requisition of the said Society, for calling a general meeting on the 31st, is illegal. If the magistrate or magistrates 4 will point out wherein the illegality consists, the London Corresponding Society will pledge itself not to touch on any such points.

Signed by order of the Committee

ALEX. GALLOWAY, President,
RICHD. BARROW,
JAMES POWELL,
SAML. WEBBE,
THOS. EVANS, Secretary.

The deputation was immediately introduced to Mr. FORD, the sitting magistrate, who received them with great civility; he informed the “that there had been a meeting of the magistrates, at which he was present; that they had agreed that no meeting under the requisition advertised could be legal; but did not feel themselves at all bound to explain wherein it was not. The Deputation repreresented that they did not presume they were so bound, but asked the information only as a matter of courtesy. The magistrates, however, did not think proper to comply with the request, but observed that they (the magistrates) and the society were at issue, and on the day of the meeting it would be seen whether or no it was legal.”

The Committee being convinced of the legality of their requisition, did not feel themselves justified in postponing the meeting. They, in consequence, ordered the following answer to the Bowe-street advertisement to be immediately printed and posted in all parts of the town.

LONDON CORRESPONDING SOCIETY

THIS Committee, having read an advertisement, inserted in the Public Newspapers by the Magistrates of the Public Office, Bowe-street; but being convinced that the original requisition of the housholders, Members of the London Corresponding Society, calling the Meeting, IS STRICTLY CONFORMABLE TO LAW, AND TO ALL THE PROVISIONS of the ACT, 36 GEORGE III. The said Meeting of this Society and others, Friends of Reform, will take place as advertised, on Monday, the 31st of July, in a field, near the VETERINARY COLLEGE, ST PANCRAS.

Signed in name and by order of the Executive Committee of the London Corresponding Society,

ALEX. GALLOWAY, President,
THOS. EVANS Secretary.

July 29th, 1796

The extreme length of the Address to the Nation, and the variety of subjects it embraced, induced the Committee rather to refer it to the Society in their Divisions, than to offer it to a Public Meeting.

The Committee met early on Monday morning, at a house in Sommers Town, arranged the business, and determined to begin the proceedings exactly at the time appointed, though surrounded by magistrates and soldiers. About twenty minutes before two, word was brought that the magistrates and soldiers were in the field, the Committee immediately proceeded to the field, and ascended the tribunes. Citizens Ferguson, Galloway, Webbe, and Stuckey, were in the first tribune; Maxwell, Baxter, Barrow, and Evans, (Secretary to the Society) in the second; Hodgson, B.Binns, and Rhynd, in the third. Citizen Powell, a member of the Executive Committee, with six persons to assist him, were placed at the feet of the tribunes, to take minutes of all that passed. Each tribune was immediately surrounded by an immense body of constables. Sir William Addington, Mr. Flood, &c., on horseback, came and remained within a few feet of the first; Messrs. Colquhoun, Williams, &c. on foot, at the second; Messrs. Conant, &c. also on foot at the third. There were, according to the best authority, upwards of 2000 constables, and as many soldiers in and about the field, and betwixt 6 and 8000 more within a short distance of the spot.

Exactly at two o'clock, the watches having been previously set alike, a white handkerchief being raised at the first tribune, which was immediately answered from the other two, the business commenced. Citizen Galloway opened the proceedings at the first tribune (Citz. Ferguson having previously asked Sir Wm. Addington, whether the proclamation had been read, or whether he had been interrupted? to both which questions he answered No. The above questions were repeated, and the same answer received several times during the proceedings.) he began reading the requisition, pursuant to which the meeting was convened, which being concluded, Captain Ferguson said to Sir Wm. Addington, “Have you any obection to that?”

Sir Wm. Addington “No”

Galloway “Is there anything illegal or improper contained in it?”

