Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)

The Political Resolution of the Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist)

Approved by the Third Congress of CPC(M-L) held in Montreal, Quebec, February 6 – March 13, 1977


First Published:1977
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Malcolm and Paul Saba
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EROL Note: Paragraphs in this text have been reformatted for ease of reading.


1. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) stands in silence for three minutes in homage to the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era, Chairman Mao Tsetung. Chairman Mao Tsetung was not only the great leader of the proletariat and people of China, he was a great teacher and leader of the international proletariat and people of the world. The death of Chairman Mao Tsetung has particular significance to our Party as the founding of our Party was inspired by the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution personally led by Chairman Mao Tsetung.

We, young revolutionaries of Canada, the majority of whom were in the youth and student movement in the 1960’s, were provided timely guidance and leadership by Chairman Mao Tsetung. It is right to rebel against reactionaries was the message conveyed to us by millions of youth led by Chairman Mao Tsetung. Dare to struggle, dare to win was the battle cry of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which smashed the imperialist and revisionist encirclement of the revolutionary movement on the world scale. Chairman Mao Tsetung was a great teacher of the international proletariat. He was a great fighter of the international proletariat, a great proletarian internationalist, a revolutionary of great vision and wisdom, the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our era, a man of science, towards whom the revolutionary proletariat and people of the world looked for guidance. He inherited, defended and developed Marxism-Leninism to a new level. Our Party studied and disseminated the teachings of Mao Tsetung and applied them to the concrete conditions of Canada. Our Party firmly championed the cause of world revolution, took up the task of organizing social revolution in our country and towards which end unleashed a great proletarian movement against revisionism and for proletarian revolution. Chairman Mao Tsetung’s authority as the leader of the international proletariat and its great teacher and pathfinder, was not a matter of some declaration or some resolution passed by some national or international body.

Chairman Mao Tsetung’s revolutionar authority was of the same calibre as the authority of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. It was the authority of science, of revolutionary leadership, the kind which was sought after by the genuine Marxist-Leninists and revolutionaries on the world scale. To come under the revolutionary authority of Chairman Mao Tsetung was tantamount to coming under the authority of world revolution, the authority of the international proletariat, the authority coming out of the deepest desires of the millions and millions of proletarians and toilers of the world for emancipation and liberation. Chairman Mao Tsetung resolutely opposed the modern revisionism of Khrushchov and stood firmly with the International Communist Movement. He unleashed the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, a political revolution to oppose capitalist restoration in China, and to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat. The irresistible growth and development of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution personally led by Chairman Mao Tsetung and its resolute continuation resulted in the overthrow of the bourgeois headquarters of Liu Shao-chi, the Lin Piao anti-Party clique and Teng Hsiao-ping’s right deviationist wind to reverse the correct verdict of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

Chairman Mao Tsetung led the Chinese people’s democratic revolution and the socialist revolution and construction. His thesis of fortifying the countryside to encircle the cities and then seizing the cities to liberate China; his thesis of people’s war, that is, that in revolutionary war it is people and not weapons which play the decisive role; his theory of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, are a few examples where Chairman Mao Tsetung creatively applied Marxism-Leninism to the concrete conditions of China and developed it. This development of Marxism-Leninism is of immense revolutionary value to the proletariat and people of the world. With the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung, the international proletariat lost another Marx, another Lenin. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) deeply mourns the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung. We send our most deep-felt sympathies to the Communist Party of China on the death of Chairman Mao Tsetung.

THE LIFE AND WORK OF CHAIRMAN MAO TSETUNG IS IMMORTAL!

IT WILL REMAIN FOREVER IN THE HEARTS AND MINDS OF THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT!

ETERNAL GLORY TO CHAIRMAN MAO TSETUNG!

2. March 5, 1977 marks the twenty-fourth anniversary of the death of Comrade Joseph V. Stalin. Comrade Stalin was a great disciple and true follower of Great Lenin, under whose leadership Comrade Stalin was brought up and to whose mission he devoted his entire life. Comrade Stalin was the leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) and of the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat of the USSR for over thirty years.

After the death of Lenin, Comrade Stalin led the Party and the state and defended them against the imperialists and the internal reactionaries. He inherited and defended with courage and determination the teachings of Lenin and showed his utter devotion and loyalty to the cause and teachings of Lenin.

Comrade Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist. Under the leadership of Lenin, Comrade Stalin participated in organizing the great and glorious Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik) and the Great October Revolution. After Lenin’s death, he led the socialist revolution and construction at home and supported world revolution. He was a great proletarian internationalist. He smashed the intrigues and conspiracies of Trotsky, Bukharin, Kamenev, Radek and others designed to weaken and destroy the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik), the instrument of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet Union, and to restore capitalism. In so doing, he expanded and consolidated the dictatorship of the proletariat and made a great contribution to world revolution. Comrade Stalin firmly opposed the capitulationism of the Trotskyites and other opportunists to the Nazis. He led the defeat of Nazism by building the closest alliance of the people of the Soviet Union with the fighting people of the world. This was a great and immortal contribution to all mankind.

After the Second World War, Comrade Stalin led the socialist reconstruction of the Soviet Union and launched struggles against revisionist theories about socialist construction and in the cultural superstructure. He gave timely assistance and guidance to the newly emerged Peoples’ Democracies of the socialist camp, and supported the revolutionary struggles in other countries. He led the International Communist Movement against modern revisionism, first when it appeared in the USA as Browderism, and later, when the menace of Titoite revisionism raised its head, Stalin firmly fought and rebuffed it. When the Party of Labour of Albania and the people of Albania under the leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha were fighting against Titoite attempts to take over the Party and state of Albania, Comrade Stalin resolutely supported the Party of Labour of Albania, the state and people of Albania.

Comrade Stalin made an indelible contribution to the International Communist Movement in a number of theoretical writings which are immortal Marxist-Leninist works. Comrade Stalin died as the most beloved leader of the proletariat and people of the world. He was most hated and slandered by the imperialists and opportunists of the world. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) stands in silence for one minute in deep respect for the great disciple of Comrade Lenin, a great Marxist-Leninist, a leader of the Communist International and a great fighter against imperialism, revisionism and fascism.

ETERNAL GLORY TO COMRADE JOSEPH V. STALIN!

THE LIFE AND WORK OF COMRADE JOSEPH V. STALIN WILL LIVE FOREVER!

3. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the Political Report submitted by Comrade Enver Hoxha to the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania in Tirana on November 1 and 2, 1976. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania and considers it to be a great victory of Marxism over revisionism and opportunism of all hues and a great unifying factor in the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the glorious leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha and considers his Political Report submitted to the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania to be the theory and practice of communism. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers Comrade Enver Hoxha to be a great leader of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement, a leader of the calibre of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and Mao Tsetung. Comrade Enver Hoxha is a great Marxist-Leninist who has provided timely leadership to the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement with his Political Report in order to steer the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement away from the swamp of opportunism. Comrade Enver Hoxha is a great fighter against modern revisionism. Comrade Enver Hoxha led the titanic struggle against Titoite revisionism, smashed the intrigues and conspiracies of Titoite revisionism against the Party, state and people of Albania and made a great contribution to the International Communist Movement, to world revolution and to the arsenal of Marxism-Leninism.

He also led the Party of Labour in waging a titanic struggle against Khrushchovite revisionism, a struggle waged by a small Party with absolute faith in the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and with a firm adherence to the line of proletarian internationalism. The historic speeches of the leader coming from the land of eagles to the 1957 Moscow Conference of 12 ruling parties and to the 1960 Moscow Conference of the 81 parties are not only of great revolutionary value to the Marxist-Leninists in terms of the scientific and correct opposition to Khrushchovite revisionism but are also a great clarion call to all the genuine Marxist-Leninists and the genuine Marxist-Leninist parties not to remain silent in the face of the modern revisionists’ attacks and to resolutely speak their minds and carry the struggle against modern revisionism through to the end.

Today, Comrade Enver Hoxha stands as the successor to Chairman Mao Tsetung in terms of revolutionary authority and prestige. The eyes of the genuine Marxist-Leninists and revolutionaries of the world are turned towards Albania. The science and authority of revolution is embodied in the leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha. There are various opportunists who are raising the hue and cry that to recognize the revolutionary authority of Comrade Enver Hoxha is to subordinate our Party to that of the Party of Labour of Albania.

On the contrary, not to recognize the revolutionary authority of Comrade Enver Hoxha and the leading role of the Party of Labour of Albania in the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement is to become a prey to an opportunist clique and betray revolution. During the late forties and early fifties, those parties which did not stand against Titoite revisionism and did not recognize the revolutionary authority of Comrade Stalin and resolutely follow his leadership, fell prey to opportunism of all hues. The same holds true today. Any hesitation or vacillation on this decisive question will lead a party astray. Revolutionary authority is not established by some decision of an individual or a party. Revolutionary authority is established in the course of struggle and is recognized by the fighting proletariat and people.

We recognize the revolutionary authority of Comrade Enver Hoxha. Over the past few years, certain circles who parade themselves as Marxist-Leninists have tried to infiltrate the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement with all sorts of non-Marxist and anti-Marxist theories. These circles equivocate and vacillate about world socialist revolution. They have, by sleight of hand, simply eliminated the world of labour and socialism. They hint that socialism is hidden behind the coattails of the bourgeoisie of various countries. They negate the class nature of all states and the necessity of the dictatorship of the proletariat in all countries. They suggest that the people can rely on one superpower in order to fight another; they also suggest that the people can rely on the reactionary bourgeoisie of various “second world” and “third world” countries to fight the two superpowers. Comrade Enver Hoxha, with his Political Report submitted to the Seventh Congress, eliminated the possibilities of these non-Marxist and anti-Marxist theories having influence in the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. The Joint Statement of the Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America of November 1976, the Internationalist rallies held in Italy on January 23, 1977 and in Germany on February 5, 1977, the homage paid by Comrade Enver Hoxha to the revolutionary martyrs of the international proletariat – all this reflects the tremendous revolutionary impact of the Political Report submitted to the Seventh Congress. This is the world of labour! Right here in the declaration of the Latin American parties, in the Internationalist rallies held in Italy and Germany! Here is the world of socialism!

The trend already coming out of the Seventh Congress is irresistible. The genuine Marxist-Leninists and revolutionary people of the world cannot be fooled with these non-Marxist and anti-Marxist theories. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers this contribution of Comrade Enver Hoxha as immortal. As with the rest of the life and work of Comrade Enver Hoxha, the Political Report submitted to the Seventh Congress of the PLA is a source of great revolutionary inspiration and consciousness.

LET US STAND WITH CLENCHED FISTS RAISED HIGH AND APPLAUD THE REVOLUTIONARY AUTHORITY OF COMRADE ENVER HOXHA!

LONG LIVE COMRADE ENVER HOXHA!

LONG LIVE THE GREAT LEADER OF THE INTERNATIONAL MARXIST-LENINIST COMMUNIST MOVEMENT AND TEACHER OF THE INTERNATIONAL PROLETARIAT!

THE THIRD CONGRESS OF CPC(M-L) SALUTES COMRADE ENVER HOXHA!

LONG LIVE THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA!

4. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers our epoch to be the epoch of the victory of Marxism on the world scale. It is the epoch of the victory of Marxism over imperialism and revisionism on the world scale.

In over one hundred years from the time of the founding of Marxism with the works of Marx and the Communist Manifesto, Marxism has won one victory after another against all the vulgarizers and distorters of Marxism. The victory of Marxism is such that it is embodied in the constitutions of the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania and the People’s Republic of China and is the manifesto and programme of the proletariat and people of the world for emancipation. Today the world of labour is not without its own scientific and revolutionary consciousness. Today the international proletariat has long passed the period of perceptual knowledge and helplessness in the face of capitalist exploitation and wage slavery. Today, the international proletariat stands as an experienced proletariat, a proletariat with the revolutionary theory of Marxism and the experience of socialist states on the world scale. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly opposes the opportunist theorists who belittle the role of Marxism-Leninism and are hatching their own peculiar theories in order to cause confusion in the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and in order to disintegrate the Marxist-Leninist communist parties.

These opportunists are revising the economic and political doctrine of Marxism and introducing eclecticism in place of dialectical and historical materialism. Whether the issue is of the state and revolution, or of party building, or of the analysis of the world situation, these opportunists have dished out their own peculiar notions. Instead of strictly adhering to the class analysis and class outlook in dealing with the important questions of the state and revolution, they have taken a-class and anti-proletarian stands. For example, their current fallacy on the division of the world into “three parts”, on the basis of the “economic” position of the country, completely negates the Marxist-Leninist thesis of the class nature of the state. In the imperialist and social-imperialist countries, in the capitalist and revisionist countries, in the oppressed nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America, in the socialist countries, the issue of which class or classes command state power is fundamental. The opportunists negate the Marxist-Leninist thesis on classes, class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat; they deny that politics is the concentrated expression of economics, and they detach the economic base from the superstructure. They deny that politics is the commander. Instead of building one vanguard party of the proletariat, a Marxist-Leninist communist party, these opportunists are giving birth to sects in various countries. Instead of building Marxist-Leninist communist parties away from the eyes and ears of the enemy and in the midst of the masses, these opportunists are welcoming the enemies right into the camp of revolution with their theories of “many centres”, theories of “freedom of criticism and debate” and their theories that Marxism grows in the course of “debates” between various “interpretations” of Marxism. We stand firmly opposed to these opportunist theories. We stand for sharp ideological struggle and we wage a fierce and determined struggle against all brands of opportunism. There is one Marxism. There is one Marxist Party in each country. There is one proletariat in each country. And there is one world proletarian socialist revolution. Concrete conditions may differ but the principles of Marxism are applicable to all countries. The laws of the objective spontaneous world, in general terms, the laws of the social development of mankind, are the same everywhere. While we recognize these laws, at the same time, when working out our strategy and tactics, we take into account the particular conditions of the country. This is the only correct path to arrive at correct strategy and tactics for the Canadian revolution and the world revolution.

5. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania to be the victory of Marxism. This victory of Marxism has been organized and nurtured by the great Party of Labour of Albania led by the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Enver Hoxha over a protracted period of over thirty-five years since the founding of the Communist Party of Albania and, before that, since the founding of various Marxist-Leninist groups in Albania. This victory could not have come about without years of long and difficult struggles in defence of the purity of Marxism and against vulgarizers and distorters of Marxism. In this respect, the Party of Labour of Albania has a glorious fighting record. The Party of Labour of Albania, under the leadership of Comrade Enver Hoxha, upheld Marxism through very difficult times, and the victory belonged to the Party of Labour of Albania precisely because it firmly adhered to the revolutionary theory of Marxism throughout the period of national liberation and socialist revolution and construction.

6. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is a Congress of the victory of Marxism. The Third Congress considers firm adherence to the revolutionary theory of Marxism as the watershed between Marxism and revisionism. A party which vacillates on this basic question of principle will soon degenerate into revisionism, no matter what its history and what great accomplishments it may have achieved in the past. Over the period since the Second Congress of CPC(M-L), opportunists of all hues in Canada have vulgarized and distorted the theory of Marxism. Our Party stood firmly against this vulgarization and fought against it. The opportunists of all hues thought that with the distortion of Marxist theory on various questions, the Party would be badly damaged, leading to its final disintegration. On the contrary, today the opportunists of various hues are in total disarray, having failed in their mission. Our Party, far from disintegrating, has launched one fierce attack after another against the vulgarizers and distorters of the theory of Marxism and has won victory. The Third Congress is the victory of Marxism in Canada.

Revisionism is an international bourgeois ideological trend. If it exists in one country then the like-minded will make use of it in another country. In Canada, the most pernicious attack against Marxism was launched by Jack Scott, who brought Titoite revisionism into Canada on a full scale. Taking a cue from the Titoite revisionists, Scott launched an attack in the 1970’s against the Great October Revolution, slandering it as a “coup d’etat” by a “band of Bolsheviks” and attacked the life and work of Great Lenin and Stalin. He followed the Titoite line of different roads for different countries, especially the road which is counter to the road of the Great October Revolution. Posing as an individual who is interested in finding out the causes of the “Sino-Soviet” conflict, he viciously slandered the Great October Revolution and attacked Lenin and Stalin, while demagogically praising the Chinese revolution as a revolution which was, according to him, different from the Great October Revolution. Our Party launched a fierce counter-attack against this attack on the Great October Revolution and on the life and work of Lenin and of Stalin and won a great victory against opportunism of all hues. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly opposes the revisionism of Jack Scott.

7. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is also a Congress of the unity of Marxist-Leninists in Canada. From the time of the Second Congress of CPC(M-L), the bourgeoisie has tried to float a caricature of the Party in order to divide, discredit and disintegrate the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. By the fall of 1974 and winter of 1975, this caricature advanced the phoney slogan of “unity” of the Marxist-Leninists. Posing as the “genuine” Marxist-Leninists, this caricature organized itself in the form of various sects across Canada and issued calls for “unity” of the Marxist-Leninists. Just yesterday, they were opposing the Party through straightforward anti-Leninist positions. Having failed to accomplish the desired results, they next came forward to attack the Party by posing themselves as “genuine” Marxist-Leninists. They wrote tons of articles, participated in trillions of hours of debates amongst themselves and called each other names, all for the purpose of being the first to find “the most correct” or “the most advanced” line and then uniting on that basis. They attracted renegades from Marxism and other degenerate elements. Several years of their building “vanguard” groups or “struggle organizations for theParty” and arriving at the “most correct” or “most advanced” line through debates, did not build the “unity” they aspired for against the Party. On the contrary, the Party consolidated itself ideologically, politically and organizationally and in terms of its influence. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is being held at the time when these “genuine” Marxist-Leninists are in total ideological, political and organizational confusion, while the Party is consolidating itself on all these fronts. Plagued by all these problems, these “genuine” Marxist-Leninists are dashing back and forth, either putting a “national” image on themselves or scheming to call themselves “parties” as an alternative to total disarray during this period. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers the failure of the “genuine” Marxist-Leninists to disrupt the Party as a victory of Marxism, a victory of the unity of the Marxist-Leninists and a great impetus to the deepening and broadening of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement of our country.

8. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) affirms the political thesis advanced by the First and Second Congresses that in Canada there are three major contradictions:
a) A contradiction between U.S. imperialism and the Canadian monopoly capitalist class, and the Canadian people;
b) There is a contradiction in the camp of U.S. imperialism and the Canadian monopoly capitalist class, amongst various monopoly groups; and
c) There is a contradiction between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat.

This analysis cuts across all the confusion generated by the opportunists on this question. Jack Scott, echoing the analysis of the old Trotskyist Maurice Spector, who in the 1920’s was the first to advance this erroneous thesis, calls Canada an oppressed nation and the struggle for independence the main struggle. Other opportunist sects call Canada an imperialist power with the main contradiction being that between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Both types of opportunists make no distinction between:
a) colonies proper and other colonies;
b) monopoly or big bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie;
c) dependence and independence; and
d) oppressor state and oppressed state.

According to these opportunists, if Canada is characterized as a colony proper, that is a country occupied by a European population, the colonizing population, this means that the state is oppressed. However, the facts of the matter are that colonies proper, like Canada, were established right from the beginning as colonies with oppressor states (in the case of Canada this took place in the 1790’s). It is not in the least contradictory to say that Canada is a colony proper and that the Canadian state is an oppressor state. Similarly, a state can be a dependent state like Canada’s, while at the same time being an oppressor state. There is no contradiction there either. Both Engels and Lenin characterized Canada as a colony. Engels characterized Canada as a colony proper in September, 1882, and Lenin characterized Canada as a colony in his work Imperialism, The Highest Stage of Capitalism in 1916. Furthermore, the opportunists put forward the erroneous thesis that the question of the independence or the dependence of Canada is tied up with the question of whether or not the bourgeois democratic revolution has taken place in Canada. Jack Scott asserts that the bourgeois democratic revolution never took place while other opportunists assert that it has. The fact of the matter is that right from the time of the defeat of the French in the 1760’s and of the conquest of New France, the British colonialists established the capitalist mode of production in what is now Quebec, while at the same time perpetuating certain aspects of feudalism. After the setback suffered by the British colonialists with the American revolution in 1776, the British colonialists planted the expelled “United Empire Loyalists” in what is now Canada, to consolidate their position in British North America. When the state of the British colonialists was established in York in the 1790’s, it was established as an oppressor state and it established the capitalist mode of production in Upper Canada and wherever it expanded. The opportunists are on their knees on these questions. These questions – whether or not Canada has an oppressed state; whether or not Canada is dependent, and whether or not Canada is a colony proper ^#8211; are not decided by the success or failure of the bourgeois democratic revolution. What is now Canada was established as an extension to this country of the socio-economic system and political forms of the English bourgeoisie.

The opportunists also mystify the history of the development of monopoly capitalism in Canada. Monopoly capitalism in Canada developed by importing massive amounts of foreign capital and it did not develop as a result of the indigenous merger of industrial and banking capital. Right from the 1790’s and especially since 1867, the state has played a major role in this. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) upholds the view that the social system in Canada is a capitalist system with monopolies imposed on it. The major branches of large-scale industry in Canada are a consequence of the import of finance capital to the country, mainly from Britain and, after the turn of the century, from the United States. With the onset of the general crisis of capitalism during and after World War I, state monopoly capitalism has emerged as an all-embracing feature of the economic system. Today, then, the social system canbe described as state monopoly capitalism, i.e. a capitalist system overlaid with monopolies, mainly multinational U.S. imperialist corporations, in which the state operates as an executive committee of the most powerful finance capitalists participating, directing, financing and controlling a large number of key economic sectors. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers the Canadian state to be part and parcel of the world imperialist system of states – it is an oppressor state. At the same time, the Third Congress advocates that Canada is like a colony, its capitalism is a dependent capitalism and its state is dominated by U.S. imperialism. The opportunists have great difficulty in grasping this as their dogmas do not fit with the realities of Canada.

9. The social base of reaction in Canada is the reactionary bourgeoisie, that is the big bourgeoisie, that which is solely Canadian and that which is simply an extension of the U.S. big bourgeoisie. This big bourgeoisie controls and monopolizes everything and is quite distinct from the national bourgeoisie. The opportunists make no distinction between the big bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie which controls the main means of production and expropriates the surplus value, and the national bourgeoisie, which is extremely weak and incapable of fighting the big bourgeoisie. For the opportunists, either the big bourgeoisie does not exist as constituting the oppressor state (Jack Scott) or the entire big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie are one and the same thing. To these opportunists, the meaning of the term “national bourgeoisie” refers to a capitalist or monopoly capitalist who is Canadian. To them, the term “national bourgeoisie” does not mean the bourgeoisie which has only the home market and produces for the home market. Such a “national bourgeoisie” cannot exist in Canada as the big bourgeoisie because of the entire historical development of Canada. The big bourgeoisie in Canada is the base of the U.S. imperialist domination in Canada, and is reactionary through and through.

10. The social revolution in Canada is against both the U.S. imperialists and the reactionary bourgeoisie and against the capitalist system. The opportunists of the Jack Scott type deny the immediacy of the revolution both against the U.S. imperialists and the reactionary bourgeoisie, and against the capitalist system. Among the other opportunists, one sect advocates that today the struggle is against the “bourgeoisie” and tomorrow if the U.S. imperialists or the other superpower attacks Canada militarily, then the antagonistic contradiction between labour and capital will disappear for that period and the struggle will be for the defence of Canada’s “independence”. Another sect advocates that the struggle against the “bourgeoisie” is the main struggle while the struggle against the two superpowers must be subordinated to it. These opportunists do not recognize the fact that the Canadian state is an oppressor state nor the fact that the bourgeoisie in Canada is divided between the big bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. They also do not see that it is the proletariat which leads the struggle both against the U.S. imperialists and the Canadian monopoly capitalist state and against the capitalist system. It is not a matter of option that the struggle, at present, is against the “bourgeoisie” and not against the U.S. imperialists, nor is it a matter of option that tomorrow with an armed invasion, the struggle against the capitalist system will end and the time will have come for the defence of the “independence” of Canada. The proletarian revolution is a thoroughgoing and protracted revolution against the big bourgeoisie, against the foreign imperialists and against all exploiting classes. This is why the proletariat must lead this revolution stepwise through stages, firmly completing one stage as a prelude to the next. The theory of the one-stage revolution is merely trotskyite sophistry and windbaggery. There is nothing of substance in it.

11. A section of the reactionary bourgeoisie in Canada, that section which is made up of the monopoly capitalists who are Canadians as well as of those who are merely an extension of the U.S. imperialist bourgeoisie, is whipping up hysteria about the “independence” of Quebec. The main spokesman of this section of the reactionary bourgeoisie which is advocating political “independence” for Quebec is Rene Levesque and his Parti Quebecois. This “independence” fraud is designed to, on the one hand, divert the genuine democratic sentiment of the Canadian proletariat into national and social-chauvinism and thus split the proletarians across Canada on the basis of “French” speaking and “English” speaking. On the other hand, it is designed to deprive the people of Quebec of the democratic right to self-determination and secession. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that there is one country, Canada, which contains the oppressed nation of Quebec. The national oppression of Quebec has been the very foundation on which the colonial and oppressor state of Canada was established by the British in the 1790’s and later perfected. Genuine self-determination for Quebec necessarily means the destruction of the anti-democratic, oppressor Canadian state of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, which is dominated by U.S. imperialism. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) fully supports this just struggle of the Quebec people against the reactionary Canadian state. The “political independence” swindle of Rene Levesque is designed to consolidate the stranglehold of the reactionary bourgeoisie over Quebec and to divert any genuine sentiment for liberation into this reactionary direction. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly advocates that:
1) The Canadian proletariat should actively fight both the “political independence” swindle of Rene Levesque and the hysteria by the other sections of the reactionary bourgeoisie that the nation of Quebec should remain subjugated for the purposes of “Canadian unity”;
2) The Canadian proletariat should fight for self-determination for Quebec but oppose the reactionary “secession” which is being engineered by Rene Levesque under the orders of a section of the reactionary bourgeoisie;
3) The Canadian proletariat should vigorously overthrow the reactionary Canadian state which is anti-democratic and is anti-Canadian and is the instrument of the oppression of Quebec;
4) The Canadian proletariat should oppose the revisionist and opportunist fraud of “equality” between “two nations” and their nonsense of “self-determination” through reform; and that
5) The road to genuine national liberation and self-determination for Quebec is the road of social revolutions the road of defeating the reactionary bourgeoisie in the battle-field. The Canadian proletariat must lead this revolutionary struggle and fight for genuine self-determination for the people of Quebec (including secession if the people of Quebec so desire).

12. The period between the Second and Third Congresses of CPC(M-L) witnessed the deepening and broadening of the economic, political, financial and cultural crisis of imperialism and social-imperialism on the world scale. This crisis is all-sided. It has been intensified by the consolidation of the socialist countries of China and Albania and certain other independent countries and by the rise of national liberation struggles in Asia, Africa and Latin America. The reorganization of the Marxist-Leninist parties and the further development of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement on the world scale has contributed to the crisis.

Furthermore, the bellicose and aggressive activities of both imperialism and social-imperialism and the activities of the reactionary bourgeoisie in each country has further fueled this crisis. This crisis is a crisis of the social system of imperialism and social-imperialism, based on the contradictions inherent in the system. It is not only a crisis of the present but also a crisis of the future. Imperialism has been in general crisis since the Great October Revolution and we are passing through the era of the total overthrow of imperialism and social-imperialism on the world scale. The crisis has brought forth the class contradictions in a much more intense and antagonistic form. The proletariat in the imperialist and social-imperialist countries, in the capitalist and revisionist countries, is courageously fighting the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis of imperialism and social-imperialism onto their backs and against the fascization and militarization of the state. The two superpowers use the reactionary bourgeoisie of each country to suppress the proletariat of that country and intensify capitalist exploitation and wage-slavery.

The proletariat of Asia, Africa and Latin America and other oppressed nations is leading the people of these countries against the most barbaric and fascist mediaeval rulers sponsored by imperialism and social-imperialism. The proletariat of these countries is working under the most difficult conditions and is making great sacrifices. The proletariat of Albania and China is building socialism, fighting against capitalist restoration at home and imperialist and social-imperialist aggression abroad and is vigorously supporting the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat on the world scale. A broad front of struggle against the two superpowers and world reaction has emerged in Asia, Africa and Latin America involving many countries with the proletariat of these countries in the lead. The international proletariat is waging a vigorous and protracted struggle against the international bourgeoisie. The victory of the international proletariat over the international bourgeoisie is guaranteed.

13. The four major contradictions on the world scale, the contradiction between the oppressed nations on the one hand and imperialism and social-imperialism on the other; the contradiction between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the capitalist and revisionist countries; the contradiction between imperialist and social-imperialist countries and among the imperialist countries; and the contradiction between socialist countries on the one hand and imperialism and social-imperialism on the other, are maturing on the world scale. The world is divided into two irreconcilable camps: the camp of the socialist countries, of the oppressed nations fighting against imperialism, social-imperialism and world reaction, of the proletariat fighting against capitalist exploitation and wage-slavery, and the camp of imperialism and social-imperialism and of the reactionary bourgeoisie of each country. The contradictions between the imperialists and social-imperialists and amongst the imperialists themselves are sharpening furiously. This is creating a favourable situation for the proletariat of all countries to lead the revolutionary struggles of each country based on its own conditions. The proletariat must use these contradictions in the camp of imperialism, social-imperialism and world reaction in order to advance the struggle for socialism, independence and national liberation. There are opportunists who are looking at the contradictions between the imperialists and social-imperialists and amongst the imperialists separately, to advocate that there is no necessity for proletarian leadership and no necessity for the Marxist-Leninist parties to lead these struggles independently.

These opportunists have concocted the thesis which in the words of Jack Scott is: “Countries freed from the imperialist yoke will invariably, given time, develop in a progressive direction internally.” Jack Scott sees no necessity for revolution for these countries as the only reliable road to genuine liberation and independence.According to these opportunists, on the world scale, there is no longer the struggle between the worlds of labour and capital. On the contrary, the struggle is against the two superpowers with the proletariat playing either no role or playing the secondary role of supporting the reactionary bourgeoisie. This is an out-and-out betrayal of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. The thesis of “Countries freed from the imperialist yoke will invariably, given time, develop in a progressive direction internally” is the thesis taken from the Titoite revisionists by Jack Scott. As with his thesis on the Great October Revolution, so it is the same with this thesis.