Sir Wm. Addington “NO”

He then proceeded to read the advertisement from the Public Office, Bow-street, stated the proceedings of the Committee on that head, read the letter sent to the magistrates, and said “that no specific answer had been received.” He observed, 6 that he could not perceive in what respect the requisition of the society was informal, or how the meeting could be deemed illegal; but that was a question which he hoped and trusted at least that the Bow-street magistrates would be compelled to proved. He said, “the executive Committee, convinced of the legality of the meeting, could not feel themselves justified in postponing it, in consequence of the advertisement from Bow-street; that they therefore should proceed to the business of the day. To effect which they recommended Citizen Thomas Stuckey, as a man on whose courage, firmness, and impartiality, they could rely with the utmost pleasure and satisfaction, to be Chairman for the meeting.” He then put the motion, which was carried unanimously. Citizen Ferguson again repeated the question, whether the proclamation had been read, or whether it had been interrupted? and again received for answer, “No.” Citizen Stuckey returning thanks to the meeting, said “that from his earliest infancy he had always been impressed with the true principles of Liberty, and that his conduct had never been derogatory to the character of a man, and a member of the London Corresponding Society. He said that the Executive Committee had determined to consine the business of the day to the to the Petition and Remonstance to the King, and some resolutions on the state of public affairs. That the Address to the Nation being extremely long, and containing a vast number of points, they had determined to refer it to the divisions when it would be printed.”

Citizen Webbe then began to read the Petition and Remonstrance; and when he had got through abount one third, a buzzing noise was heard from the farther part of the field.

Citizen Ferguson, addressing himself to Sir Wm. Addison, asked, if the proclamation had been read? To which he answered “I do not know, that is your business, not mine.“ Citizen Ferguson then asked the persons, surrounding the tribune, whether any of them knew, if the Proclamation had been read? Several persons called out, it had not. One person said “It had not been read in that part of the field, and we are not therefore bound by law to disperse.” Ferguson replied, “We must not trust to that; there can be no use in thousands of good citizens being butchered.” Several minutes lapsed in the uncertainty. A citizen who had been dispatched to Hodgson's tribune, returned, with the account that it had been read; upon which Ferguson again addressed the people, “Friends and fellow-citizens, the proclamation has, I understand, been read. I conjure you to disperse, and to return peaceably and orderly to your respective homes.”

Sir Wm. Addington expressed his approbation, and cried, “that's right sir! that's right!”

Citizen Ferguson. “It now remains to be proved whether the magistrates of Bow-street are to be the interpreters of the laws of England.”

Sir Wm. Addington. “Take that fellow into custody.”

Citizen Ferguson was immediately descending from the tribune, when he was seized by the legs, and received a violent blow in the eye with a constable's staff. So eager were they to seize their prize, that Townsend was tumbled into a ditch by his brother thief-takers in the scuffle. Citizen Galloway was taken at the same time. Citizen Stuckey, fearing some imprudent zeal on the part of the surrounding multitude, immediately said, “I conjure you, citizens, to depart peacably and quietly, commit no outrage, Citizen Ferguson is a man that can defend himself; this business will come before a court of law.” He was immediately ordered into custody.

Citizen Webbe, in descending from the tribune, was also laid hold of; but the constable not appearing to know positively whether he had received charge of him, the citizens withdrew him out of his hand. Citizen Webbe apprehending however, it might be deemed a rescue, insisted on returning to the constable; when on asking him if he had received charge of him, he replied, he did not know, but if he pleased would conduct him to the magistrate to learn. Citizen Webbe desiring he would, he immediately conducted him to Sir Wm. Addington, to whom Citizen Webbe said, “have you given charge of me, sir?” and received for answer “No.”

At the second tribune Citizen Barrow read the proceedings; while he was reading them one of the magistrates made minutes, which being observed by Citizen Evans, secretary to the Society, he requested that the surrounding auditors would express their approbation by raising their hands, instead of clapping, that the magistrate might hear whatever passed; and that silent mode of expressing applause was readily adopted. When the address was nearly concluded, Mr. Williams, one of the magistrates, said to Citizen Barrow, “I order you into custody, sir” upon which he immediately surrendered himself. At this period it was reported that the proclamation ahd been read at one of the other tribunes, when the magistrates sent an officer, and the citizens on the second tribune deputed a member to the first, to know whether the proclamation had been read; who both returned with an answer, that it had not been read. A doubt still remaining in the minds of the citizens on 8 this tribune, and a conversation, between them and the magistrates, following in consequence, Mr. Williams said, “to put an end to this dispute, I will read the proclamation;” which he accordingly did, it being then twenty-five minutes past two o'clock. The citizens on the tribune requested the assembly to disperse immediately, and retire peaceably to their own habitations. Citizen Maxwell assured the surrounding multitude, that as he conceived the meeting to beperfectly legal, it would be brought before a British jury, to determine whether the magistrates had not exceeded their authority.