Jack Scott traces the origin of social-imperialism to the Great October Revolution and quite openly advances the reactionary slander that the Soviet Union was a “superpower” before the death of Comrade Stalin. The Titoite revisionists spread the slander that after the Second World War, the world was divided between the two superpowers, the Soviet Union and the U.S., making no distinction between socialism and imperialism. It is this same thesis which jack Scott advances. Furthermore, the correct thesis of the existence of an intermediate zone between imperialism and socialism after the Second World War and the attempt by U.S. imperialism to seize control of this zone as a prelude to attacking the socialist camp, is converted into the Titoite theory that the attitude of the countries of the intermediate zone towards socialism and imperialism should be the same. They should fear both. Using the terms of “non-alignment” and other such terms, Tito sold himself to the U.S. imperialists and opened Yugoslavia for imperialist exploitation and plunder. At the present time, the opportunists are mouthing the Titoite analysis of the two superpowers in opposition to the Marxist-Leninist analysis of the world being divided into the camp of socialism and the camp of imperialism. Between the socialist countries and the imperialist and social-imperialist countries, are many countries where the question of independence and national liberation exists. Who is going to lead the struggle for independence there? The proletariat or the reactionary bourgeoisie? The Titoite answer is: the reactionary bourgeoisie. And will their revolution be part of the world anti-imperialist socialist revolution? No, it will be separate. That is the path of “non-capitalist” or “independent capitalist” development, the path of capitulating to the two superpowers and betraying the nation. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers the thesis of “three worlds” as non-Marxist and as an instrument to disarm the proletariat of various countries and sow the illusion that liberation and emancipation will one day come to them without revolution.

14. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly believes that there is a revisionist and opportunist plot to confuse the question of the antagonistic camps in the struggle and the path forward for the oppressed nations which exist in between the imperialist and social-imperialist countries and the socialist countries. In this nefarious activity, those who call “Soviet social-imperialism” the “most ferocious enemy and the source of the Third World War” and the Khrushchovite revisionists collude and cooperate with one another. The two, with ulterior motives, deliberately confuse the question of the socialist camp. The Khrushchovite revisionists, knowing the correct Marxist-Leninist line that the world was split between the camp of socialism and national liberation and the camp of imperialism and reaction with the victory of the Great October Revolution, and the historical fact that a socialist camp of several socialist countries existed right after the Second World War for a time, deliberately keep calling the Soviet social-imperialist camp of today the “socialist camp”. On the other hand, other opportunists in the service of imperialism and revisionism, recognizing the fact that the socialist camp of the kind that existed right after the Second World War for a period extending into the fifties, no longer exists, push their balderdash that the socialist camp no longer exists altogether. Then the Khrushchovite revisionists, in order to sow maximum confusion, turn around and malign the Marxist-Leninists that they do not believe that the world was split into two irreconcilable camps with the victory of the Great October Revolution. The other opportunists then advance their slander that anyone who believes that the socialist camp exists is a “Khrushchovite revisionist”. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is resolutely opposed to this confusion-mongering of these revisionists and opportunists.

15. During the past few years the international opportunists have created a great deal of confusion on the question of the “non-alignment movement” and the Bandung Conference of the Asian and African countries held in 1955. The Titoite revisionists floated the specious thesis of “non-alignment” during the late 50’s in order to oppose the spirit of Bandung which was the outcome of and reflected the anti-colonial, and anti-imperialist struggle of the people of Africa and Asia. This diversionary illusion was peddled in order to detach the people of these countries from their natural allies, the socialist camp and bind them to the camp of imperialism.

The Khrushchovite revisionists hail this notion of “non-alignment” and present the line that “non-alignment” is against U.S. imperialism only and that its development, on its own, will lead these countries to the path of “progress” and “independent” development. The opportunists have rehashed the Titoite revisionist thesis of “non-alignment movement” and are putting forward the line of the super “non-alignment movement”, the “theory” that the “third world” has arisen as a “force” against the hegemonism of the two superpowers. The opportunists, like the Khrushchovite revisionists before them, are presenting these non-Marxist theories to undermine the struggle of the oppressed people of Africa, Asia and Latin America, and lead them to the path of capitulating to imperialism, social-imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie. The opportunists mystify the fact that many of these so-called “non-aligned” countries are tied to one superpower or the other, and that many of these countries are signatories to bilateral and regional military pacts sponsored by the aggressive superpowers. They put on the same footing the so-called “non-alignment” of Castro’s Cuba whose puppet troops are butchering the Angolan people, at the behest of Soviet social-imperialism, with those newly-independent countries which have achieved their independence through protracted armed struggle against U.S. imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie and by remaining vigilant and firmly opposing the plots and conspiracies of the other superpower, Soviet social-imperialism. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is firmly opposed to the Khrushchovite revisionists’ and the opportunists’ confusion-making on the question of the “non-alignment movement”, and will never permit them to cause confusion on these questions in the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement of Canada.

16. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) vigorously hails the great historic victories of the people of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos. Chairman Mao pointed out that “A weak nation can defeat a strong, a small nation can defeat a big. The people of a small country can certainly defeat aggression by a big country, if only they dare to rise in struggle, dare to take up arms and grasp in their own hands the destiny of their country. This is a law of history.” The victory of the people of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos is a living testimony to the correctness of this proletarian revolutionary line of Chairman Mao on the path to liberation and independence for countries and nations. Bellicose U.S. imperialism, the imperialism which arrogantly gives itself the Hitlerite right to intervene in the internal affairs of other countries and to launch aggression against other peoples and nations, the imperialism which brandishes nuclear bombs and threatens the entire world with extinction, that imperialism was defeated by the heroic peoples of the small nations of Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos. By persisting in armed struggle, opposing the reactionary bourgeoisie, the puppets and quislings of their own nations and remaining vigilant and firmly opposing the plots and conspiracies of the other superpower, Soviet social-imperialism, and by uniting with one another, sympathizing with and supporting each other’s struggle, the heroic people of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos completely liberated their countries and ushered in a new period of socialist revolution and construction in their lands. With arms in their hands, the people of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos won victories on the battlefield. The path of winning independence and liberation on the battlefield is the path for the liberation of all oppressed people and nations of the world. There are those today who are advancing the erroneous thesis that countries can gain independence by fighting the two superpowers in the international arena through the United Nations and other international, regional, and multi-lateral bodies and by making some changes in their own laws. Though this contributes to the development of the struggle against the two superpowers and reactionaries on the world scale, the decisive road to emancipation is the road of social revolution where the proletariat leads the struggle not only against the two superpowers but also against the reactionary bourgeoisie and other reactionary classes, the base of the two superpowers in the first place. For example, the people of Iran will never win liberation by sitting idly by waiting for the time when the two superpowers will be defeated internationally by a so-called “united front” against the two superpowers. The people of Iran have to do their own fighting. They have to win their battle first and foremost against the fascist Shah of Iran and the reactionary bourgeoisie installed by foreign imperialism there. In exactly the same manner, the people of India have first to eliminate the base of imperialism and social-imperialism in India which is constituted by the bureaucrat-comprador capitalist class and the class of big landlords. There are those who are advancing the slogan of “democracy” for India and opposition to the two superpowers while the Indian masses face the most barbaric and mediaeval feudal, semi-feudal, capitalist and semi-colonial oppression, exploitation and plunder. They are siding with the reactionary bourgeoisie and creating illusions in the ranks of the revolutionaries that the revolutionary transformation can take place without a battle, without defeating feudalism and bureaucrat-comprador capitalism first. They dread the armed agrarian revolution of the Indian peasantry led by the revolutionary proletariat and they oppose the growth and development of the Marxist-Leninist party in the course of leading this peasant revolutionary war.

The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) opposes this line of capitulation to imperialism, social-imperialism and to the reactionary bourgeoisie. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the armed revolutionary struggles of the people of the Philippines, Malaya, Thailand and other countries and considers the road followed by these revolutionaries under the leadership of their respective parties to be the correct road of national liberation and the road of achieving final emancipation from all imperialist aggression and plunder and capitalist exploitation, wage-slavery and feudal oppression.

The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) sends revolutionary greetings to the peoples and parties of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos on their great historic victory over U.S. imperialist aggression and Soviet social-imperialist machinations. The Third Congress particularly hails the heroic people and the Revolutionary Organization of Democratic Kampuchea whose struggle our Party supported right from the beginning and will carry on supporting through to the end. In the course of their struggle, a close relationship has developed between the fighting people of Kampuchea and Canada and a friendship society is being organized in Montreal on a broad basis by the progressive and democratic people and by the people of Kampuchea resident in Montreal. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers the great historic victory of the people of Kampuchea, Vietnam and Laos as a great contribution to the liberation of mankind and a big blow to U.S. imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and all reaction.

17. During the period between the Second and Third Congresses of CPC(M-L), the Portuguese colonies also achieved their national independence through a protracted armed struggle over the years. The Third Congress hails the victories of the people of Mozambique over Portuguese colonialism. The Third Congress hails the victories of the peoples of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde Islands over Portuguese colonialism. While the peoples in Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau and the Cape Verde Islands were scoring victories over the Portuguese colonialists, the people of Angola were also waging a vigorous armed struggle led by UNITA, the revolutionary political party of the Angolan people.

But the anti-colonial struggle in Angola was not crowned with victory because of the armed occupation by Soviet social-imperialism and their Cuban puppet troops and because of the armed intervention by the South African fascists sponsored by the U.S. imperialists. Soviet social-imperialism deployed Cuban puppet troops and large amounts of military hardware and rigged up the puppet government of Neto, a government of disunity and national betrayal. This experience of the revolutionary struggle of the people of Angola shows yet again that the people of a country cannot win genuine independence and liberation by relying on one superpower or the other or by relying on any reactionary force. The “victory” of Neto, wrung by the bayonets of the Soviet social-imperialists and brandished by the Cuban puppets dripping in the blood of thousands of Angolan people will be shortlived.

This “victory” is of the same kind that U.S. imperialism has engineered in the past and conspires to organize in various countries to date. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly supports the stand of UNITA in support of a government of national unity and genuine independence and denounces Soviet social-imperialism, their Cuban puppet troops and their Eastern European mercenaries for their armed occupation of Angola. It denounces the South African fascists and U.S. imperialists for their dastardly intervention in Angola. Our Party has built very close relations with UNITA since its foundation and it will resolutely carry on supporting the struggle of the Angolan people against Soviet social-imperialism and the Cuban puppets and for total liberation of Angola. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the fighting spirit of the people of Angola led by UNITA in their Second Anti-Colonial Struggle and wholeheartedly supports their historic struggle for national unity and genuine independence.

18. Just after the Second Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist), the U.S. imperialists organized a reactionary coup d’etat in Chile against the government of Allende on September 11, 1973. This reactionary coup d’etat declared bankrupt once and for all the revisionist thesis that the proletariat can seize political power through the parliamentary and peaceful road and that the fate of a nation can be safe in the hands of the bourgeois democrats. The reactionary coup d’etat exposed for all to see that the proletariat cannot take a back seat in the struggle for genuine independence and emancipation of the nation and that the proletariat cannot entrust the destiny of the nation to the bourgeois democrats. Furthermore, the reactionary coup exposed the ferocious and aggressive nature of U.S. imperialism and the fascist character of the big bourgeoisie of Chile. The big bourgeoisie in Chile is the base of U.S. imperialism and slaughters the Chilean people. Only the proletariat can lead the people of Chile to genuine national liberation and independence. The Chilean people have firmly grasped the lessons of this reactionary coup and other lessons from the long struggle against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys.

The vanguard of the proletariat and people of Chile is the Revolutionary Communist Party of Chile which is waging an armed struggle against the fascist state of Pinochet and against U.S. imperialism. Only by persisting in this road of armed struggle will the people of Chile win genuine independence and liberation. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) hails the correct revolutionary line of armed struggle of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Chile and pledges to provide full support to their struggle which we consider as our own struggle. The Third Congress,of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) vigorously denounces the revisionist road of peaceful and parliamentary capitulation to the reactionary bourgeoisie and the foreign imperialists and stands firmly against this counter-revolutionary road.

19. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) considers this era to be the era of revolutionary transformation from capitalism to socialism. It is the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, and an era of great disorder on the world scale. Comrades Marx and Engels put it well when they pointed out that

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this distinctive feature: it has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other: Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.

This division has now taken world proportions and the world is now split into two irreconcilable camps – the camp of socialism, independence and national liberation and the camp of imperialism and social-imperialism and all reaction, in other words, the camp of labour and the camp of capital. This division of the world into two camps since the time of the Great October Revolution has put the world of capital into perpetual crisis. It is the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat on the world scale which is the cause of disorder for the bourgeoisie and it is this disorder which the imperialists, social-imperialists and all reactionaries strive to eliminate from the face of the earth. But all their attempts at suppression, all their reactionary measures against the proletariat and the people and all their aggression and intervention into affairs of other countries merely fuels this great revolutionary disorder. Wherever there is repression, there is resistance. This is the general law. Finding themselves in an absolute impasse, their forces and plans in total disarray, the contradictions amongst themselves becoming increasingly acute and irreconcilable everyday, and their appetite for exploitation, plunder, aggression and hegemony increasing manifold everyday, the imperialists and social-imperialists and the reactionary bourgeoisie of all countries make use of the revisionists, old and new, opportunists of all hues, to extinguish the fires of liberation wars and revolution.

These revisionists, old and new, the opportunists of all hues, concoct one excuse after another, hatch one plot after another and put on different garbs to extinguish the liberation wars and revolution. Internationally, they have concocted the thesis of one main enemy. They have also concocted the thesis that factors both for revolution and war are increasing, putting the question of revolution and war on an equal footing, distorting the entire historical trend and blurring the general course of history. Within Canada, they have concocted the thesis that the political system in Canada is “bourgeois democracy” and that the conditions for revolution neither existed in the 1930’s nor do they exist today. For a country like India, the opportunists advanced the counter-revolutionary thesis of “restoration of democracy” as a prelude to the people’s democratic revolution. What do all these theses of the revisionists and the opportunists amount to? According to the theory of one main enemy, the world is not divided between socialism and imperialism. On the contrary, the world is divided between imperialism and imperialism – in other words, these revisionists and opportunists of all hues have divided the world according to the contradictions in the imperialist camp. First they divide the camp of imperialism – which includes social-imperialism – from social-imperialism.Furthermore, they advocate that there are countries of the “second world” which are not part of the world imperialist system of states, and that the reactionary bourgeoisie of the different countries are not part of the camp of imperialism. They are putting forward the contradictions in the camp of imperialism and social-imperialism not for the purposes of utilizing them in order to advance the struggle for socialism, independence and national liberation but on the contrary, they are advocating that the proletariat should plan its struggle along the lines of divisions that exist in the imperialist camp. With their theory of one main enemy, these opportunists advocate that one superpower or the other is more ferocious or more dangerous, and that the peoples of the world should support one superpower in its inter-imperialist rivalry with the other. This is why they are advancing their nefarious thesis that factors both for revolution and war are increasing. If these opportunists of all hues had recognized the basic character of our epoch, that it is the epoch of transition from capitalism to socialism, then they would also have recognized that because the factors for revolution are developing on the world scale, the imperialists and social-imperialists are fascizing the states in various countries and they are preparing for world war, and that this war is the response of the imperialists and social-imperialists to the revolutionary crisis. And that this inter-imperialist war is not just a war to redivide the world, but it is also a “way out” of the revolutionary crisis. When the imperialists and social-imperialists cannot avert the revolutionary crisis by any other means, that is by means of social-democracy, revisionism and opportunism of all hues and by other forms of deception, then they resort to war. It is erroneous then to suggest that factors both for revolution and war are growing.

Revolution is the main trend while war is merely transitory. Also there are several kinds of wars – there are wars of aggression, there are inter-imperialist wars, there are anti-fascist wars, there are wars of national liberation and there are revolutionary civil wars to overthrow the reactionary bourgeoisie. All these wars are basically divided into just and unjust wars. The anti-fascist, national liberation and revolutionary civil wars are just wars while wars of aggression and inter-imperialist wars are unjust wars. The proletariat responds to these entirely opposite kinds of wars differently. It supports the just and opposes the unjust wars. It converts the unjust wars of aggression and of inter-imperialist rivalry into just wars to end imperialist aggression and into revolutionary civil wars to overthrow imperialism and social-imperialism altogether. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is opposed to the thesis of one main enemy and the thesis that factors both for revolution and war are growing. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that revolution is the main trend on the world scale and that revolution is developing vigorously while the two superpowers and imperialists and reactionaries of all countries are suffering from innumerable antagonistic, irreconcilable and unsolvable contradictions amongst themselves and that their fascization of their states and their preparation for war is their last ditch effort to avert the revolutionary crisis. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that it is revolution which is inevitable. While the inter-imperialist war is inevitable as long as imperialism exists, its inevitability depends very much on the revolutionary struggle on the world scale. Any capitulation to imperialism and social-imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie of all countries is bound to give rise to wars of aggression, intervention and inter-imperialist wars. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that “either war will give rise to revolution or revolution will prevent war,” and for this reason the proletariat and people must get prepared. They must strive to organize revolution against their own reactionary bourgeoisie in their own countries and if war breaks out they must convert the reactionary inter-imperialist war or wars of aggression and intervention into revolutionary civil wars for genuine liberation and independence. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is opposed to all the opportunist theories which belittle the revolutionary struggle and put it on a par with imperialist and social-imperialist preparation for war.

20. Titoite and Khrushchovite revisionists as well as revisionists of the Jack Scott type, are advancing the counter-revolutionary thesis that war will not break out on the world scale in the coming period. While the Khrushchovite revisionists sing their tunes through the “detente” fraud and through reactionary propaganda about disarmament, etc., the other revisionists carry out propaganda under the slogan that “war is inevitable”. The “detente” fraud and the fraudulent propaganda of the “war is inevitable” theoreticians, that “war is inevitable but not in the coming twenty or thirty years” or that the “international united front against the two super powers, especially against Soviet social-imperialism” will avert war for several years, is the same revisionist fraud propagated to sow illusions about peaceful development, to do propaganda for capitalist restoration in socialist countries and to create conditions and a favourable climate for cooperation with imperialism, social-imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie.

These theses are neither based on facts nor arrived at through class analysis. On the contrary, these theses are revisionist theses designed to reconcile antagonisms within countries and on the world scale where these antagonisms have an objective basis and exist independent of anyone’s will, and to create antagonisms where there is no objective basis and they do not exist at all. This is the line of conciliation with the enemy and attacking the people, especially the Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries and their analysis. It is a sinister move on the part of the revisionists on a world scale. Comrade Marx pointed out in 1846:

No antagonism, no progress. This is the law that civilization has followed up to our days. Till now the productive forces have been developed by virtue of this system of class antagonisms. To say now that, because all the needs of all the workers were satisfied, men could devote themselves to the creation of products of a higher order – to more complicated industries – would be to leave class antagonism out of account and turn all historical development upside down.

This watchword of Marx, “No antagonism, no progress”, is now being put into the dust by various people and they are embarking on the road of wishful thinking that war can be averted by the wishes of a few individuals, or that “Countries freed from the imperialist yoke will invariably, given time, develop in a progressive direction internally”. Also, the erroneous thesis is being echoed in certain quarters (raised by Teng Hsiao-ping in China) that modernization and production is the order of the day. So for countries which are under the jackboots of imperialism, social-imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie of their own country, the advice is that they should have faith in the “international united front against the two superpowers” and once this “international united front” frees these countries from “imperialism”, then they should wait for the “given time” when these countries will “develop in a progressive direction”. For the socialist countries, the advice is modernize and increase production. This is eclecticism. This is the line of confusing the results with motive forces. Production cannot be increased and countries cannot be modernized and the yoke of imperialism cannot be overthrown by simply wishing that production should increase, countries should modernize and the yoke of imperialism should be overthrown. On the contrary, the answers have to be found in the Marxist thesis, “No antagonism, no progress”, and that “till now the productive forces have been developed by virtue of this system of class antagonisms”.

Thus, class struggle has to be the key link and social revolutions have to be organized everywhere where either the reactionary bourgeoisie is the ruling class or where, even though the dictatorship of the proletariat is established, the question of which wins out, socialism or capitalism, has yet to be decided and where the threat of subversion by imperialism and social-imperialism still exists. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the only guarantee in socialist countries for the development of the productive forces. Anyone who weakens the re, olutionary movement against the reactionary bourgeoisie, no matter under what excuse, and anyone who weakens the dictatorship of the proletariat, no matter under what excuse, is bound to play into the hands of imperialism and social-imperialism and harm the interests of the proletariat and people of the world. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is opposed to the revisionist “detente” fraud as well as the propaganda that “war is inevitable” or war is “inevitable, but can be postponed for several years”, etc.

The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly holds that both class and national struggles led by the proletariat and its vanguard parties are inevitable on the world scale. As long as there is imperialism, social-imperialism and reaction, there will remain revolutionary class and national wars of liberation. The proletariat of all countries must wage a vigorous class and national struggle against imperialism, social-imperialism and all reaction, and most particularly, the struggle against one’s own reactionary bourgeoisie. Only then will the revolutionary transformation from capitalism to socialism take place. Only then will the dictatorship of the proletariat in socialist countries be without any danger from internal or external subversion. Only then will the imperialists, social-imperialists and all reactionaries be defeated. Only then will the new stage in the history of mankind be ushered in. That is the stage of communism. Everything else is a pipe dream, a sinister revisionist plot to lull the people to sleep.

21. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) affirms the thesis that the two superpowers, U.S. imperialism, and Soviet social-imperialism, are the biggest exploiters and enemies of the proletariat, people and nations of the world. The two superpowers are the greatest oppressors and together with their reactionary blocs and alliances of states, are a source of war. Lenin pointed out in his celebrated work, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, that “The world has become divided into a handful of usurer states and a vast majority of debtor states.” This thesis of Comrade Lenin’s has been affirmed by the facts and reality of the contemporary world. The two superpowers, the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan and France, make up the maior usurer countries on the world scale.

After the devastation of World War Two, Germany and France have re-emerged as creditor states on the world scale. Through manipulations in the money markets – the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and other financial institutions – through their “aid” and “credits”, through their massive trade in armaments and through the control they exercise in the economic, political and other spheres, the two superpowers and the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan and France extract billions of dollars from debtor states all over the world. Though the two superpowers are the biggest exploiters and oppressors of the proletariat, people and nations of the world, it is erroneous to create any illusions about the imperialists of the United Kingdom, Germany, Japan, France and for that matter of other states of the Common Market, Eastern Europe and Canada. The inter-imperialist rivalries and contradictions do not place the countries of the so-called “second world” into the camp of the people. The formulation that these countries are in contradiction with the “third world” and at the same time, that they are a target of control and bullying by the two superpowers, must be analyzed from a class point of view. There is a world imperialist system of states. Even within the world imperialist system of states, there are a handful of usurer states and other debtor states.

Canada is a debtor country. Canada is one of the biggest debtor countries in the world. In 1975, Canada’s net international indebtedness was more than $43 billion. But the fact that Canada is a debtor country in no way means that the Canadian state is not an oppressor state or that the Canadian state is not part or the imperialist system of states.

Besides Canada being one of the world’s biggest debtor countries, it has also become a net exporter of capital in direct investment abroad since 1973. Canada competes with the U.S. for markets and privileges, but this competition does not alter the fact that many of the companies competing are actually branch plants of U.S. imperialism. Secondly, this is a contradiction in the camp of U.S. imperialism and the Canadian monopoly capitalist class – that is, amongst monopolies. The big bourgeoisie in Canada – the Canadian monopoly capitalists and those monopoly capitalists who are a mere extension of the U.S. imperialists – is the base for U.S. imperialist domination of Canada. At the same time, the Canadian state is a base for exploitation and plunder on the world scale by a section of the international imperialist bourgeoisie. The fact that the Canadian state is an oppressor state does not mean that Canada is not a dominated state. While Canada has been a net exporter of capital in direct investment since 1973, the import of capital into Canada for investment in stocks, bonds, and debentures, has skyrocketed especially in the last three years. The largest part of this increasing import of foreign, mainly U.S., finance capital, into Canada has been in debt issued by the various levels of government and by government run enterprises. At the same time the U.S. imperialists and other imperialists, have cut their capital exports for direct investment in plant and equipment in Canada by 50% in the last three years. As well the big bourgeoisie in Canada, in pursuit of maximum profit, exports capital for direct investment abroad, capital created through the exploitation and plunder of the land and labour of the Canadian working class and people. The net imports of finance capital for stocks, bonds and debentures exceeds by several times the net export of capital for direct investment. As a result Canada’s international indebtedness is constantly growing, as is the U.S. imperialist domination of Canada.

The fact that the Canadian state is an oppressor state, and is a net exporter of capital for direct investment abroad in no way makes Canada a usurer state. The complex situation that prevails on the world scale leads certain opportunists to draw conclusions that are altogether unwarranted. They place Canada into the “second world” in order to mask the character of the Canadian state, which is, that it is dominated by U.S. imperialism. At the same time, they glorify the dealings of Canada with the “third world” as progressive and the competition amongst monopoly groups as an indication that Canada is “independent”. In developing the correct strategy and tactics for the Canadian revolution, the Third Congress of CPC(M-L) takes the view that:
1) The two superpowers are the biggest exploiters and oppressors of the proletariat, people and nations of the world,
2) The United Kingdom, Germay, Japan, France and other so-called “second world” countries are also the exploiters and oppressors of the proletariat, people and nations of the world,
3) Canada is also an oppressor state, and that,
4) There exists no commonness of interests between the imerialist bourgeoise nd their states in countries like the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Japan, Italy and Canada and the proletariat, people and nations who are waging a resolute struggle against the two superpowers and against their own reactionary bourgeoisie.

Canada’s position internationally must be recognized by taking all the different facts into consideration. The fact is that Canada has a state monopoly capitalist system, and the Canadian state is one of the chief instruments by which foreign monopolies were imposed onto the capitalist system in Canada. The fact is that Canada is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and the North American Air Defence, and Canada has been the spokesman and agent of U.S. imperialism in the international arena. These facts prove that the position of Canada is similar to that of the reactionary bourgeoisie of any country and that the struggle against U.S. imperialism must be organized on the basis of the struggle against the reactionary bourgeoisie. These facts are ignored and distorted by the opportunists in drawing their unwarranted conclusions. In placing Canada in the so-called “second world”, they mask the U.S. imperialist domination of Canada, and conciliate with the big bourgeoisie in Canada in the inter-imperialist rivalry and competition. In building correct strategy and tactics for anti-imperialist socialist revolution in Canada, the Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) stands firmly opposed to the theories of “utilizing” this contradiction in the imperialist camp by “forging alliances” with the reactionary bourgeoisie in Canada under the hoax that this bourgeoisie safeguards Canadian independence in any way, or opposes the two superpowers.

22. The period between the Second and Third Congresses of CPC(M-L) has been marked by the steady deepening and broadening of the economic crisis. In Canada, this crisis is fueled by the revolutionary struggles of the people on the world scale, by the crisis of U.S. imperialism and by inter-imperialist rivalry and contention between the two superpowers and by the activities of the Canadian state. The contradictions inherent in capitalism, of capitalist exploitation and wage-slavery, of capitalist ownership and socialized production, have sharpened and torn the thin veil off the propaganda of the capitalists and opportunists that class struggle has “died out” in Canada and that Canada has become a country of the “middle class” in the “post-industrial society” because of the “prosperity” of the working class. The economic crisis in Canada proves once again Marx’s prediction that under capitalism, the trend is that the rich become richer and the poor become poorer. The present crisis in Canada, which shows its particular features, began in the summer of 1974. The economy showed no growth in the summer of 1974, and the much-advertized “recovery” since the beginning of 1976 has been short-lived in many branches of industry and in others the prospects are gloomy. Unemployment has been chronic and persistent, and rose from 520,000 in 1973 to more than 700,000 in 1976, reaching 889,000 in January 1977, the highest since the depression of the 1930’s. (Unemployment reached an all-time high in February, 1977. This rate of 7.9% was released the week following the conclusion of the Congress.) In each post-war crisis the bourgeois economists find ever-higher figures for the “acceptable” level of permanently unemployed workers. Inflation has also persisted throughout this period, and rising prices are reflected in the consumer price index which reached 152.2 by November 1976, as compared with 100 in 1971. Corporate profits before taxes rose threefold since 1965, from $6.3 billion in 1965 to $7.7 billion in 1970, to $15 billion in 1973 and to more than $18.5 billion dollars in both 1974 and 1975. Interest income, dividend income and other investment income has risen more than four times from $1.8 billion in 1965 to $8.1 billion in 1975. Payment of interest and dividends to non-residents have increased from $800 million in 1965 to $2 billion in 1975. The indebtedness of the federal government alone has risen from $21.1 billion in 1966 to $42.2 billion in 1976. From 1974 to 1975 alone, the net indebtedness of all levels of government in Canada increased by $8.5 billion. All the facts prove that the capitalist system is riddled with crisis and that the only way out of the crisis is the overthrow of the capitalist system. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly believes that the only way the proletariat can escape the crisis of capitalism is by overthrowing the capitalist system and building socialism.

23. The response of the reactionary bourgeoisie to the crisis is to shift the burden of the crisis onto the backs of the working class. They carry this out by increasing unemployment, maintaining high levels of inflation, layoffs, speedups, overtime, technological change, rationalizing production, etc. etc. Along with the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto the backs of the working class, the reactionary bourgeoisie also blames the working class, and the people for the crisis. In February, 1975, the reactionary bourgeoisie introduced the “Green Paper” to whip up hysteria against immigrants, especially immigrants from Asia, Africa and Latin America, and carried this campaign right through to date. In October of 1975, the reactionary bourgeoisie introduced the so-called “wages and prices restraint“ bill, declaring illegal the just demands of the organized and unorganized workers for higher wages. It established the “Anti-Inflation Board” to roll back any wage increase which the Board considered “excessive”. The reactionary bourgeoisie at the provincial and federal levels also introduced cutbacks in social services. The Federal government deprived thousands of workers of unemployment insurance benefits as well. The mouthpieces for capitalism which had spoken of “consumerism”, “maximum spending”, “leisure society”, etc., now talked about “restraints”, and “constraints” of belt-tightening, etc., proving once again that the promised paradise of capitalism is merely illusory and that under capitalism, the vast majority of the workers will always suffer maximum deprivation due to capitalist exploitation and wage-slavery. The working class responded to these measures of the reactionary bourgeoisie with a massive campaign against these measures from coast to coast. In spite of the class collaborationism of the labour aristocracy, the social-democrats and the revisionist bourgeois leadership, the workers organized massive demonstrations and strike struggles leading to a day of protest across Canada in October of 1976.

Workers defied the orders of the “Anti-Inflation Board” and responded to the reactionary assault of the state with their defiance, proving that illegal struggles are bound to develop and that workers are bound to break out from the narrow confines and limits of legalism and parliamentarism that the reactionary class collaborationist leadership has imposed on them. Our Party advanced the slogan Make the Rich Pay! This slogan became the rallying cry all over the country. Workers took up this slogan in many places and marched under its banner. Several unions adopted the slogan Make the Rich Pay! The National Students’ Association of Quebec (ANEQ) adopted this slogan in 1976. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers the slogan Make the Rich Pay! to be the correct slogan to prepare the masses for the acceptance of revolutionary overthrow of the reactionary bourgeoisie and the U.S. imperialist domination through revolutionary mass struggle.