Citizen Hodgson opened the business, at the third tribune, by reading the requisition; and after mentioning the contradictory advertisment which had appeared iun the name of the Public Office, in Bow-street, he read the letter sent by the Executinve Committee to the magistrates of the office, and related that it had been sent by a deputation, who were treated with much politeness by the magistrates, but failed of obtaining any explanation, in what particular the requisition was not conformable to the laws. He concluded by expressing his confidence, that every person present must be perfectly satisfied of the legality of the meeting.

After the Chairman was appointed, Citizen Hodgson, proceeded to explain the care which the Executive Committee had taken to secure the legality of the business, as well as of the meeting, and that for this purpose they had, since the reading in the general committee, reconsidered the whole, and in consequence had determined that the Address to the Nation, from its length, and the extreme importance of the points to which it applied, could not with propriety be submitted to so large an assembly. He assured them, however, that it was by no means abandoned, but would be referred to the divisions. That the busines of the day would therefore be confined to the Remonstrance to the King and some resolutions: but, continued he, I cannot pass by the intended Address to the Nation, without endeavouring to give you some idea of its contents. It contains, in my opinion, a compleat refutation, on the strongest historical evidence, of the charge of innovation as applied to the friends of Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments; and the clearest demonstration that they were practically the Constitutional Rights of our ancestors.

But, Citizens! much as I admire the Address in its present state, as thinking it replete with constitutional instruction, I conceive in one particular it is defective; there is a something 9 which I think I may call political morality wanting in it. Most of you know how anxious I am, at all times, that we should avow our sentiments in the most explicit manner; but I assure you, I am not left anxious that we should constantly exercise the most extensive toleration towards those persons who differ from us in opinion as to the necessary degree of reform, provided only that we are assured of their sincerity.

He concluded by declaring his earnest wishes that this omission might be suppled either in the revisions of the Address by the committee, or in hte course of the reference to the divisions.

B. Binns then proposed that the Petition and Remonstrance to the King should be read; it was accordingly begun, but during the reading, Justice Conant began to address himself to Citizen Hodgson, but in so low a voice that he was not immediately attended to. As soon as Citizen Hodgson understood him to be a magistrate (he was on foot, and no way distinguishable from the generality of the attending company) and that he objected to the legality of the meeting, he desired the reader to stop, and resolutely pressing forward, enquired what was Mr. Conant's objection to the Remonstrance? He answered “that he considered to be a consequence of a general advertisement and therefore illegal;” and on intimating his intention of reading the Proclamation for the people to disperse, Hodgson invited him to ascent the tribune, and perceiving Mr. Conant much alarmed, assured him he might depend on being treated with civility. Mr. Conant declined the offer, and when endeavouring to begin reading the Proclamation, Hodgson again addressed him, saying “he hoped he did not intend to read it in a surreptitious manner, so as to give an opportunity of imputing illegality to the distant parts of the company.” Mr. Conant appeared exceedingly hurt at this remark, and with much agitation exclaimed “God forbid! God forbid! Nobody can be criminal for not obeying orders they do not know to have been given.”

He then directed the constables to clear a ring, which, to a small extent, being with difficulty effected, repeating the proclamation, following Mr. Conant, who spoke in so low and faint a voice as to be scarcely audible, even by the persons immediately surrounding him.

The reading of the Proclamation concluded precisely at 20 minutes after two. A message was immediately sent by a Citizen to the other tribunes with the information; but notwithstanding, 10 the spaciousness of the field, and the plan of the meeting, calculated to preserve a hollow centre, it began then to be so thronged, that a considerable time elapsed before the message could be communicated to the first tribune.