Besides the economic crisis, there are the political, cultural, ideological and social crises. The reactionary bourgeoisie in Canada, is in an absolute impasse, and has borrowed every racist, anti-working class and anti-communist theory from the arsenal of Nazism. The talk shop fraud of “elections” every few years is only a cover-up for the reactionary attacks against the vast majority of the people of Canada. The reactionary bourgeoisie refuses the right of national self-determination and secession to the nation of Quebec; it has destroyed the livelihood of the Native people and is throwing them off their hereditary lands and smashing their traditional way of life; it exploits and suppresses the immigrants and people of various nationalities; it decimates the youth spiritually, provides them with no future, converts them into petty criminals and incarcerates them for long periods of time. It discriminates against women and it has made life unbearable for the vast majority of the Canadian people. It has ruined the agriculture and has deprived the fishermen in large numbers of their livelihood. It has sold out the natural resources. Various multinational corporations have virtually annexed parts of Canada and exercise their “sovereignty” while the reactionary bourgeoisie provides every facility including the capital and infrastructure necessary for them to operate. There is vicious infighting going on in the camp of the reactionary bourgeoisie, leading to the open confrontation on the language question for the air traffic controllers and on the question of “Canadian Unity”. The reactionary bourgeoisie spent billions of dollars on such projects as the Olympics, increasing the indebtedness of the state. There is an all-round crisis which is calling for a solution. Only the proletariat can avert this crisis by overthrowing the capitalist system and by defeating U.S. imperialist domination and the reactionary bourgeoisie of this country. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) stands for ending the crisis by expropriating the reactionary bourgeoisie, ending its rule and overthrowing the capitalist system.

24. The economic crisis in Canada is of the same nature and of the same calibre as the economic crisis of other capitalist and revisionist countries. It is a crisis resulting from the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat and the liberation struggles of the peoples, the victories of socialism and the contradictions inherent in the capitalist system, the contradiction between capitalist ownership of the means of production and socialized production, as well as from the domination of the Canadian state and economy, politics, and cultural life by U.S. imperialism. The international crisis of imperialism and social-imperialism and of the capitalist and revisionist countries has the following salient features:
1) Inflation;
2) Unemployment;
3) Falling rate of production;
4) The monetary currency crisis;
5) Foreign debt, colossal trade deficits, deficit financing;
6) Inter-imperialist rivalry and exploitation and plunder of the neo-colonial, semi-colonial and colonial countries;
7) Militarization of the economy and fascization of the state;
8) Ruining of agriculture; and
9) Political and social crisis resulting from the over-all general economic crisis.

All these salient features have been most pronounced in Canada. Certain features like indebtedness and unemployment exist in a far more dramatic fashion than others. This international crisis of imperialism and social-imperialism and of the capitalist and revisionist countries is taking place in the climate of acute inter-imperialist contradictions, creating favourable conditions for the proletariat to rise up and overthrow these systems. The imperialists, social-imperialists, capitalists and revisionists cannot assert their will and dictate events according to their whims and desires. On the contrary, the crisis measures taken by them lead into further crisis. The measures taken by various imperialist and capitalist countries since the Second World War to avert their crisis – government interference and increasing the money supply, opening up special departments of armament production away from general production, massive expenditures on unproductive projects that are a big burden on the economy, the massive increase in the bureaucracy and the launching of imperialist aggressive wars, etc. – have all added to the general crisis that is plaguing all these countries today. The false “prosperity” generated by these massive expenditures is now turning into a mass of misery, impoverishment and suffering for the masses of people. Unemployment in the Common Market countries has gone up to the colossal figure of 5 million and in a small country like Canada there are close to one million unemployed. In pursuit of maximum profits, the imperialists do not develop their own resources. On the contrary, they seize control of the sources of raw material of other countries where production costs are cheapest and the profit highest and monopolize them all over the globe, leading to fierce rivalry amongst the imperialists, social-imperialists and capitalist and revisionist countries as well as fierce opposition from the people of these countries. There is also a scramble for capturing the world market for capital and commodities exports which has brought the imperialist, social-imperialist and capitalist countries into a fierce fight. As a result of the pursuit of maximum capitalist profit, especially by the oil monopolies, several imperialist countries, especially the United States, are suffering from an acute energy shortage. All these features expose not only the universal immiseration of the vast majority of the proletariat and labouring masses in these countries and the subsequent sharpening of class antagonisms and awakening of the proletariat to the historic task of overthrowing capitalism, but also show the absolute parasitic and decadent nature of monopoly capitalism, capitalism at its highest stage, the stage of capitalism in decay, as well as the nefarious ways the capitalists exploit the people of their own countries and on the world scale.

Inflation is a form of levy, imposed by capitalism onto the masses of people, a moloch sucking the lifeblood out of the people in order to maintain the maximum rate of capitalist profits for the moneybags.Unemployment is an incurable wound in the capitalist societies and there is no cure for it within the capitalist system. Imperialists, social-imperialists, capitalists and revisionists have not only refined the methods of exploitation and repression of the labouring masses in their own countries, but they also devise a form of colonialism, a system of states in the former colonies by which the entire lifeline of these countries is at the mercy of a handful of imperialist states. They control their sources of raw materials, they have installed and cooked up absolutely corrupt states and through these control the whole fabric of life, they have a stranglehold over these countries in order to guarantee highest profits for their investments, they buy cheap and sell dear, they monopolize and fix prices in order to ruin the economies of these countries. Through various alliances and subterfuges, these imperialists and social-imperialists have free access to these countries, the reactionary bourgeoisie being their base; the masses of people are plundered, countries are ruined and people slaughtered. Everywhere on the world scale, the imperialists and social-imperialists and their allies and quislings foment reactionary civil wars, foment divisions, in order to fish in troubled waters. They carry out robbery and slaughter in the manner in which they carried it out in Cyprus, and in the manner of the unprecedented robbery and slaughter of the people in Lebanon. They prop up reactionary states like the Zionist state of Israel in the Middle East, and the most mediaeval and feudal states like that of the Shah of Iran, Saudi Arabia, etc. They organized the slaughter of the people of Angola by the Cuban puppet troops – they carry out this and much more, for the purposes of maintaining maximum capitalist profits for themselves and weakening their rival. An unprecedented wave of revolt is brewing in these neo-colonial and semi-colonial countries. No force on earth can keep in check the people so weighed down by imperialism and social-imperialism and the reactionary bourgeoisie of their own countries.

All the four major contradictions in the world are concentrated in the vast area of Asia, Africa and Latin America which has over two-thirds of the world population and includes a large number of people and nations fighting for national liberation and independence as well as certain other countries which have already won their independence on the battlefield. These countries, together with certain other countries, make up the intermediate zone in between the imperialist and the socialist countries. Their struggles are part of the world anti-imperialist, socialist revolution and the countries are the target of imperialist and social imperialist aggression and plunder. The proletariat of these countries is the leading force and the peasantry the main force and there are also other sections and strata, as well as sections of the national bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie that takes the side of the nation, which together make up an overwhelming majority of people who have everything to gain from the social revolution, a revolution against the reactionary bourgeoisie of their own countries and against U.S. imperialism, Soviet social-imperialism and other imperialists. Along with the struggles of the proletariat and people of this vast area, the proletariat of the United States, Soviet Union and the proletariat of the imperialist and revisionist world in Europe and the proletariat of various countries of Oceania, are being brought into the revolutionary struggle against the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto their backs, against the war preparations and fascization of the states in these countries and against the two superpowers and reaction. Thus, not only is the proletariat leading the struggle in Asia, Africa and Latin America, the proletariat of the imperialist and social-imperialist countries is also awakening and the proletariat of various other countries is waging a sharp revolutionary struggle against its own reactionary bourgeoisie and the two superpowers. The storm centres of the world revolution are concentrated in the vast zone of Asia, Africa and Latin America. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that while it is correct that the storm centres of world revolution are presently concentrated in Asia, Africa and Latin America, it is incorrect to suggest that revolution has exhausted itself in other parts of the world or there is no necessity of revolution in other countries or that the storm centres of the world revolution won’t shift or that the storm centres of world revolution won’t expand and spread. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is firmly opposed to drawing any conclusions which belittle the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat in the imperialist and social-imperialist countries. Thus, the great intensification of the liberation struggle of the people of Asia, Africa and Latin America, the broadening and deepening of the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, all taken together, have further weakened imperialism and social-imperialism, have sharpened the contradictions inherent in the capitalist system and shaken it to its foundations.

The two superpowers and the imperialists and reactionaries of these countries are extremely afraid of revolts in these countries. Not only are they advocating international “detente”, creating a false sense of security and floating fallacious theories of “three worlds”, but they are also calling for “industrial peace” and “law and order” and are putting forward deceptive slogans of “commonness of interests” between the workers and the imperialists and fraudulent calls for “patriotism”, “national unity“, and “peace”. While they advance these demagogic and fraudulent slogans, they also issue threats in the same breath of using the “full force of the law” against all those who resist their attacks or revolt against them. Even the distribution of literature or some localized student struggle or economic struggle in a factory drives these reactionaries to the wall which shows their utter degeneration and total bankruptcy and isolation from the proletariat and labouring masses of these countries. It is not the proletariat and people of these countries who are afraid of the reactionaries, on the contrary, it is the reactionaries who are afraid of the proletariat and people. The deception and fraud perpetrated over the years by the revisionists and social-democrats and their parliamentary cretinism and the tying of the working class movement to the chariot wheel of social-democracy, is coming to an end. Marxist-Leninist parties are getting organized in these countries. Proletarians en masse are seeing through the treacheries of the revisionists and the social-democrats. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is of the opinion that the entire propaganda about the “second” and “third” worlds is to liquidate revolution and to permit imperialism and social imperialism to have a free hand to organize and smash up the camp of socialism, national liberation and independence.

Socialist Albania and Socialist China are the bastions of world revolution and the reliable rear base for the proletariat and the peoples of the world in their struggle against imperialism, social-imperialism and all reaction. For this reason, the two superpowers try desperately to wipe them out. They support capitalist restoration internally and have been carrying out a campaign of encirclement in order to prepare conditions to attack them militarily. By continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the socialist countries strengthen this dictatorship which is the key to preventing internal subversion and imperialist aggression. There exists a real danger that the two superpowers in collusion or individually will invade socialist China or socialist Albania, or both. But for the two superpowers to launch this adventure, they must first establish their camps and alliances, establish hegemonism over the people and nations fighting for liberation and independence in Asia, Africa and Latin America, weaken and secure one another’s influence in each other’s zone of influence in the imperialist and revisionist countries, quell and extinguish revolutionary flames there and fascize their own states with the subsequent crushing of any opposition.

This is possible only if the Marxist-Leninist parties and the proletariat of these countries do not fight, entrust their future to their reactionary bourgeoisie and abandon the historical task of winning liberation and independence on the battlefield. But this cannot happen. The Joint Statement of the Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America has repudiated this traitorous road. At the rallies in Italy and Germany, several European Marxist-Leninist parties affirmed the road of the Great October Revolution for their countries and hailed the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania and the Political Report submitted by Comrade Enver Hoxha to the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labour of Albania and affirmed the general road of revolutionary transformation to socialism and independence for their countries. Amongst these parties, the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) is waging an armed struggle against the monarcho-fascist dictatorship and against U.S. imperialism. In Asia, communist parties in the Philippines, Thailand and Malaya are persisting in armed struggle. The Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), despite serious setbacks and fascist repression from Mrs. Gandhi with the brutal slaughter and imprisonment of thousands of its leaders and cadres, is persisting in the revolutionary road of armed struggle charted out by Comrade Charu Mazumdar. Various Marxist-Leninist parties are coming into being in Africa. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party is waging a heroic armed struggle to end the ancient rule of feudalism and bureaucrat-comprador capitalism and the domination by the two superpowers. The enthusiasm and dedication of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries in various parts of the world to revolution, to the role of armed struggle, is not just a matter of words and declarations, but a practical problem they have taken up for solution. Encouraged by the great Marxist-Leninist party, the Party of Labour of Albania, learning from the great Marxist-Leninist Comrade Enver Hoxha, summing up the historical experience of the Great October Revolution, learning from their own struggles, strengthened by the sympathy and support of the socialist countries of Albania and China and persisting in self-reliance to find their own bearings, providing solutions to their own problems on the basis of their own efforts and keeping the general orientation clear and firmly opposing revisionism, these parties are organizing to win historic victory.

The two superpowers will not have peace to regroup and organize themselves internationally against the proletariat and people of the world. People in some quarters are seeking peace for “twenty or thirty years” but the Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is convinced that the revolutionary proletariat will not permit the two superpowers and world reaction to live in peace, not even for one day, one minute or one second. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L)holds that the revolutionary struggle in Canada is part of the world anti-imperialist socialist revolution and that Canada is an important country for imperialism and social-imperialism in which they seek hegemony and absolute “peace and tranquility” in order to carry out their war preparations and aggression against the world of socialism, of national liberation and independence. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly believes that the proletariat and people of Canada will not become part of the imperialist or social-imperialist war machine and that because of the objective conditions of Canada, a revolt of the proletariat and people will certainly take place which will be a great contribution to world revolution and a great weapon against war. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly believes that the only road for Canada is the road’ of the overthrow of capitalism through revolutionary violence and that the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is duty-bound to provide militant Marxist-Leninist consciousness, organization and leadership to this great historic struggle. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly states that our Party will, according to the concrete conditions prevailing in Canada, perform its revolutionary responsibilities to the world proletariat and oppressed mankind and will solve the problems of anti-imperialist socialist revolution by adhering to Marxist-Leninist political line and maintaining independence and keeping the initiative in its own hands.

25. The Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) was established on March 31, 1970, seven years ago. The founders of the Party boldly declared through their Political Report, released at a conference in Montreal that: “We strongly hold that this way a people’s war will be developed on a scale never before seen in the whole history of the Canadian working class and Canadian people. This people’s war will burn the imperialists and their lackeys to the ground. We consider all the methods of work prior to May, 1968, as moribund, and as being a shackle to the revolutionary struggle. We have come to the conclusion that for the waging of a successful mass-democratic revolution in Canada, all the legacies of the ’Communist’Party of Canada must be repudiated”. Six years later, Comrade Hardial Bains, Chairman of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) pointed out in his anniversary speech that: “. . . founding the Party was absolutely necessary to fight revisionism. Without a revolutionary party based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought, it would have been impossible to fight and combat revisionism.” He further explained that: “A Communist Party is not a corporation with its board of directors and with a franchise to ’lead’ the working class with its already incorporated ’aims and objectives’. Founding of the Communist Party is a declaration, a manifesto on the part of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. But the Communist Party itself is not just a declaration and a manifesto. It is more than that. It is a vehicle, an organized detachment of the most advanced section of the proletariat, a political organization of the proletariat which has as its historical mission, ’the seizure of political power by revolutionary violence, guiding the proletariat in its struggle to overthrow the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and establish the dictatorship of the proletariat so as to achieve communism’. The Communist Party is the instrument of establishment the dictatorship of the proletariat where it does not exist and of consolidating and expanding it where it does exist.” The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that, at the present time, the main danger to the Party is still from revisionism. The rejection of “the old methods of work prior to May 1968, as moribund, and as being a shackle to the revolutionary struggle”, to the Party, meant the necessity of opposing revisionism, the necessity of ideologically arming the proletariat with Marxism-Leninism through mass democratic struggle, the programme of rejecting the peaceful and parliamentary road to “socialism” and the necessity of opposing the influence of revisionism and social democracy in the working class movement. In that same year, the Party waged a vigorous struggle against the “the working class” line, the line of putting, economic struggle in command of Party building and opposing political struggle. Seven years later, the Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that the problem still remains the same – the Party must wage a sharp ideological struggle against revisionism and oppose the “working class line” and the Party must now wage an all-sided ideological, political and organizational struggle in order to consolidate itself in the proletariat. The period between the Second Congress and the Third Congress witnessed the rise of various opportunist sects who took up the mission to undo the victories of the Party and destroy the influence of the Party in the masses. They became a shield against the Party to defend revisionism and the revisionist party in Canada. Within the Party as well, opposition grew to the correct Marxist-Leninist line of building the centralized organs of the Party, establishing a central organ, establishing the Central Committee as the supreme leading body in between two congresses, as well as committees under it, in order to carry out the work of the Party on the basis of democratic centralism. While outside, the opposition was to the Party, inside, the opposition was to centralized leadership on the basis of the organizational principle of democratic centralism. These two erroneous lines inside and outside complemented one another leading to the generation of ideological, political and organizational confusion as a prelude to liquidating the Party. The Party waged a fierce struggle against the opportunist sects inside and outside the Party. The Party upheld the correct Marxist-Leninist view that in one country there can only be one political party of the proletariat, a Marxist-Leninist party, and that it is the duty of all those who call themselves Marxist-Leninists to build it. The Party firmly rebuffed the attacks of the opportunists that the time is not ripe to establish these. At the present time, again, the Party is faced with the same struggle as various opportunists are now conspiring to declare their parties.

The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon all the Party members to launch a nation-wide ideological campaign to mobilize the advanced sections of the proletariat against the opportunist line of building several parties as “Marxist-Leninist”. To engage in declaring several “Marxist-Leninist” parties, is to vulgarize and distort Marxism, confuse the masses about the correct Marxist-Leninist ideological and political line and damage the building of the genuine Marxist-Leninist party of the proletariat. The building of several “Marxist-Leninist” parties is the old method of work and a legacy of the revisionist party. The revisionist party betrayed the theory of Marxism-Leninism and converted it into a dogma and detached it from the practice of the Canadian anti-imperialist socialist revolution. They characterized all the revisionist fallacies as “Marxism”. First the Internationalists and later the Party boldly took up the task of opposing revisionism and organized ideological campaigns against revisionism for the purposes of propagating the correct Marxist-Leninist ideological and political line and organized various levels of the Party on the basis of this correct ideological and political line. This ideological campaign was a great setback for revisionism, at the same time, it created conditions for the building of the Party on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. Over the years since the Second Congress, various opportunist sects have also created the same situation as the revisionists in the sixties. They have detached Marxism-Leninism from the concrete practice of the Canadian revolution. They are dishing out every revisionist and opportunist fallacy and calling them “Marxism-Leninism”. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) believes that this negative situation created by the opportunists also has a dual character. It is bad insofar as it creates maximum confusion on the Marxist-Leninist ideological and political line. At the same time, it is good that genuine Marxist-Leninists, through their work, can turn the situation into its opposite. They can turn a situation full of confusion on ideological and political questions into a situation where there is clarity and clear lines of demarcation are drawn between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism. Clear lines between Marxism-Leninism and revisionism are already being drawn. The Third Congress upholds the view that:

1) A Marxist-Leninist party is the political party of the proletariat and not a sect or a corporation;

2) In one country there can only be one Marxist-Leninist party;

3) The opportunists are deliberately, with ulterior motives, establishing their so-called parties for the purposes of blurring the distinction between Marxism and revisionism and to sow confusion amongst the advanced sections of the proletariat as a prelude to disintegrating the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement of Canada and liquidating the Party; and that,

4) There is one ideology of Marxism-Leninism. This ideology is not a matter of interpretation, but it reflects the laws governing the objective spontaneous world.

The theory of Marxism deals with the objective spontaneous world, at the same time, it is a theory which is not a dogma but a guide to action. The basic principles of Marxism are applicable to all countries. The opportunists are eclectics. They mix up consciousness and matter. They only recognize “the existence of the philosophizing individual” and not the existence of classes, class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. As a result, they see ,no necessity for the unity of Marxist-Leninists against imperialism and revisionism. On the contrary, they declare an antagonistic contradiction with the Marxist-Leninists while they find some sensibleness in imperialism and revisionism, Lenin teaches:

It should be said that many idealists and all agnostics (Kantians and Humeans included) call the materialists metaphysicians, because it seems to them that to recognise the existence of an external world independent of the human mind is to transcend the bounds of experience.

The opportunists, during the past four years, have taken up the task of discrediting Marxism-Leninism on the basis of their “experience” and have joined the anti-communist propagandists of “the God that failed” notoriety of the 1950’s. During the last couple of years, these opportunists have written treatises strictly limiting these to the bounds of their “experience” in order to discredit the Party. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that inspite of all attempts by the imperialists, social-imperialists and the opportunists to create false “Marxist-Leninist parties“ by mimicking the genuine Marxist-Leninists, there will remain only one genuine Marxist-Leninist party in each country. The CPC(M-L) is such a Party for Canada. All our members must vigorously fight for the purity of Marxism on which this Party is based and frustrate all attempts by opportunism to float several “Marxist-Leninist” parties. They must defeat all their attempts to disintegrate the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and oppose all their attacks on Marxism-Leninism and CPC(M-L).

26. The line of floating several “Marxist-Leninist” parties on the basis of mimicking CPC(M-L), for the purposes of pushing a revisionist and an opportunist line, came into being in 1970 and after following the victory of Marxism over revisionism in Canada with the establishment of CPC(M-L) and with the resolute resistance to the attacks of the state and the opportunists of all hues. The question of defeating this line is not merely a question of an ideologgcal campaign against the erroneous line but one of actually taking up this question for solution and to defeat this opportunist line. It is also a practical matter of purging our ranks of the opportunist elements and eliminating our weaknesses in the course of opposing opportunists of all hues. The building of the Party necessitates a resolute, unwavering, firm and continuous struggle against the vulgarizations and distortions by the revisionists and opportunists of all hues. It necessitates the defeat of the revisionists and opportunists of all hues in the working class movement and in the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement.

The revisionists and opportunists of all hues are also actively engaged in sabotaging the work of the Party. They watch and learn the methods the Party utilizes to defeat them in order to use the same methods against the Party. The Party must remain ever vigilant against the double tactic of the revisionists and opportunists of attacking Marxism-Leninism and the Party head-on and putting on the garb of “genuine” Marxism-Leninism. When the Party consolidated itself in the course of resistance to the attacks of the state and against the attacks of the opportunists of all hues, the revisionist party issued a frenzied call to wipe out the influence of CPC(M-L). One of the chieftains of the revisionists wrote in exasperation: “How much damage will they do in their shameful splitting anti-working class activities? To assure this damage is minimized requires a stepped-up exposure in the working class and democratic movements of the anti-Soviet, anti-unity, anti-Marxist, divisive line and tactics of the Canadian Maoists, to isolate them from these bodies.” This is exactly the mission which various opportunist sects, who called themselves “genuine” Marxist-Leninists, took up in the later years. They also issued calls to “Smash CPC(M-L)!” The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly believes that only an all-sided campaign against opportunists and revisionists of all hues, against this caricature of CPC(M-L) and communism and against all the plots and conspiracies of opportunists of all hues, can consolidate the building of the Party. In this respect, the struggle against U.S. imperialism, the Canadian monopoly capitalists and against the capitalist system can only be successful if it is linked with the struggle against revisionism, against opportunism and against the caricature of CPC(M-L) and communism and opportunism of all hues.

27. The building of a correct Marxist-Leninist party is a decisive historical task. It is a struggle which will carry on throughout the entire period of the overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and throughout the entire historical period of the dictatorship of the proletariat. In each period it is the specific tasks which guide the building of the Party, while the general line and principles guiding Party building remain the same. While the Party takes up a specific task for solution in a given period, this specific task must always be subordinated to, and be based on, the general line and must serve the over-all task of the Party. The revisionists and opportunists of all hues have their “specific tasks” which they call “using Marxism-Leninism as a guide to action” etc.; which amounts to the complete abandonment of Marxism-Leninism. They also have a “general line and principle”, which is Marxism as a general dogma of class struggle. Neither do they solve the specific task of the given stage of revolution, nor do they make the specific task serve the general orientation of anti-imperialist socialist revolution.

28. The revisionists and opportunists of all hues take a reformist attitude towards the state. They call the Canadian state a “bourgeois democracy” in order to hide its class character. All these revisionists and opportunist sects are social-fascists. They are the forerunners of the fascists. While the open terrorist dictatorship of finance capital is the last weapon the bourgeoisie will use against the proletariat and people, the social-fascists create the conditions for the rise of this open terrorism.

The revisionists and opportunists of all hues have a ready-made excuse to justify the attacks of the state. They always find fault with the people for the attacks of the state. Towards state attacks on CPC(M-L), they play a particularly deliberate, conscious and planned role. Their purpose is to isolate CPC(M-L) and prevent it from launching counter-attacks.

The period between the Second and Third Congresses of CPC(M-L) witnessed how the holy alliance of the “left” (revisionists and opportunists of all hues) offered their services to the state to defuse the struggle of the class against the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto their backs. The struggle of the Native people, the struggles of the East Indians and other national minorities against state-organized racist attacks, the struggle of the students against the bourgeois decadent educational system and against the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto their backs, through higher fees and other costs of education and through unemployment, and the struggle of the working class against the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto their backs,are examples of this. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) believes that only by taking a revolutionary attitude towards the state, can this reformism and social-fascism of the holy alliance of the “left” be combatted.

29. The ringleaders of the social-fascists are not some young upstarts. They are experienced agents of the state. They have participated in this sort of activity for a long period of time. They are using the nefarious methods used by the U.S. imperialists and Soviet social-imperialists in order to discredit the genuinely Marxist-Leninist communist revolutionaries. Jack Scott, one of these notorious social-fascists, has repeatedly slandered the Party as “sectarian”, “ultra-left”, “fascist”, “racist” etc. In August of 1976, he accused the Party of being responsible for racism in Canada. Like the Hitlerite Nazis, the nefarious method of Jack Scott against the Party is the same: concoct as atrocious and absurd an accusation against the Party as possible and blame the Party for every crime of the reactionary state. It is no wonder that the sayings of Jack Scott are the same as those of the Toronto Sun, an openly reactionary newspaper in Toronto. Along with Jack Scott, there is another veteran, James Endicott. While Jack Scott fancies himself to be a “Marxist-Leninist”, “labour historian”, “friend of China” etc., James Endicott is a priest, a “peace-maker” and a “friend of China”. He issued a nefarious article in his newsletter in 1976, charging the Party with being a “CIA” front. These two individuals have carried out a slander campaign against the Party for several years. Of course, when the Party retaliates and counter-attacks, exposes their counter-revolutionary ideological and political lines, the young upstarts begin shouting murder. Why is the Party attacking such “progressive” individuals?

The most despicable and shameless performance of these upstarts and their aging gurus has been in the Canada-China Friendship Associations. They have used these associations to launch attacks against CPC(M-L) all across Canada. One President of one of these associations in Montreal has gone to the extent of fabricating all sorts of accusations including the accusation that CPC(M-L) is suggesting that the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China is interfering in the internal affairs of Canada. But their lies are so transparent and bankrupt that they cannot peddle these for too long or too far. The history of the Canada-China Friendship Associations is a witness to the fact that the Party always had a warm attitude towards these associations and vigorously supported them. At the same time, the Party criticized friendship associations which became pawns for opportunist propaganda, e.g., Canada-China Friendship Association in Vancouver which published Jack Scott’s anti-communist book Two Roads under its aegis. There again, the CPC(M-L) justly repudiated the anti-communism of Jack Scott and his attacks on the Great October Revolution and on Comrades Lenin and Stalin, and refrained from carrying out any public or private campaign against CCFA (Vancouver). Only on one occasion in 1972 did the Party criticize the CCFA (Vancouver) for its anti-communism but this criticism was carried out on a private basis and never in public. At no time did the Party attempt to take over, or disrupt the activities of these associations, or use them for any ends other than their declared aims. On the contrary, the opportunists consider these friendship associations as their fiefdoms. They carry out regular witch-hunts against anyone sympathizing with the Party. They openly and shamelessly boycott those friendship associations which do not go along with their anti-communist dictates. These friendship associations can’t get films or “recognition”. The most glaring and shameless self-exposure of these opportunists is on the question of their concoction that CPC(M-L) charges the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China with interfering in the internal affairs of Canada. It is a case of thief crying stop thief. In the article printed by James Endicott in which he accuses the Party of being a “CIA“ front, he also states that certain “officials” from China do not approve of CPC(M-L). Not only does this expose the alliance between James Endicott and certain “officials” but it also lays to rest the false accusation that it is CPC(M-L) which accuses the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China with interfering in the internal affairs of Canada. On the contrary, it is James Endicott, Jack Scott, this President of the Friendship Association in Montreal and others who are accusing the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China with interfering in the internal affairs of Canada and on that basis attempting to get some support for their anti-communist positions. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly denounces these individuals for aligning themselves with international opportunism in order to carry out disruptive activities in the friendship movement with China and in the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement of Canada. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) vigorously declares that neither has the Party ever written to Chairman Mao Tsetung accusing the Embassy of the People’s Republic of China of interference in the internal affairs of Canada (which certain opportunist sects and the President of the Friendship Association in Montreal claim), nor has it carried out any campaign of this nature in Canada. On the contrary, it is James Endicott and Jack Scott and their young upstarts who are themselves the architects and agents of this anti-communist propaganda and who are using the name of the People’s Republic of China in order to oppose CPC(M-L) and attack its leadership. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly supports the friendship movement and encourages all our members who want to actively participate in this movement to do so vigorously. Our activists in the friendship movement with China should resolutely expose the lies and slanders of these opportunists and should not stop until the time when these anti-communist gangsters are thoroughly exposed.

The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that today, certain opportunists who are allied with international opportunism, are using the name of the People’s Republic of China and the prestige of Chairman Mao Tsetung in order to push forward their line of capitulation to the U.S. imperialists and the monopoly capitalists of this country. They want Canada safe for this superpower, at the same time, they are creating maximum confusion about the nature of U.S. imperialism and about the international situation. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that opposition to the propaganda of these opportunists is very crucial to opposing imperialism and revisionism in Canada. Social-fascism in Canada is of many types. There is the social-fascism of the NDP which is in power in various provinces as well as has representation in the parliament. There is the social-fascism of the revisionist party of Canada. Then there is the social-fascism of various trotskyist sects and finally the social-fascism of the “genuine” Marxist-Leninist sects. To oppose social-fascism of one form, it is imperative that we oppose social-fascism of other types as well. Our opposition to social-fascism must be consistent with our class outlook and class aims. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly states that our Party is not fighting battles with individuals or groups as individuals or groups. These are battles of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie and are fought on this basis. We are opposed to U.S. imperialism, Canadian monopoly capitalism and all reactionaries in Canada. Internationally, we are opposed to the two superpowers, all imperialist and revisionist countries and all reactionaries. Our struggle against social-fascism is in the context of this national and international struggle. We are opposed to the lines which are supporting the reactionary bourgeoisie nationally and internationally. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon all comrades – that in waging struggle against social-fascism, they must resolutely support the friendship movement with China, they must make a distinction between the anti-communist activities of James Endicott, Jack Scott and their type and their young upstart followers and the activities of the friendship associations, which are organized purely to build friendship with the people of the People’s Republic of China.

30. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada(Marxist-Leninist) holds that in fighting social-fascism, we must make a clear distinction between our real enemies and our real friends. One of the methods social-fascists use against the Party is the method of organizing provocations in order to embroil our comrades in side-line struggles in order to sow confusion amongst the masses. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon all our comrades to learn how to respond to these provocations, how to bypass the rock instead of steering the ship on a head-on collision course. The provocations against the Party are not individual creations but are the handiwork of the state. It is the state which is behind all these attacks. It launches them in order to cause maximum confusion in the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon comrades to use the method of mass democracy to settle these issues.

The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) affirms that the method of building the Party is the mass democratic method. All the revisionist and opportunist sects are terrified of the mass democratic method. Mass democracy forbids the methods of sophistry and rhetoric and of spouting uninvestigated nonsense. No investigation, no right to speak! Mass democracy demands strict adherence to Marxism-Leninism. This is what the revisionists and the opportunists of all hues hate most. While they have made hysterical declarations to “wipe out CPC(M-L)”, their political anti-ideological lines are so bankrupt that they can only hold their own “followers” by preventing them from talking to members and supporters of CPC(M-L). It is for this reason that their sects must be built on the basis of conspiracies.

The social-fascists are past masters in declaring the existence of antagonistic contradictions where there is no objective basis for these to exist and they smooth over antagonistic contradictions where there is an objective basis for their existence. Various opportunist sects declared that their contradiction with CPC(M-L) was antagonistic, at the same time, they called themselves “Marxist-Leninists”. On the other hand, they declared Canada to be a “bourgeois democracy” and said CPC(M-L) “provokes the police”. Their fascism and degeneration have gone so far that every reactionary attack of the state on CPC(M-L) is passed off by them as the “state’s attempt to give credibility to CPC(M-L)” or as “CPC(M-L) provoking the police”. By using this method, the social-fascists act as disruptive elements in:
1) The Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement
2) The working class movement
3) The youth and student movement
4) The solidarity and friendship movement, etc.

The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that it is only the reactionary bourgeoisie who has the mission to disrupt the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement, the working class movement, the youth and student movement and the solidarity and friendship movement. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon all our members to vigorously defeat this line of disruption carried out by the social-fascists of all hues.

31. The Party has faced disruptions within its own ranks several times since its founding. These disruptions were not caused merely for the sake of opposing democratic centralism but for the purpose of actively pushing an opportunist line by disrupting the Party organization. This was the case with the clique of the “Left”-sloganeering front of Khrushchovite revisionism in 1971-1972; this was the same case with the “petty bourgeois reactionary businessman’s clan” in 1975. Using the style of straightforward reactionaries of lying and building cliques, the disruptors waited for the opportune moment to push their opportunist line. The contradiction that arose between the Party and a section of the PCDN CB was of the same nature. A section of the PCDN CB simply refused to carry out organizational discipline, refused to come under the centralized leadership of the Party and pushed opportunist lines regarding various questions of theory, tactics and agitation and propaganda. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that the principle of democratic centralism is the only correct principle of building the Party organizationally.

Democratic centralism cannot be established on the basis of incorrect political and ideological line. On the contrary, the implementation of the organizational principle of democratic centralism necessitates that the ideological and political line of the Party must be Marxist-Leninist. Those who push an incorrect political and ideological line are also the ones who oppose democratic centralism. From the time the “petty bourgeois reactionary businessman’s clan” volunteered to work with the Party, it created the maximum amount of disruption. The petty chieftain of this clan, besides having relations with the other members of his clan in a “Mansonite” style, also pushed schemes to show how the comrades responsible for printing and publishing could make money on the side by typesetting for the bourgeoisie. He and his clan refused to come under the centralized discipline and created absolute fascist relations amongst the comrades working there. This clan paid no attention to the ideological, political and organizational building of the technical side; on the contrary, it was busy hatching plots to convert the revolutionary work into a business operation. When the leadership of the Party took stern action against the petty chieftain of the clan, then the others – two of them first agreed with the criticism of the chieftain and found no fault with the Party – later joined the chieftain to produce an anti-communist rag which has become a police socialist newspaper.

Besides opposing democratic centralism, this petty chieftain took money through fraudulent means from NBI and tried to suggest that that was a payment for certain bills which another company never billed him for, thus exposing his reactionary nature of being a fraudulent speculator and thief. Since October 1975, when he was resolutely purged, he has been shrieking himself hoarse crying stop thief in order to malign the Party and its leadership. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that this particular case of disruption could not have taken place if the organizational principle of the Party, that is, democratic centralism was upheld. The same is true of the problems in the PCDN CB. A strict adherence to democratic centralism could have purged the elements who were pushing the opportunist line.

32. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) affirms the organizational principle of democratic centralism and advocates that the leadership must be exercised through Party committees and not through individuals. The individual is subordinate to the Party. It is the Party that commands and not the other way around. The Central Committee of the Party is the supreme commander in the period between two Congresses. Various committees are established at various levels in order to implement the line of the Congress under the leadership of the Central Committee. The period between the Second and Third Congresses witnessed the rise of sects within the Party organized on the local level and in various areas. These sects, of course, called themselves branches of the Party but, in practice, carried out their own activities. They turned the relationship between the leader and the led upside down. Instead of the Central Committee being the leader, they were demanding that the Central Committee work for them, thus disrupting the work of the Party in various areas and nationally. This problem of Party branches existing as sects within the Party is the same problem as individuals exercising leadership instead of leadership being exercised by the Party committees at various levels. This problem also contributed to the rise of sects outside and their consolidation in the absence of the implementation of the line of the Party. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) resolutely decided to purge all elements who persist in violating the organizational principle of democratic centralism and refuse to come under the centralized leadership and refuse to exercise leadership through the centralized bodies of the Party.

33. The Party has made great progress in building the centralized organs of the Party. Besides establishing the technical centre on the basis of our own efforts, the Party has now established the Central Organ Committee of the Party. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) fully supports the work of building the Central Organ Committee and considers it a great step forward for the work of the Party on this front. Besides establishing the Central Organ Committee, the work of the Central Committee also started vigorously after the Second Consultative Conference of the Local Secretaries in September 1975. This conference exposed the basic weakness of the inner-party organization, the lack of firm cadre policy and a line for building basic units in the factories. Even though the line was adopted some years ago regarding the cadre policy especially during the organizational conference of November 1972 the decisions of which were ratified by the Second Congress, the local secretaries failed to implement that correct line in various areas. This negative line basically reflects the eclecticism of the Party comrades at those levels who, instead of implementing the line of the Central Committee, concocted for themselves the programme of recruiting literally anyone on the basis of activism within the mass movement. They made no distinction between ordinary activists and activists desiring to become communists and Marxist-Leninists. They considered activism as the main quality and the only quality of a communist, a Marxist-Leninist. Thus the organizational foundation of the Party remained extremely weak in the factories during this period. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) has worked out a method of rectifying this situation:

1) The Central Committee of the Party must firmly implement the line of ideological building of the Party. This line of ideological building of the Party, besides meaning the conscientious study of Marxist-Leninist classics and works of Comrade Enver Hoxha and besides carrying out the programme of study and investigation on a regular basis, means the establishment of the basic units of the Party in the factories, in communication and transportation and in the mining areas and making these the mainstay of the Party. The negative line of activism or collecting literally anyone who sounds friendly and agreeable enough is the line of revisionism and opportunism of all hues. Revisionists and opportunists of all hues have reduced the task of building basic units to building what they call “collectives” or what they call “districts” and “regions”. This method of building basic units differs very little from the social-democratic method of establishing constituency organizations. This method of organizing is also reflected in establishing basic units to “lead” the “trade union work”, “student work”, “national minority work” etc. While it is necessary to lead all forms of struggle, the basic unit of the Party cannot simply be established as a unit leading some activism in certain areas of work. This type of unit will simply be paralyzed from overwork in organizing activism and will have no time to build the Party. It will not have time to pay attention to the overall problems of Party building and to implement the line of the Central Committee and will not have time to participate in sharp ideological struggle against all brands of opportunism. The basic unit of the Party must be established in the industrial proletariat and this must be the mainstay of the Party.

2) All the regional or area or any type of basic units or committees which have been established either by the Second Central Committee of the Party or by the secretaries at various levels are now disbanded. The Third Central Committee will take firm action against any basic units/area committee or any level of committee which violates the line of establishing basic units in the industrial proletariat.

3) The basic task of the units in the industrial proletariat will not be the participation in activism of the trade unions, nor will it be the task of what is called “leading” the “work in the trade unions” or what the opportunists call “building the class struggle trade unions“. The basic task of the unit will be to train communist proletarians for the purposes of building the party and organizing the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement. All other tasks will be subordinate to this task. No individual will be admitted to the Party who does not conform with the basic requirement that he or she must be in the industrial proletariat building the basic unit there.

4) The admission into the Party of all the comrades who are not in the industrial proletariat and are either in the non-industrial proletariat, or are student/youth, or are professionals of one sort or another, will be based on merit. First attention will be paid to organize the non-industrial proletarians and there again by strictly adhering to the rules for membership of the Party. Special attention will be paid to proletarian and unemployed youth who will be organized in the Communist Youth Union of Canada (Marxist-Leninist). Last attention will be paid to the others.

5) In all cases, one of the qualifications of admission to the Party will be their attitude towards study and application of Marxist-Leninist theory and their ability to organize in the industrial and non-industrial proletariat. Any individual who is reluctant to study Marxism-Leninism and who is lukewarm to the idea of organizing the proletariat will not be admitted to the Party.

6) The regional and local committees will be nominated from those who have been in the proletariat organizing for the Party over a period of several years, and those who are new comrades but are organizing in the proletariat. These committees will be formed in order to implement the line of the Central Committee and to exercise leadership there. The committees will not be coordination committees, and will be established on the basis of electing the best comrades onto the committees and not on the basis of representation from various areas and factories.

7) All the committees will strictly follow the principle of leadership through the committees and not of individuals exercising leadership.

8) The attitude of the Party towards non-proletarian elements will be one of sympathy and support for their cause but, at no time will the Party recruit cadres into branches who are merely “leading” the student movement or “leading” certain other professions or “leading” certain national minority groups. etc. The Party will encourage the advanced elements from the non-proletarian elements to join the Party and take up its mission but will not recruit them on the basis of providing them with “exceptional” discipline. When the Party decided to go against the old methods of work of the Party, one of the tasks was to eliminate the old revisionist method of organizing. The revisionists “led” everyone else while no one was left to lead them so they fell right into the swamp of opportunism from which it is almost impossible to get out.

9) The attitude of the Party towards other non-Party organizations is one of providing consciousness, ideological and political leadership and organization after the ideological and political leadership has been accepted. But the attitude towards the entire revolutionary movement is one of the proletariat led by the Party exercising hegemony over everything.

34. During the period between the Second and Third Congresses, the Party gained tremendous influence amongst the national minority workers, the Native people, as well as amongst the youth and students. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) has concluded several points from this work which are as follows:

1) In dealing with the youth and student work, the Party has always ended up paying the main attention to the student youth and very little attention to the young workers and unemployed youth. This situation must be reversed. Because of the fact that the educational institutions contain student youth and form a community of their own and because the propagandists for the proletariat come from intellectual backgrounds, it has been the policy of the Party to pay attention to this work. And in the case of the proletarian youth, employed and unemployed, there are very few places where they meet in large numbers. Literally, the only places where the proletarian youth gather in large numbers are in the prisons of the reactionary bourgeoisie or in small numbers around pool halls and dance halls, etc. The problem is now on the agenda for solution and the Party will make every effort to organize youth for proletarian revolution and communism. The Central Committee of CYUC(M-L) will be provided special assistance by the Party to mobilize the proletarian youth.

2) In dealing with the work in the national minorities, the Party has encountered many problems, some of which have been sorted out and others are on the agenda for solution. The Party’s main task is to mobilize proletarians and win the advanced sections of the proletariat to communism. Because of large scale production, the national minority workers are integrated into the entire working class as workers and it is through the factories and other enterprises that these workers will be mobilized. The experience of the Party over the past seven years has been that it is not correct to organize Marxist-Leninists from these ethnic or immigrant national minority groups on the basis of their communities. Wherever this process has gone through, the Party committees remained extremely weak over a long period of time. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is of the opinion that the Party should continue its general policy of vigorously supporting the struggles of these communities against our common enemies but, at no time, can an individual be admitted to the Party on the incorrect basis that he/she “represents” that particular community or that his /her “main work” is in that community, etc. The Party’s attitude towards those groups and committees which are temporarily resident in Canada, or which are representing revolutionary struggles in their countries will be one of active support as we have done in the past, for example, in the case of the Zimbabwe African National Union and other such liberation organizations. The Party raised over one hundred thousand dollars during the period 1974 to 1976 and close to two hundred thousand dollars during the entire period between the Second and Third Congresses in terms of support for the national liberation organizations; from the struggle of the people of Kampuchea against U.S. aggression, to the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe, to the armed agrarian revolution led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist), to the struggle of the people of Angola led by UNITA, to the struggle of the people of Congo-Kinshasa led by the Revolutionary Marxist Party, to the struggle of the people of Spain against the monarcho-fascist dictatorship, to the struggle of the people of Trinago, Haiti, Palestine, the Philippines, etc., just to name a few. This glorious activity of the Party will continue. The Party will continue to support all the organizations and the parties with which it has established close relations and will support the just struggles of all people all over the globe. The Party will provide all kinds of assistance to the representatives of these organizations without any hesitation. But the Part will not admit an of these comrades and friends into the Party organizations. All organizations and committees, like the East Indian Defence Committee and the West Indian People’s Organization or friendship and solidarity committees, will receive active support from the Party. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that the basic criteria for membership apply equally to all members without exception. There is no membership in the Party for those whose main activity is different from the basic criteria for membership in the Party. The Third Congress of the Party will further purge individuals like A. Ahad who used the Party organization for the purposes of serving the interests of the alien groups and organizations in Canada and the U.S. and who carried out factional and splittist activity for the purposes of advancing interests other than the interests of proletarian revolution in Canada and elsewhere. The Party will recruit members on an individual basis and will recruit them on the basis of their merit for the work of the Party and not for anything else.

3) The Party’s attitude towards the Native people is also the same as its attitude towards any other Canadian or resident. Individuals from Native communities will be admitted to the Party on the basis of criteria for membership of the Party. The Party will provide active sympathy and support as it has always done to the struggle of the Native people for the restoration of their hereditary rights and for the defence of their communities and their way of life. The Party will oppose with all its might any attacks of the state at all levels against the Native people. At the same time, the Party will boldly purge individuals like V. Harper as it did with him in the summer of 1975. It will not tolerate any individual who uses the Party for his own ends and harms both the interests of the Native people and of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and the working class movement. Both A. Ahad and V. Harper have played a disruptive role in the Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and in the struggle of the national minority communities and of the Native people. The Party warns any serious revolutionary or Marxist-Leninist against having any associations with such individuals.

35. The strategic aims of the Party are:
1) Overthrow of the rule of the reactionary bourgeoisie, the bourgeoisie composed of the monopoly bourgeoisie of Canada and that of the big bourgeoisie which is a mere extension of U.S. imperialism in Canada;
2) Overthrow of the U.S. imperialist domination of Canada;
3) Establishment of a genuinely democratic state, the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat, a state which is genuinely independent and socialist;
4) Genuine liberation and right to self-determination for Quebec including right to secession;
5) Restoration of the hereditary rights of the Native people.