Mean time Mr. Conant, as soon as the Proclamation was finished, addressed himself to Hodgson, saying “In further pursuance of my duty as a magistrate, which is to ecxecute the laws as they are, I think it necessary to order you into custody.”

Hodgson assured him he might depend on his cheerfully submitting, and then addressing himself to the meeting, informed them of the business being illegally broken off, and himself a prisoner, that he now thought it necessary to mention, what in the opening of the business he had not noticed, viz. That this interruption was very strongly expected, and the Executive Committee fully prepared to enter into the most ample legal investigation of the business; he therefore earnestly entreated them to disperse, and leave the cause to the care of the Committee, resting assured it was one of the most important that ever occupied the intention of a British jury. He cautioned them against the ill effects in the ensuing trials of any clamorous behaviour arising among them; but reminded them likewise, there was no occasion for dispersing with any degree of precipitation, as the law allowed them one hour for that purpose.

Mr. Conant, about this time speaking to one of the two other persons on the the tribune, informed him he must be taken into custody; but it being uncertain to which he addressed himself, they both presented themselves with great alacrity, and he made choice of Binns.

Mr. Conant having observed that Hodgson's caution against precipitate retreating might produce ill effects, by inducing many to stay too long, Hodgson again addressed the assembly advising them to begin their retreat immediately, excepting only a few persons, to whom, with the consent of Mr. Conant, he gave the charge of taking down and removing the tribune.

Citizens Ferguson, Stuckey, Galloway, Barrow Hodgson, and Binns, who had all been taken into custody, were immediately conveyed to Bow-street, where they underwent an examination, and entered into recognizances to appear at the Quarter Sessions.

The General Committee, in the meantime, retired to their Committee room, and drew up the following:

WE assure the Nation, that notwithstanding the interference of the Magistrates, and the suppression of this day's Meeting(which proceedings we conceive to be illegal) is is our determination still to persevere in the same peaceable manner, while there remains any law to which we can look for protection.

WM. H. STATHER, President
THOMAS EVANS, Secretary

Committee Room, July 31st, 1797

That the country may be in full possession of the conduct and intentions of the London Corresponding Society, this Narrative, with the Address to the Nation, Petition, and Remonstrance to the King, and the Resolutions intended for the Public Meeting, are now submitted to its consideration without any alteration.

FRIENDS AND FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,

IT is a maxim of the British Constitution, that no man can be taxed but by himself, or his representative. Yet, in opposition to this principle, the British Legislature presumed to impose taxes on America; and to support a measure so unconstitutional, your blood was shed, and your treasure exhausted.

The conquest of America was universally considered as a prelude and step towards the annihilation of English Liberty. Happily the minister of that day was defeated in both his projects. The voice of the people was against him, but by his corrupt majorities in parliament, he for several years carried every proposition triumphantly.

Previous to the Revolution of 1688, the court faction carried their measures in parliament frequently by intimidation, and many members, for their independence and integrity, have been fined and imprisoned. But these arbitrary proceedings cost the First Charles his head, and the second James his crown; William III, cautioned by the fate of his predecessors, introduced the system of corruption and secret influence, and the public money has been expended among Members of Parliament, only to betray the people.

Many efforts have been made since the Revolution, to obtain a Reform of Parliament, but as they originated in the House of Commons, and not with the great body of the people, they always failed of success; thereby verifying the proverb, that parliament will never reform itself.

This lamentable truth, so strongly impressed on the mind, and confirmed by experience, in 1780, induced many men of the first rank, property, and intelligence in the kingdom, to form associations throughout the country, and establish a central committee in London, for the purpose of procuring a Reform. Peace was no sooner proclaimed, and the pressure of the public calamities in a small degree relieved, than these associations were neglected and finally dissolved. Unfortunately, the men 13 who were foremost in promoting them, had no other object in view, than, by the means of popular opinion, to rise into power and office; and accordingly, when arrived at the summit of their ambition, they resisted that very principle, which before they had supported with such apparent zeal.

This defection, in the great leaders of Parliamentary Reform, convinced many friends to the liberty and happiness of their country, that nothing but an association of the people, independent of any faction, could bring about this desireable change. Accordingly, various new associations were formed about the year 1791, and among these the London Corresponding Society, hoping by a communication of sentiment, to ascertain the public will, and unite the exertions of the nation. The success was equal to the importance of the enterprise. Men generally began to see their RIGHTS, and to feel the necessiry of associating to obtain them. But a profligate administration, dreading the consequences to themselves, of a people united, and determined to be free, resolved to divide them by false alarms, by calumny and misrepresentation. Those who opposed the corruption of Parliament and the Government, were charged with a design to subvert the Constitution; those who contended that an equal and universal respresentation of the people, in their own House of Parliament, was the only means of stemming the torrent of corruption, were stigmatized as levellers, whose only object was the equalization of property. These insidious artifices, which were intended to divide the poor and wealthy citizens, were unfortunately too successful.

But as it was impossible that this system of delusion could long continue, a new deception must be resorted to, and that was, “that there were evil-minded persons in the country, who, acting in concert with other persons in France, designed to overthrow our happy Constitution, and instroduce a system of blood-shed and plunder.” The fallacy of this base assertion would soon have been obvious, and the people indignantly have spurned the minister, who could thus dare to deceive; but taking advantage of the alarm which himself had raised, he plunged the country into a war with France, under pretence of stopping the progress of, what he termed Jacobinical principles, though the ostensible grounds of the war were the danger of Holland being invaded by the French, the opening of the Scheld, and the decree of the French Convention, promising assistance to any people who required their aid: Notwithstanding the States General decalred that they were under no apprehensions from any of the powers at war, and opening the navigation of the Scheld appeared to them to be a matter of indifference; 14 and if the same wise policy which actuated the governments of Sweden, Denmark, and America, had influenced the British Councils, the decree of fraternization would never have been urged as a pretext for going to war. But the minister of the present day, like the minister of the American war, thought by crushing the rising liberties of France, to destroy those of Britain.

Such is the nature of Liberty, that a mind well instructed in its principles,no artifice can blind, no power subdue. The London Corresponding Society, unmoved by the persecution they had endured, both individually and collectively, still faithful to the true interests of their country, determined to persevere in obtaining a redress of its wrongs, and securing to the people the full exercise and enjoyment of their constitutional RIGHTS, by all legal means.

The minister, finding himself unable to suppress the societies by the existing laws, was resolved to persecute them with a vigour unknown to the Consitution. In order to give a colour to so violent a proceeding, a new conspiracy was fabricated; and the name of his Majesty was profaned, in making him the author of so foul a calumny against a large portion of the people, by a message to both Houses of Parliament. The consequence of which was, that the Habeas Corpus act was suspended, whereby the personal liberty of every man in the kingdom was left to the dicretion of the Secretary of State and the tyranny of the old government of France, in Lettres de Cachet, was exercised upon a great number of Englishmen. Upwards of forty valuable Citizens, in and out of the society, with their private papers, were seized by warrants from the Secretary of State. After being detained in solitary confinement, Citizens Hardy, Tooke, and Thelwall, were brought to trial on a charge of high-treason, and by the verdict of three honest and independent juries, pronounce NOT GUILTY.

Thereby stamping with the mark of falshood, the foul aspersions which had been cast on the friends of Reform by the corrupt majority of both Houses of Parliament; and establishing to the full conviction of all the honest part of mankind, the purity of our intentions, and the legality of our proceedings.

This triumph of TRUTH and LIBERTY over the sanguinary projects of a venal administration, gave universal satisfaction to the nation. The Attorney General shrank from the farther prosecution of the other prisoners, who were all discharged without a trial.

We cannot close this subject without remarking the indecency, if not the illegality, of the legislature pronouncing positively on the guilt of men only in a state of accusation; and publishing a report, artfully drawn up, calculated to prejudice the public mind against them, thereby to deprive them of a fair and impartial trial.

These measure are failing to check the progress of Liberty, new shackles must be provided. The wise provisions in the statute of treason, extorted from Edward III. by a virtuous House of Commons, were now set aside, and new and constructive treasons introduced. The privilege of meeting to consider and discuss public grievances, and petitioning for their redress, which is sanctioned by the Bill of Rights, was now invaded; and the penalties of transportation and death annexed to a disobedience of this new law. The violence and cruelty expressed in the features of these two bills, on their first appearance in the House, was a little altered, through the vigorous opposition which they received in every part of the country; but the restrictions and penalties which they still retainm are inconsistent with the spirit of our constitution, and the disgrace of a nation which has any pretention to freedom and humanity.

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,

These are the steps which have been taken by a venal administration, in conjunction with a corrupt parliament, to deprive you of your liberty. But can you suppose, that those who have deprived you of your constitutional rights, will not attack your property? or rather, have they not purloined from you the former, only with more ease to get possession of the latter? They have plunged you into an unjust and unnecesary war, by which your brethren have been slaughtered in a foreign land, while you are impoverished at home.

This trade of war, however fatal to the country, is not unprofitable to its ministers. By the great number of persons employed in persecuting a war, the power and influence of the minister is increased. The vast increase of expenditure, while it affords opportunities of embezzlement and misapplication of the public money, beside paying those who have a claim upon the public or their services, are another source of wealth and influence to ministers and their dependents. But, fellow countrymen, if the war has served to enrich the ministers, money-lenders, and a vile herd of placemen and pensioners, 16 what has it done for you? Let the long list of bankrupts, to be seen in every Gazette, since 1792—the decay of your commerce and manufactures, with the increased price of every necessary of life, answer; let the number of men, who from the want of employment, have been obliged to enter into the army or navy, and the labouring, tax-paying part of the community who have been oppressed by the additional burthen of their families, answer; let the number of men, who, with their families, are reduced to the extreme of misery, while the men of middling circumstances are fast verging to the same state, answr; let all these answer, who, but ministers and thier vile dependents, have profited by the war.

The whole power of the state being in the possession of the land-holders, they have secured themselves against suffering any share of the public burdens; for they have raised the value of their property, and live in an insulting style of splendor and prodigality, while the value of manufactures has decreased, and the manufacturer can hardly subsist by his labour.

Not only, fellow countrymen, is the fruit of your labour devoured by a consuming aristocracy at home, but sent out of the land to subsidize foreign despots; while the withdrawing of such enormous sums of money from the trade and commerce of the country, has produced the ruin of public credit, the stoppage of the Bank, and other consequent evils.

In the midst of all these public misfortunes, your ministers, with an unfeeling indifference, and while many of you have not bread to eat, bestow pensions on a vast number of foreigners, called princes, nobles, and priests, who invited all the powers of Europe to destroy their own country, and raised within its bowels a cruel civil war.

It has been said, that monopolizing and forestalling are the causes of the enormous price of provisions. This is certainly true in part, but they are not the only causes. However a bill was introduced to the House of Commons, for putting anend to these evils; but this was opposed by ministers, and accordingly rejected by your nominal representatives: so totally regardless do they appear of your welfare.

FELLOW COUNTRYMEN,

If the wretched system of politics, pursued by the king's ministers, have brought Engalnd to such a state of degradation and poverty, how much more lamentable is the situation of Ireland? the trade and commerce of that unhappy country is utterly destroyed; its northern provinces are actually in a state [ 17 ] of civil war; and in the capital, many of the inhabitants are dying by famine. according to the report of a Committee, appointed to distribute contributions raised for their relief, consisting of the Lord Mayor of Dublin, the Aldermen, and several other gentlemen and merchants, it appears, “that upwards of 20,000 individuals in that city are obliged to subsist upon five-pence farthing each per week: that at the latter end of the week many of these poor creatures are found by the visitors, who carry their weekly pittance, living on the dregs and waste of starch, and the raspings of bread; and that many others have not eaten anything for the last twenty-four hours: that in many cases these poor creatures, having pledge every article, even to their blanket, have no more to cover them at

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