The new state will provide democracy for the people, will expropriate all national and international big monopoly capitalists, expropriate the traitorous bourgeoisie, suppress the reactionary elements and embark on the socialist road.

The main force to accomplish the strategic aims is the proletariat. Its basic allies are the small and poor farmers; its other allies are the fishermen and the intermediate strata of both town and country. The main assault of the proletariat is against the revisionists and opportunists of all hues, the labour aristocracy and the sellout trade union leaders, the social-democrats and other elements who are reconciling the antagonistic contradiction between the proletariat and the reactionary bourgeoisie, who are agents of either one superpower or the other, who are creating ideological and political confusion to disintegrate the revolutionary movement against the reactionary bourgeoisie, who are causing confusion in the ranks of the proletariat by establishing phoney “Marxist-Leninist” sects and parties, etc., and who are hindering and obstructing the general preparation for the overthrow of the rule of the reactionary bourgeoisie.

36. The tactical line and the slogan of the Party which is subordinate to the strategic aims of the Party, the implementation of which leads to the fulfilling of the strategic aims of the Party is Make the Rich Pay! Make the Rich Pay! is the tactical line and slogan of the Party in order to bring the millions of masses to the revolutionary position and to prepare them for the period when the overthrow of the rule of the bourgeoisie is the order of the day. This tactical line is most suited to the conditions prevailing in Canada and serves to guide the proletariat and the masses to accept the revolutionary positions.

The most immediate and crucial task of the Party is to establish basic units in the industrial proletariat and on the basis of this foundation of the Party, lead the proletariat and the masses in the struggle to Make the Rich Pay! All other tasks must be subordinate to this central and decisive task of the Party.

37. Other allies of the proletariat: The socialist countries of Albania and China are the liberated base areas and firm allies of the Canadian proletariat. The national liberation movement of the oppressed nations and peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America and the proletariat and the Marxist-Leninist parties of all countries on the world scale are also allies of the Canadian proletariat.

38. Other enemies of the proletariat: Soviet social-imperialism, imperialists and revisionists and opportunists of all countries and the reactionary bourgeoisie of all countries are the enemies of the proletariat.

39. Vacillating and temporary allies of the proletariat: Certain sections of the non-monopoly bourgeoisie, the national bourgeoisie who are patriotic, those who are pro-communist or are not anti-communist, those who have the interests of the nation in mind against the reactionary bourgeoisie, those who are opposed to the shifting of the burden of the economic crisis onto the backs of the proletariat, those who are opposed to the fascization of the state and are against the war preparations and are opposed both to Canada remaining in the camp of imperialism or joining the camp of social-imperialism, those who are sympathetic and friendly to the socialist countries and other independent countries and generally support the national liberation movement of the nations and people of Asia, Africa and Latin America, and who take a democratic stand favouring the proletariat. In the intermediate strata, there are sections especially those of upper petty bourgeoisie, rich professionals and others, officials of the government and state, sychophants of the reactionary bourgeoisie, etc. who are not the allies of the proletariat.

40. The proletariat establishes basic alliance only with the poor and small farmers. The proletariat leads the masses of people on the basis of unity in action against the reactionary bourgeoisie. The proletariat does not rely on any elements other than its staunch allies, farmers, for any decisive action. The proletariat utilizes all the contradictions that exist in the exploiting classes and wins over all those who can be won over for the purposes of fulfilling its strategic aims and it does not matter for how short a period or however vacillating these elements may be.

41. The proletariat takes an extremely sympathetic attitude towards the Native people and considers them as allies of the proletariat against the reactionary bourgeoisie. But this alliance also must not be confused with the basic alliance that exists between the proletariat and the poor and small farmers. It is a special alliance coming out of the objective conditions of the Native people that calls for the immediate restoration of the hereditary rights of the Native people. The proletariat vigorously fights for the restoration of the hereditary rights of the Native people and takes this as one of its strategic tasks.

42. During the period between the Second and Third Congresses of CPC(M-L), the Communist Youth Union of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) was established in order to provide a specific organization for the youth which will educate the youth about Marxism-Leninism and communism; at the same time, it will be an organization which acts as an instrument of propaganda and a reservoir for new Party comrades. CYUC(M-L) is founded at a time when the youth of Canada are extremely hard hit by the economic, political and cultural crisis of imperialism. The unemployment rate is highest amongst the youth. The cultural immiseration of the youth, their spiritual devastation by the imperialists, providing them with no way out, and the daily attacks of all levels of the state to convert them into petty criminals, leaves the Party no alternative but to take the youth out of the clutches of imperialism and convert them into a mighty force for revolution against the imperialists by providing them with revolutionary Marxist-Leninist consciousness and organization. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers the work amongst the youth as part of the work of building basic units in the factories and on that basis leading the struggle to Make the Rich Pay!

43. The period between the Second and the Third Congresses of CPC(M-L) also witnessed the founding of the Canadian Cultural Workers’ Committee. The Party will provide full support for the work of this committee. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is of the view that, on the front of propaganda and agitation, one of the tasks is to produce revolutionary culture which can be used to instil revolutionary propaganda into the minds of the proletariat. The proletariat is fighting fiercely against the cultural aggression of the imperialists and social-imperialists on the world scale and is in resolute support of the revolutionary culture that serves its historic struggle against the reactionary bourgeoisie.

44. All the main mass organizations of the proletariat are under the ideological, political and organizational sway of the bourgeoisie. The trade unions are integrated with the state structure and the bourgeoisie uses these against the struggles of the proletariat. These organizations which came into being as the defence organizations of the workers, are today, under reactionary leadership, they are defence organizations of the reactionary bourgeoisie. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that the Party’s attitude towards the trade unions is exactly the same as the attitude it will have towards any organization whose membership is comprised of a vast majority of workers. It is the task of ideologically winning over the workers to the strategic and tactical aims of the Party. Because of their objective position as wage-slaves, legal and illegal struggles of the proletariat are inevitable. The main thrust of these struggles is against the enemy but the labour aristocrats and the social-democratic, revisionist and bourgeois leadership either sell out these struggles or simply paralyze and liquidate them. Because of the fact that the aim of the struggle is against the bourgeoisie because of the objective situation, it is the task of the Marxist-Leninists to provide ideological guidance as the starting point for political and organizational leadership. The Party struggles not for this or that structural reform of the trade unions or the overthrow of this or that trade union leader but, it wages firm and resolute struggle against the entire sellout leadership, against the ideological and political lines behind that sellout, against all lines of class collaboration, and strives to win the workers over to the positions of the Party. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) holds that:
1) The main aim of the Party work in the trade unions and other organizations of the workers is to prepare them to accept the strategic and tactical aims set forth by the Party,
2) All kinds of methods are used to accomplish these aims, and,
3) To lead the day-to-day economic struggles of the workers by uncompromisingly adhering to the slogan of unity in action against the enemy.

The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is absolutely opposed to the opportunist line of putting trade union politics in command of the practical work of the Party. On the contrary, the Party will take its own politics into the struggle and will wage all-sided, ideological, political and economic proletarian struggle in order to prepare the class to accept the strategic and tactical aims of the Party as its own.

45. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that the Party’s attitude towards non-proletarian organizations is the same as with the proletarian associations with the following qualifications:
1) The Party’s main work is in the proletariat and not in the non-proletarian elements,
2) The main effort of the Party is to mobilize the proletarian masses to accept the strategic aims of the Party,
3) The main attitude towards non-proletarian organizations is of ideologically winning them over to Marxism-Leninism, but the proletariat remains the main area of the Party’s work,
4) The Party’s attitude of ideologically winning over the non-proletarian organizations to the positions of Marxism-Leninism does not mean that the Party will strive to establish organizational leadership over them. These organizations will accept the leadership of the Party over their organizations only after accepting the Marxist-Leninist position. This is a long and a protracted struggle.

The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is opposed to building the Party on the basis of influence in non-proletarian organizations.

46. There is a big struggle going on in the student movement in Canada, in NUS and ANEQ as well as in the student press, concerning the role of these organizations and their position in the class struggle between the proletariat and the reactionary bourgeoisie. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) decides that the Party must provide all assistance necessary to those student leaders who are fighting the sellout and careerist leadership under the slogan: Serve the Basic Interests of the Students. The Party opposes the reactionary line that NUS is merely a “service” organization or that the role of the press is to be “objective” and take a “neutral” stand in class struggle. The Third Congress of the Party considers the line of NUS or CUP as “service” organizations as a trick to cover up serving the bourgeoisie in class struggle against the basic interests of the students.

47. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) looks at the dastardly attack of February 23,1977 by the RCMP with deep class hatred. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers the attack as a serious provocation against the Party and a flimsy act on the part of the reactionary bourgeoisie to disrupt the proceedings of the Third Congress. It was also an attempt to sow panic and unnecessary concern amongst the delegates and observers. From the first day of the opening of the Congress in Montreal on February 6, 1977 to this day (March 11, 1977) both the state of the reactionary bourgeoisie as well as the opportunists have carried out a large number of provocations against the Party. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers it to be a great honour to be attacked by the enemy, at the same time, it hails the fighting spirit of the delegates and observers who resolutely carried the work of the Third Congress through to the end. Our Party will never be intimidated by the attacks of the reactionary bourgeoisie or the provocations and calumnies of the opportunists. We look at these attacks and provocations with the utter contempt they deserve.

48. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) vigorously denounces the latest attack of the reactionary state against our leader, Comrade Hardial Bains. Our ’Party stands absolutely firm behind the leadership of Comrade ’Hardial Bains and will respond with courage and determination against any attacks of the reactionary state against Comrade Bains. This latest frame-up attempt to persecute Comrade Bains is a sign of weakness and impotency on the part of the state. We hail the fighting spirit of Comrade Bains and all the other comrades arrested with him and look at this attempted frame-up with the utter contempt it deserves.

49. The reactionary state carries out continuous propaganda against individual acts of terrorism while it perpetrates them to intimidate and repress the masses of people into submission. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that the Party stands for class violence, revolutionary violence by the proletariat against the reactionary state in order to smash it up and establish a new democratic state, at the same time, the Party is opposed to individual acts of terrorism. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) states that it is absolutely impermissible for the Party or any comrades to participate in individual acts of terrorism. The U.S. imperialists and the reactionary state would like to see individual acts of terrorism so that they will easily be able to suppress the proletariat and people. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) while it opposes individual acts of terrorism, is not opposed to resistance and self-defence. In fact, any Party comrade who does not resist the attacks of the reactionary state or the attacks of the reactionaries, anti-working class elements, anti-communists and racists, and opportunists of all hues and does not take up the slogan of self-defence, should be immediately removed from the Party. There is no place for pacifism in the face of reactionary attacks of the state. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) holds that besides the reactionary state launching attacks against the Party, it also organizes internecine wars amongst the Marxist-Leninists by financing agents-provocateurs. The Party must take resolute action against the agents-provocateurs. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is of the view that the Party comrades must take serious action against loose talk and rumours and carry out vigorous ideological work against these activities. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is of the view that the attacks of the reactionary state against the Party are a good thing and that a day will come when the Party and the proletariat together will face the reactionary state and challenge the very basis of its existence. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) calls upon all our comrades to resolutely face the storms and tirelessly work for the proletariat to accept the strategic and tactical aims of the Party.

50. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) takes a resolute stand against the opportunist thesis of building strategy and tactics on “experience”. Our Party is a Marxist-Leninist Party and Marxism deals with the objective spontaneous world on which our strategy and tactics must be based. The theory of “experience” is an utterly reactionary theory which stands against the theory of classes, class struggle and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Those who pursue this line necessarily have retrogression and counter-revolution in mind.

51. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is opposed to the opportunist thesis of a “leader” being over and above the Party. The despicable behaviour of Trotsky, who after Lenin’s death tried to suggest that a new leader will be established on the basis of what Lenin wrote in “testament” is known to all. All individuals, leaders or members are subordinate to the Party. Leaders of the Party are nominated and elected by the Party according to their merit as Party soldiers. There can be no such thing as an individual nominating the leader of the Party. All this habit of exercising leadership through individuals is rotten and the Third Congress of CPC(M-L) forbids any Party comrade to exercise leadership on an individual basis at any level. Of the three aspects of practising Marxism, unity, and being open and above-board, it is Marxism which is decisive. Those who do not practice Marxism cannot be the leaders of a Marxist-Leninist party. Even though they may usurp leadership for a time, they are bound to be overthrown by the Marxist-Leninist revolutionaries who will never accept the leadership of revisionists.

52. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) reaffirms the militant line of the Party of proletarian internationalism. The Party supports and unites with all who are fighting our common enemies. The Party leads the proletariat to fight against its own reactionary bourgeoisie and stands for its overthrow as concrete assistance to world revolution. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) considers all genuine Marxist-Leninist parties in all countries to be equal. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) is opposed to those who are violating this correct Marxist-Leninist principle. Our Party stands for the building of the Party on the basis of the concrete conditions of Canada and on the basis of our own efforts. At the same time, our Party stands for bilateral and multi-lateral consultations amongst the Marxist-Leninist parties of various countries, We stand for the closest working relations amongst all the Marxist-Leninist parties of the world. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) stands for unity and solidarity of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement and will defend it with all its might. We are firmly opposed to those who are pursuing a revisionist line, who sneak in under the signboard of “Marxism-Leninism” in order to disrupt the unity of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement.

53. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) supports the just struggle of the people of Palestine for the restoration of their homeland. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) vigorously opposes the artificial and sinister creation of the zionist “state” of Israel as an outpost, in the Middle East, of U.S.imperialism and the imperialists of other countries, and as an instrument of genocide against the people of Palestine and of aggression and plunder against the people of the other countries of the Middle East. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) firmly believes that the real solution to the aggression of imperialism in the Middle East lies not in the hands of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism or of the imperialists and reactionaries of other countries, but in the hands of the Palestinian and other Arab people of the Middle East. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) vigorously denounces the two superpowers and other imperialists and reactionaries for their slaughter and plunder of the Palestinian and other Arab people and firmly advocates that the two superpowers and other imperialists and reactionaries must get out of Palestine and the other countries of the Middle East. Peace will come to Palestine and a genuinely independent Palestine will be established only when the two superpowers, other imperialists and other reactionaries are thrown out of the region and their outpost, the zionist “state” of Israel, is dismantled.

54. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) vigorously denounces the fascist Suharto regime and the U.S. imperialists for perpetrating slaughter and plunder of the people of East Timor. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly supports the just struggle of the people of East Timor led by the FRETILIN and wishes them every success against Suharto fascism and U.S. imperialism.

55. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) vigorously denounces the South African fascist regime for its continued occupation of Namibia and for the atrocities it commits against the people of Namibia. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly supports the just struggle of the people of Namibia led by SWAPO against the South African fascist regime and wishes them every success in their just struggle.

56. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) vigorously denounces the South African fascist authorities for slaughtering the Azanian people and for their racist and fascist subjugation of the Azanian people by reactionary violence. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly hails the fighting Azanian people, particularly the current heroic mass campaign started last summer against the racist and fascist regime of Vorster. The Third Congress of CPC(M-L) firmly supports the work of the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania in leading the Azanian people to total victory over the racist and fascist regime of Vorster. We wish the PAC and the fighting people of Azania every success in this historic revolutionary struggle which will make a great contribution towards the final liberation of all of mankind.

57. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) closes its proceedings with the firm belief in the final victory of labour over capital on the world scale. It is only a matter of time before imperialism, social-imperialism and all reactionaries are defeated on the world scale and socialism wins final victory over capitalism. The Third Congress of the Communist Party of Canada (Marxist-Leninist) is firmly convinced about this final outcome of the struggle.

WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE!