The Workers' Advocate


Volume 11, Number 5


April 20, 1981

[Front page:

Support the Fighting Coal Miners!;


Solidarity with the people of El Salvador!;



Three Mile Island: Anti-nuclear protest........................... 2
National anti-draft conference.......................................... 2
Buffalo: Students oppose ROTC...................................... 2
Lessons of 60's................................................................. 2
Brooklyn: Protest against murder of youth...................... 3
Long Island: Police execution of student......................... 3
Outrage against Atlanta murders...................................... 3
New York: March against racist attacks........................... 3
Meriden, Ct.: Anti-Klan struggle...................................... 3
No to the persecution of immigrants................................ 4
New York: Koch's 'war on crime'.................................... 11
Nazi shoots Reagan.......................................................... 12
Philadelphia: Transit workers strike................................. 4
UAW sells out Ford/GM auto workers............................. 4
Issues in coal strike........................................................... 10
Events in coal strike.......................................................... 11
Dominican Republic: MLP delegation visits PCT............................................... 5
From the MPD to the PCT................................................ 5
Guatemala: Struggle against military............................... 8
Jamaica: Against Seaga's 'National Recovery'................ 8
Albania: Triumphant socialism......................................... 9
Turkey: Denounce fascist murders................................... 9
CP of Spain (M-L) fights rightists.................................... 9
CENTERFOLD ON EL SALVADOR: What the people are fighting for...................................... 6
Demos across U.S. condemn U.S. aggression.................. 6
Revolutionary traditions of people................................... 7
Against U.S. military support for oligarchy..................... 7

Joint Communiques of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo (Dominican Republic) and the MLP,USA

(See pages 5 and 7)

Support the Fighting Coal Miners!


Solidarity with the people of El Salvador!


Ten Thousand Denounce the Reopening of Three Mile Island

On the work of the anti-imperialist activists at the National Anti-Draft Conference

State University of New York at Buffalo:

Students Say No to ROTC!

The lessons from the mass movements of the60's

Brooklyn, N.Y.:

Militant Protest Against Murder of Puerto Rican Youth

Broad outrage against the bestial murders of black children in Atlanta

Mass protest against police execution of student

Meriden, Ct.:

A Fitting Response to the Hated Klan and their Police Protectors

Philadelphia Transit Workers Strike Against Concession Demands

Letter to the Editor:

No to the Persecution of Immigrants!

Auto Workers, Be Vigilant!


JOINT COMMMUNIQUE of the PCT (Dominican Republic) and the MLP, USA

From the MPD to the PCT

A Delegation of the MLP Meets with the Comrades of the PCT in the Dominican Republic

Victory to the Heroic Salvadorian People!

The Salvadorian People Have Glorious Revolutionary Traditions

The Salvadorian oligarchy is propped up by the bayonets of U.S. imperialism

PCT(Dominican Republic) and MLP,USA issue:

Joint Communique in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador

U.S. Imperialism, Get Out of El Salvador!

What the Salvadorian people are fighting for

Demonstrations Condemn U.S. Aggression

Guatemalan people are shaking the military dictatorship


Seaga's 'National Recovery'--A Savage Offensive


The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) Fights Against Rightists Who Would Liquidate the Party



Condemn the Turkish military junta for its fascist murders

Issues in the Coal Strike

Events of the Coal Miners' Strike

N.Y. Mayor Koch's 'War on Crime'

Brutal Terror Against the Masses

On the Attempted Assassination of Reagan by a Nazi:

The Chickens Come Home to Roost

Hail International Working Class Day! May 1st

Support the Fighting Coal Miners!

One hundred sixty thousand coal miners have launched a powerful strike. The money-grubbing coal monopolies demanded a whole series of concessions from the miners. But the coal miners said "No!'' and went out on strike. They overwhelmingly rejected the dirty sellout contract hurriedly signed by UMWA president Sam Church, and they unleashed their roving pickets to shut down the non-union mines throughout the eastern and mid- western coal fields. According to incomplete reports these pickets are active in at least six states. They have defied anti-picketing injunctions of the government and fought police and goons of the coal operators. With their resolute mass actions they have cut back the shipping of coal and shut down large numbers of the non-union coal mines.

The fierce struggle of the miners is inspiring for the workers in every industry. At this time, when the capitalists are carrying out a vicious offensive to slash wages, speed up production and lay off millions of workers, the coal miners' strike is like a breath of fresh spring air. Here stand the coal miners defying the arrogant dictates of the billionaires, denouncing their sellout trade union bureaucrats and rising in forceful mass actions to defend their jobs and livelihood. The national strike of the coal miners is puncturing the capitalist myth that the workers must lie down and "sacrifice" for the needs of the giant monopolies. No! The workers can take matters into their own hands and organize strikes and other mass actions to fight the brutal attacks of the capitalists. Hurray for the fighting coal miners! Workers everywhere, give the miners your support!

Miners Say No to "Takebacks"

The coal monopolies this year have demanded a whole slew of "takeback" demands from the miners. These include cuts in wages and benefits, work rule changes that would step up productivity and worsen the safety conditions in the mines, and various changes in the contract language that would have the effect of weakening the coal miners' movement and increasing the use of non-union coal (for details of these issues see the article "Issues in the Coal Strike"). When the BCOA (Bituminous Coal Operators Association which represents about 130 coal companies) signed a tentative contract with Sam Church on March 23, the coal operators dropped a couple of their outrageous demands, such as breaking up the industry-wide pension system and compulsory overtime on Sundays. But this proved to be just a trick to try and make the miners believe that the BCOA was giving in. In fact the tentative contract still included all of the rest of the coal capitalists' original "takeback" demands and more. The coal miners saw through this fraud. In meetings through the coal fields they denounced "sellout Sam" Church for his treachery in trying to pass off this horror as a "decent contract." On March 31 the rank-and-file miners rejected the contract by anoverwhelming two to one vote.

Today the strike has become centered on the questions of royalty payments on non-union coal, subcontracting and the notorious Arbitration Review Board. This is because with their demands on these questions the coal operators are trying to step up the use. of non-union coal and break up and suppress the coal miners' movement. The miners are determined to fight on these questions. They know if they give way today, then for years to come the coal monopolies will impose on them one "takeback" after another.

Strike Is Taking Its Toll Against the Capitalists


The coal operators and the capitalist media have been creating a big stink claiming that the coal miners are in a weak position, that the coal stockpiles are too big, that there's too much non-union coal, that the coal miners don't have a chance and should just give in. But under all this noise the facts show that the coal miners' strike is already extracting a heavy toll from the capitalists.

For example last year coal exports reached all time highs, amounting to about 11% of all the coal produced in the U.S. The vast majority of this coal for export is produced in union mines in the eastern part of the country. The New York Times reported on April 3 that because of the strike foreign coal buyers were already calling their empty ships home. As well, it was estimated that at one port alone in Hampton Roads, Virginia, the U.S. coal exporters would lose up to $1.5 million a day due to the coal shortage caused by the strike.

The railroads which carry coal are also being hurt by the strike. It was reported that in the 1978 strike one large coal hauler, the Norfolk and Western Railway, lost a record $12.7 million mostly due to the strike. This year many lines are already shut down as the railway workers refuse to cross UMW picket lines and are being laid off for lack of coal to haul.

On top of this the smaller coal capitalists are already clamoring for the BCOA to give in to the demands of the strikers and reach a settlement. Among these smaller operators are both companies which belong to the BCOA and others who are not members but traditionally also sign the UMWA-BCOA national contract. These capitalists are whining that they will be ruined by a long strike, and many are now threatening to break away from the BCOA and reach their own settlement with the coal miners.

The chief threat that the big coal monopolies are holding over the heads of the miners is that non-union mines produce about 56% of all the coal mined in the country. The capitalists claim that with this non-union coal they can replenish the dwindling coal stockpiles at the steel mills, utility companies, and other coal users. But through their mass actions the coal miners are cutting down the amount of non-union coal produced. Throughout the eastern and midwestern coal fields roving pickets are barricading coal roads, stopping trucks and dumping their loads. The coal miners have wide support among the railway workers who refuse to cross their picket lines. As well, the non-union miners sympathize with the striking coal miners. One report indicates that 95% of these miners refuse to go into the mine wherever the strikers set up their picket lines. If the coal miners can hold out in their strike and continue their wide- ranging picketing, then the capitalists' coal stockpiles will get eaten up and, as in the 1978 strike the prospect will arise of shutting down steel mills, electric utilities, etc.

Far from the miners being in a weak position, their strike is shaking the coal industry. As the strike is expected to be a long one, it threatens to shake the whole capitalist economy.

The Government Jumps in to Help the Coal Monopolies

In an effort to get the coal barons out of their tight fix the capitalist government has unleashed its troops to suppress the miners' strike. Throughout the coal fields one court after another has issued injunctions outlawing picketing of coal roads and mines. But the striking miners simply defy these orders and continue their wide-ranging picketing. The police forces sent to enforce the injunctions have great difficulty even catching up with the roving pickets as they rapidly move through the fields shutting down mines, barricading roads, and stopping and dumping the loads of the few scab coal trucks. In fact, about the only way the capitalists have been able to get the non-union coal out of the coal fields has been to send veritable armies of state and local police to escort large convoys of scab coal haulers. Even here they have difficulty as the miners smash truck windshields, blow out tires and battle police and goons of the coal barons. This situation has so upset the capitalists that the governor of Indiana has already threatened to call out the National Guard to suppress the roving pickets. Some newspapers have begun to talk about the federal government intervening in strike.

The Reagan administration has already voiced its support for the coal monopolies. Speaking for the Reagan government, Secretary of Labor Raymond Donovan said that the administration is "very disappointed, obviously, that the union has voted the package [sellout contract -- ed.] down.'' But Reagan is still hesitant to ban the strike, and so Donovan claims that the federal government has no immediate plans to intervene. The memory of the 1978 coal miners' strike sends chills down Reagan's spine. At that time Carter invoked the Taft-Hartley Act to stop the strike and the National Guard was sent into the coal fields. But the miners defied this order too, the strike continued, and Carter was left looking like a weak-kneed bumbler. Reagan will think twice before he repeats Carter's fiasco.

"Sellout Sam'' Must Be Opposed


The coal miners are standing firm in their determined strike. But they must remain vigilant and guard against the treachery of the trade union bureaucrats. It must be remembered that in the 1978 strike the miners fought for 111 days, their longest strike ever. They defied the Taft-Hartley anti-strike injunction. They shut down a large number of the non-union mines. And just as their strike had created a serious coal shortage, as steel mills, auto plants and other factories were threatened with shutdowns, Arnold Miller, then president of the UMWA, stole from the miners the fruits of victory. With Miller's sellout contract the strike ended in a standoff, with the miners winning on some issues and suffering setbacks on others.

Miller's betrayal discredited him and he was drummed out of office. But newly elected Sam Church has taken up where Miller left off. Since last summer he has been campaigning against a strike and for "labor stability'' in the coal fields. He's gone so far as to demand that the miners give up their tradition of "No Contract, No Work!,'' claiming that if the miners will just extend the contract and not strike then the coal barons will give the miners a decent contract.

But the contract that Church signed on March 23, the contract which he proclaimed to be a "decent contract" and then toured the coal fields to sell to the miners, this sellout contract exposes that behind Church's campaign for "labor stability" lies complete capitulation to the money-grubbing coal barons. Church has taught the miners the lesson that if they don't fight for their demands they will get cuts and "takebacks" on every question.

Recently Church has been trying to patch up his credibility by promising he will fight against the "takeback" of royalty payments on non-union coal, against non-union subcontracting, and so forth. He even got the International Executive Board and the Bargaining Council of the UMWA to give him "votes of confidence." But he should not be trusted. In fact some top UMWA bureaucrats have already begun crying that if the miners want these demands they must give greater cuts in wages or even give up their demand for pensions for the miners' widows. Evidently Church and the other traitorous bureaucrats have decided on the strategy that if you can't sell out the miners on one thing, then sell them out on something else.

If the miners don't want a repeat of the 1978 sellout of their struggle they must remain vigilant and fight against the treachery and sabotage of Church and other top UMWA bureaucrats.

Support the Fighting Coal Miners

The militant strike of the coal miners is a powerful blow struck not only against the coal barons, but also against the "takeback" offensive of the entire capitalist class. Throughout the country the workers look with pride as they see their class brothers stand up to the arrogant concession demands of the capitalists. The sentiment is rising among the workers that "The rich can't always have their way. Yes, we too must strike to defend ourselves from ruin."

The miners strike plays an important role in emboldening other workers to fight. For this reason the capitalists fear it. They will spare nothing in their efforts to crush the strike. They will use all manner of deceit to try to break the strike from within. The miners must take a firm stand and wage a resolute, self-sacrificing struggle as they did in 1978. But while they're fighting the miners should remember that they do not stand alone. They have the heartfelt support of the workers everywhere who are fighting the capitalist offensive.

Support the fighting coal miners!

Down with the coal barons'"takeback" demands!

Down with the treachery of "Sellout Sam'' and the other traitorous trade union bureaucrats!

[Photo: Coal miners burn copies of the sellout contract in Greensboro, Pa.]

[Back to Top]


May 1st is the holiday of the international working class. This is the day when all over the world the workers march defiantly into the streets. They raise high the banner of struggle against the capitalist moneybags and imperialist slave masters. They stand together, united as one man for the cause of revolution and socialism, for the end of wage slavery and all exploitation.

On this May Day the Marxist-Leninist Party calls on the workers throughout the country to step up the fight against starvation, fascism and war. Hold demonstrations through the working class communities. Join in the May Day rallies of the MLP. Go everywhere in the factories, the neighborhoods and schools to denounce Reagan, the new chieftain of capitalist reaction. Spread the truth that the Democrats and Republicans are both parties of the capitalist offensive of wage cutting, unemployment, racist attacks and militarization. Help the masses get free of illusions about the parties of the rich and orient them to take their stand on the side of the class politics of the workers. Use this May Day campaign to build the independent movement of the working class!

Wage Mass Revolutionary Struggle Against Starvation, Fascism and War

This May Day finds the workers in struggle against the growing reaction of the bourgeoisie. The capitalist offensive that Carter headed up against the workers is now being pushed forward by the Reagan government.

Every day Reagan beats the war drums louder. Green Berets to El Salvador, troops to the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. Build neutron bombs and draft the youth. And why all this warmongering? So the U.S. imperialists can drown in blood the anti-imperialist struggle of the people all over the world. So they can fight their equally imperialist rival, the Soviet social-imperialists, over which of these two vultures gets the biggest share of the loot plundered from other countries.

At home too Reagan is heading up increasing attacks on the workers. The monopolies cry they need capital, so Reagan cuts their taxes while slashing social programs and jacking up taxation on the workers. The corporations cry they aren't "competitive," so wage cuts, layoffs and speedup are forced on the workers. The Reagan government is further unleashing fascist gangs to attack and lynch the black people and other oppressed nationalities. And police terror is increasing against the mass movements of the workers and oppressed.

Reagan's election and the increasing attacks on the masses has made the sinister programs of the capitalists clear to additional millions and millions of workers. There is a sense of unease among them, a growing discussion of what must be done. Are the sons and daughters of the workers to become just so much cannon fodder for the imperialists' wars of conquest? Are the workers to sacrifice everything so the billionaires can maintain their overgorged profits? Are the working masses to become broken and wretched slaves crushed under the iron heel of police terror and racist gangs? No! The workers must come out on the stage of history in their own right, fighting in their own class interest. The answer to the capitalist offensive is to build the independent movement of the working class.

Build the Independent Movement of the Working Class

The independent movement of the working class stands for the class politics of the proletariat, the politics of working class struggle against the capitalists, of class against class. It means to organize the working class as a class for itself, independent of and against the capitalists, breaking with their political parties and throwing overboard their entire exploitative program. The working masses must be inspired by a noble hatred for the exploiters, whether they are brazen conservatives or hypocritical liberals. Their initiative must be encouraged and mobilized into mass actions against the billionaires and their repressive state machinery. To build this independent movement is to bring the working class forward in its own right, rallying all the poor and oppressed masses around itself.

Today, the building of the independent movement of the working class requires:

1) Continuing the mass struggle against starvation, fascism and war. The coal miners have said no to the arrogant concession demands of the monopolies. This and other strikes and mass actions must be waged to defend the workers' livelihood from the "take- back" offensive of the capitalists. The mass demonstrations demanding "No to the Draft," "U.S. Imperialism, Out of El Salvador," "Hands Off Iran" must be further organized against the war preparations and aggression of the imperialists. The active resistance to police terror and racist attacks must be advanced.

But these mass actions can't go far unless the masses are joined together by organization. Everywhere, in the factories and communities, among the youth in the schools, in the progressive movements, revolutionary groups must be forged in the flames of the struggle.

The genuine communist party is the highest form of class organization of the proletariat. The Marxist-Leninist Party is such a party. All class conscious workers should support it, join its organizations and work to imbue the working masses and popular movements with the spirit of the Party's policy.

2) Furthermore, the struggle must be illuminated by revolutionary class consciousness. The truth about the class struggle must be spread far and wide. Revolutionary literature should be read and distributed and Marxism- Leninism, the science of the class struggle, studied.

Socialism Is the Historic Mission of the Working Class

The current crisis in the U.S. shows the absurdity of the capitalist system. There is overwork and overtime while millions walk the streets unemployed. There is overproduction of oil, cars and all kinds of basic necessities, but many can't acquire them because prices are too high. While the working masses are crushed under taxes, the monopoly billionaires are given subsidies. These are the results of capitalism, of this exploitative system where the fruits of the labor of all of society are appropriated by a few.

On May Day the workers' eyes therefore turn to socialist Albania, the shining model of life without capitalists, without financial sharks, without exploitation. In Albania there is no economic crisis, no unemployment, no inflation or taxes whatsoever. Socialism has proven its vitality. Surrounded by the imperialists and revisionists, socialist Albania has provided a better life for its people, a life where workers work for their own class, not the rich; where women have equal rights and are free from degradation; where the minorities have full rights including schooling in their own languages; and where the country stands in support and solidarity with the exploited and oppressed the world over.

This is not the phoney "socialism" of the present-day Soviet Union. In the days of Lenin and Stalin the Soviet Union was the bastion of the world working class movement, the model of socialism. But after the death of Stalin, the Soviet revisionists betrayed socialism, restored capitalism and instituted a dark fascist rule. In Russia the workers suffer under the exploitation of the new tsars, while Soviet tanks roll over Afghanistan, threaten Poland, and impose their social-imperialist rule over the fighting people of many countries. Neither is this the fake "socialism" of revisionist China under the rule of the new Chinese warlords, or of Castro's Cuba, which has long been a colony of Soviet social-imperialism.

The People's Socialist Republic of Albania is the only genuinely socialist country in the world today. It is this society, this socialism, which is the goal of the independent movement of the working class. This is why the workers constitute themselves into a revolutionary movement, a revolutionary class, that will overturn the old, rotten exploiting capitalist order.

Oppose the Social-Democrats and Liquidators, Flunkeys of the Democratic Party

The building of the independent movement of the working class requires a ferocious fight against the Democratic Party and its "left-wing" flunkeys. The capitalists, besides breaking strikes with police and troops, murdering protesters and people of oppressed nationalities, also resort to disguising themselves as the "workers' friend." This is the role of the "left wing" of the Democratic Party. The exact same measures that are condemned as reactionary when implemented by Reagan are paraded as "pro-labor" when carried out by the Democrats. When Reagan provides subsidies for the monopolies this is called handouts to the rich. But when the Democrats hand out billions to Chrysler, auto, steel and oil giants, this is called "saving jobs" and "social investment." The Democratic Party is a party of the capitalist billionaires just like the Republicans. It must be denounced and exposed and its flunkeys treated with the contempt they deserve.

Besides the Democratic Party politicians themselves, there are also the social-democrats, who paint the policies of the Democrat Party as socialist, and the trotskyite and revisionist liquidators who prettify unity with the Democrats as "Marxist." They are called liquidators because they oppose the workers building their own revolutionary vanguard party. The liquidators seek to wipe out any independent motion of the workers and try to tie them to the lying Democratic Party hacks. They relegate the working class to the position of a "pressure group" or "special interest group" always helplessly tailing behind the Democratic Party liberals. These social- democrats and liquidators seek to smother every aspect of ferment among the workers.

The social-democrats and liquidators oppose or seek to water down strikes, demonstrations and other mass actions under one pretext or another. They say: forget struggle against the capitalist exploiters and imperialism. They call instead for the masses to trust their fate to Congress, to the imperialist politicians, to negotiations among the superpowers, and letters begging Reagan to carry out his "campaign promises." Better to place your trust in the stars than in the exploiters who are the cause of the evils.

1) They oppose the independent organization of the masses and replace it with unity with the "left wing" of the Democratic Party. They oppose fighting organization but prefer their liberal-labor coalitions of trade union bureaucrats, government-paid functionaries and professional "riot stoppers," imperialist liberals and other fire fighters opposed to the mass struggle. They especially oppose the rallying of the working class around its own political party, independent of and against the capitalist parties.

2) They oppose revolutionary agitation. They hypocritically blame the working masses for the liquidators' own backwardness and claim you can't tell the truth to the masses about the capitalist political parties and imperialism. They ridicule revolutionary theory and sneer that having a "correct position" is sectarian.

The working class can't emancipate itself from the chains of the capitalists, it cannot break free from the enslaving influence of the capitalist political parties, unless it fights vigorously against the prettifiers and stooges of the Democratic Party.

Workers of All Countries, Unite!

In countries all over the world there is a growing revolt of the workers and oppressed masses. They are seeking a way out of the slavery, oppression and misery of capitalism and imperialism. The strikes, demonstrations and armed uprisings are the thunderclaps heralding the coming world revolutionary storms. The American workers are one contingent in the world army of labor. They must direct their blows at the U.S. imperialist monster and join hands with the revolutionary struggles of the workers of other countries against U.S. imperialism, Soviet and Chinese social-imperialism and against all the reactionaries. To wage this fight and serve as a worthy contingent of the international workers' movement requires an arduous struggle to build the independent movement of the working class. May Day is the time when the workers rededicate themselves to this historic task.

Hail May 1st, international working class day!

Down with Reagan, chieftain of capitalist reaction!

Build the independent movement of the working class!

Socialism is the historic mission of the working class!

Down with U,S. imperialism, Soviet and Chinese social-imperialism and all reaction!

Workers of all countries, unite!


[Back to Top]

Solidarity with the people of El Salvador!

The Reagan government continues to dispatch countless tons of military hardware along with Green Berets and other military "advisors" to El Salvador. This military intervention is aimed at propping up the military junta and the fascist death squads which are carrying out genocidal massacres of the Salvadorian people.

In a word, U.S. imperialism is engaged in naked aggression against the freedom-loving people of El Salvador. Aggression to protect the super-profits of the U.S. multinational corporations who suck the blood of the poverty- stricken Salvadorian people. Aggression to keep in power at any cost a tiny oligarchy of big capitalists, coffee plantation owners and fascist military officers. Aggression to drown in blood the insurrection of the workers, peasants and patriots of El Salvador who have risen to their feet in struggle against the military junta and the hated oligarchy and their U.S. imperialist masters.

This aggression extends beyond the borders of El Salvador. Reagan and Haig are plotting a regional strategy to put down the mounting wave of anti- U.S. imperialist struggle which is sweeping Central America. With the commitment of arms and military "advisors" to El Salvador, U.S. imperialism is sliding deeper and deeper into the quagmire of aggression against the liberation struggles of the Central American peoples. The dispatching of Green Berets to El Salvador brings home the unavoidable parallel with the early days of the U.S. war of aggression in Indochina.

This shows that U.S. imperialism did not "learn a lesson" in Viet Nam. Far from it. As the genocidal extermination that is now taking place in El Salvador illustrates, U.S. imperialism remains committed to barbaric aggression and war. For the war dogs in. the White House and the Pentagon, no crime is too terrible as long as it serves the "noble cause" of defending the super-profits of the U.S. multinational corporations.

The Rockefellers and Wall Street financiers have always regarded Central and Latin America as their private "backyard" of imperialist rape and plunder. But today the flames of anti-imperialist struggle are burning fiercely in this "backyard" of Yankee imperialism. U.S. imperialism is being scorched by the Salvadorian people's revolution while it was only yesterday that the Nicaraguan people liberated themselves from the U.S.-backed Somoza dictatorship. And now the ground is growing hot under the feet of U.S. imperialism in Guatemala and Colombia and elsewhere across Latin America where the people's liberation struggles are advancing.

In the face of the U.S. aggression and the savagery of the fascist junta, the liberation struggle of the Salvadorian people continues non-stop. Though it is a small and terribly poor country, the workers and peasants of El Salvador continue to strike heavy blows at the junta and "mighty" U.S. imperialism. This is a great inspiration to the oppressed and downtrodden everywhere, demonstrating the immense power of the people's revolution.

The Salvadorian people's struggle has won the sympathy of the working and progressive people the world over. This is definitely the case here in the belly of the U.S. imperialist monster where in recent weeks tens of thousands of people have demonstrated in protest against Reagan's intervention in El Salvador. These demonstrations which have taken place from coast to coast are part of a solidarity movement which is gaining strength on a world scale.

In the face of this mounting opposition at home and abroad, U.S. imperialism is seeking to hide its bloody tracks. In particular, Democratic Party hacks such as Ted Kennedy are trying to give the military junta a "human rights" facelift. For example, they are proposing bills in Congress to cut off aid to the junta -- unless the junta promises "social reforms," etc., etc. These imperialist "liberals" want to convert the solidarity movement into a pressure group to lobby Reagan to put another Carterite "human rights" coat of paint on the bloodstained junta and to work for a "political solution" to be achieved at the point of U.S. bayonets. Therefore it is important that the solidarity movement take a firm stand against the U.S. aggression and in solidarity with the Salvadorian people in their struggle against the fascist junta and its U.S. imperialist masters.

Workers and all progressive people! We must never forget the lessons of the genocidal U.S. war of aggression in Viet Nam! War dog Reagan must not be given a free hand in his criminal aggression in Central America! Step up the mass struggle in solidarity with the brave Salvadorian workers and peasants!

Victory to the Salvadorian people!

U.S. imperialism, get out of El Salvador!

[Photo: Over 5,000 people marched and rallied in New York City on April 18 in protest against U.S. intervention in El Salvador.]

[Back to Top]


In April of 1965, U.S. marines invaded Santo Domingo to drown in blood a democratic uprising of the Dominican people. On April 2, 1981, 16 years after this brutal aggression, a U.S. guided missile cruiser and another U.S. warship paid a so-called "friendly visit" to Santo Domingo. This visit of the two U.S. warships took place at a time of the broad extension of U.S. military activities in the Caribbean including naval exercises involving some 40 vessels. The port call of the U.S. ships in Santo Domingo was itself a demonstration of force to remind the Dominican people that U.S. imperialism remains the number one imperialist master of the Dominican Republic and the Caribbean.

The Dominican people understood perfectly well the provocative and imperialist nature of the "friendly visit" of the U.S. warships. April 1965 has not been forgotten and the broad masses of the people harbor a deep and militant hatred for U.S. imperialism. This anti-U.S. imperialist sentiment is reflected everywhere. The walls all over the country are inscribed with anti-imperialist slogans, including the slogans of the Partido Comunista de Trabajo condemning the presence of U.S. imperialism.

Thus, upon the arrival of the U.S. warships on Thursday, April 2, the students in Santo Domingo and elsewhere across the country came out into the streets in protest. The police savagely attacked the demonstrations with billy clubs and tear gas, beating and arresting hundreds. The entire waterfront district, the university area and other parts of the city were the scene of sharp clashes where the demonstrators burned tires and militantly fought the police with stones and anything else at hand.

The hated "cascos negros" (the "black helmets," a particularly infamous section of the National Police) and other police forces of repression resorted to the most extreme brutality to suppress the anti-U.S. imperialist protests. On Saturday, April 4, the police murdered a university student, Angela Guzman, when they opened fire with automatic weapons on a student demonstration in the town of Mao. The murder of Angela Guzman brought forward even more powerful protests against the presence of the U.S. ships and the social-democratic government of the PRD which suppresses the masses in such a brutal manner on behalf of its U.S. imperialist masters. Thus, on Sunday, the U.S. ships left Santo Domingo in the face of the bitter outrage of the people, cutting short their "friendly visit."

The protests against the U.S. warships took place under conditions of ongoing mass struggles of all the oppressed sectors of the Dominican society. In the countryside, the peasants have been carrying out militant land seizures and other actions in defense of their livelihood. And in recent times the workers and employees have been engaged in a large number of strikes against the capitalist owners and the anti-worker policies of the PRD government. During the visit of the U.S. warships, government-employed doctors, truck drivers and other sectors were out on strike. On Monday, April 6, the garbage collectors and other municipal workers struck in protest of not being paid for over a month. The protests of the workers were closely connected with the protests against the U.S. warships and the brutal suppression of the demonstrators.

Here too the police savagely attacked the workers' protests. On Monday, a number of newspapermen covering the protests and the brutality of the police were shot at. On Tuesday, the police gunned down a newspaper reporter, a newspaper delivery boy and a bystander at a municipal workers' demonstration. The young reporter, Marcelino Vega, was widely respected for his democratic stand. The broad masses of the people were outraged at these coldblooded murders.

In the course of these events the Dominican people showed their enormous courage and determination to fight. In the face of brutal beatings, massive arrests, tear gas and automatic rifle fire, they bravely fought back. A large number of police were hospitalized. For example, one policeman in Santo Domingo was disarmed and set upon by the masses with machetes after he had emptied his gun shooting at the demonstrators. In another town, a member of the "cascos negros" police was hanged in retribution for the murder of Angela Guzman.

The wave of protests had in the main run its course by Wednesday as special troops armed with M-16 rifles stood nervously on guard throughout the working class neighborhoods of Santo Domingo. It was from out of these same barrios that the heroic insurrection of April 1965 emerged. And as the week of events around the visit of the U.S. warships in April of 1981 demonstrates, the Dominican working class and people are headed for an even more powerful revolutionary struggle against U.S. imperialism and the rule of the big landlords and capitalists in its service.

Below The Workers' Advocate is reprinting an article from the March 1981 issue of Lucha, Central Organ of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo, which denounces the then impending visit of the U.S. warships. (Translation by The Workers' Advocate.)

As part of the maneuvers being carried out by the Yankee navy in the Caribbean, two warships arrived at the port of Santo Domingo.

We Dominicans cannot but relate this hateful visit with that April, 16 years ago, when, under the pretext of "saving lives," imperialist troops from the U.S. invaded our country, at the high cost of 4,000 lives, in order to crush the armed insurrection of our people for their liberty, independence and progress.

The first thing that must be emphasized to our people and to the other peoples of the world, besides the cry of protest against the outrage to national dignity that is contained in this condemnable visit, is the true meaning of the so-called military "maneuvers" of the superpowers in different regions of the globe.

Both the U.S. as well as the Soviet Union have been utilizing these so- called military maneuvers as a means in their struggle to impose their hegemony, enslavement and oppression on the peoples and in their preparation for a new war.

Presently, the aggressive North Atlantic Treaty Organization bloc -- NATO -- is carrying out maneuvers in Europe, while the Soviet social-imperialists and their puppets are unfolding their own maneuvers in revisionist and unstable Poland, which the USSR considers its fiefdom.

With their maneuvers the two superpowers try to make their rivals, their own puppets, and especially the peoples who are struggling, see that they are willing to fight for what they consider their property.

The U.S., which has always considered Latin America, and particularly the region of Central America and the Caribbean, its own back yard, has been multiplying its war preparations and its acts of intervention and aggression under slogans such as "regional defense" and "the fight against terrorism."

The warmongering bustle that had been growing since the more recent period of Carter's administration and that has gained strength during the fascist government of Ronald Reagan, takes on a very marked expression in the so-called military maneuvers and in other acts characteristic of the policy of the "big stick."

In all this, Central America and the Caribbean occupy a very special place in the calculations of the Yankee strategists, and, within this whole "cold war" environment that has been created, the Dominican Republic has been being converted into an instrument which is used in an increasingly brazen and open way.

The "visits" by high level Yankee officers have been intensified, visits which, like the case of the notorious General Schweitzer, Chief of Strategic Policy and Planning of the Pentagon, openly show the motives behind their presence in our country.

The Dominican Republic, which has a military mission of the U.S. army as a permanent advisory source, has been included among the countries to which the Reagan administration will increase military "aid."

Our country has also been included in the so-called "Defensive Triangle," which would also include Colombia and Costa Rica. And the ships of the convoy now plowing through the waters of the Atlantic with their well- known maneuvers will also reach the ports of Colombia and Costa Rica.

The Dominican Republic has been led by the Yankees to sign an accord of military cooperation with the tyrannical government of the Duvaliers in Haiti, thus sealing the military integration of the armies of the two countries against the two peoples of the island.

In the middle of March, before the visit of the two U.S. imperialist ships, several experts of the Institute of Strategic Studies came to the Dominican Republic with the same aim with which other American military personnel have come in the past and will come in the future.

There's no doubt that our country is turning ever more into a tool in the war machinery and in the "regional defense" of the Yankee domain, into one more stage for superpower contention.

It is thus imperative that, using the disgust that the presence of the two Yankee ships will create in our people, we denounce the complicity of the social-democratic government of Antonio Guzman, who with a "democratic" mask has contributed to our country being today more entrapped than ever in the U.S. imperialist war plans and in the claws of the "cold war."

[Photo: Students in Santo Domingo took to the streets to denounce the provocative visit of U.S. warships to the shores of the Dominican Republic.]


[Back to Top]

Ten Thousand Denounce the Reopening of Three Mile Island

On March 28, ten thousand people participated in a march and rally in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, against the reopening of the Three Mile Island nuclear power plant. The demonstration was held on the second anniversary of the near-catastrophic nuclear breakdown at TMI. Since the accident two years ago, TMI has become a symbol of the dangerous and adventurous character of the U.S. nuclear program as a whole.

The Harrisburg demonstration once again showed the broad and nationwide character of the anti-nuclear movement. It included not only people from the Harrisburg area who have been fighting the TMI plant, but also demonstrators who came from around the country. The Harrisburg protest included a significant number of workers, many of whom marched in organized contingents of coal miners, steel workers, municipal workers, and others. There were also numerous anti-draft and anti-war contingents taking part, demonstrating once again the close connection between the anti-nuclear movement and the struggle against U.S. imperialist war preparations as a whole.

In the demonstration itself, the masses showed through slogans, placards and banners, their opposition to the capitalists' plans to reopen TMI as well as their sentiment that the nuclear program as a whole must be scrapped lock, stock and barrel. The demonstrators also expressed solidarity with the fighting coal miners who had just started their national strike.

The sentiment among the masses against U.S. imperialist war preparations was quite pronounced. Slogans against the war measures of the U.S. government and against the chieftain of reaction, Reagan, were extremely popular and well received. Among the most popular slogans with the protestors was the slogan: No nukes! No draft! No war! U.S. out of El Salvador!

At the same time it was evident that in this anti-nuclear demonstration the flunkeys of the Democratic Party went all out to wipe out all the militant slogans from the movement. It is no secret that these social-democratic elements refuse to raise the issue of imperialism which is at the center of the U.S. nuclear program. But this year they even sought to eliminate and tone down the slogans calling for total abolition of the U.S. nuclear program and slogans against nuclear weapons and war preparations, which have all along been among the most popular slogans in the anti-nuclear movement. This treacherous activity of the social- democrats and trade union bureaucrats reflects the attempts of the Democratic Party to sabotage the anti-nuclear movement.

The Marxist-Leninist Party took an active part in the Harrisburg demonstration. The MLP put out a special issue of The Workers' Advocate for the occasion and organized a militant contingent for the demonstration itself. The Party's contingent was in the forefront of those who raised the banner of struggle against the U.S. war measures. It called for the vigorous advance of the struggle against imperialism. It also exposed the sabotage of the movement by the flunkeys of the Democratic Party.

The anti-imperialist politics of the MLP were taken widely through the march and rally in a variety of popular forms. Several thousand copies of The Workers'Advocate were distributed to the demonstrators. The Party's contingent marched under two large banners reading: No! To U.S. Imperialism's Nuclear Energy Program! and Support the Fighting Coal Miners! Militant slogans were shouted against the reopening of TMI, against the nuclear program, hailing the coal miners' struggle, and against imperialist war preparations as a whole. At the demonstration the MLP worked closely with the contingent of the Union of Anti-Imperialist Students (Buffalo), who also distributed a special issue of their newsletter for this demonstration.

Especially well received by the demonstrators was the Party's cultural work. A cultural group organized by the Party performed a series of songs against the nuclear program, against the imperialist war preparations, and in support of the coal miners. The cultural performances were repeated at different points of the rally and march, and at one point the cultural group sang for half an hour at the request of a group of municipal workers from New York who were participating in the demonstration.

The mass demonstration in Harrisburg once again showed that the masses are determined to persist in the fight against the U.S. nuclear program.


[Back to Top]

On the work of the anti-imperialist activists at the National Anti-Draft Conference

The March 18th issue of The Buffalo Anti-Imperialist Newsletter reports on the work of the Union of Anti-Imperialist Students (UAIS) at the recent national anti-draft conference held in Detroit from February 13 to 16. The Marxist-Leninist Party joined with the UAIS and other anti-imperialist activists in the work at this conference.

The leadership of the conference was dominated by flunkeys of the Democratic Party. Both the avowed social-democrats, who prettify the imperialist program of the Democratic Party as "socialist," and the trotskyite and revisionist liquidators, who paint the policy of unity with the Democratic Party in "Marxist" colors, have joined in a coalition to undermine the mass struggle against imperialism and to bring the anti-draft movement under the wing of the Democratic Party. They are not only parading Democratic Party hacks as the featured speakers on their platforms but they've even brought Reaganite-style reactionaries, like the Libertarian Party, into the anti-draft movement.

Despite this leadership, the conference itself had a mass character and the anti-draft activists who attended were in favor of positions to the left of those of the conference leadership. The MLP worked in this conference, as it has consistently done in the demonstrations, rallies and conferences that have a mass character. A basic feature of this work is leading the anti-draft fighters to break with the Democratic Party and to advance the mass struggle against the war preparations of U.S. imperialism. The February 25th issue of The Workers' Advocatepointed out: "What is needed today is not 'broad unity' with the Reaganite reactionaries. Nor will unity with the sweet-talking liberal warmongers of the Democratic Party help. No! The Republicans and Democrats are the main parties of capitalist reaction, of imperialism and war. They must be denounced and their political hacks treated with the contempt they deserve. The anti-draft movement must take a path independent of these warmongers.

"What is needed today is agitation and organization among the workers, youth, women and all the oppressed masses. They must be called out in mass actions directed squarely against U.S. imperialism. Anti-imperialist and revolutionary literature should be distributed widely. The anger that is boiling up against the draft and against all the imperialist war preparations must be used to organize the masses, to forge revolutionary groups everywhere in the course of mass struggle. U.S. imperialism is a world slave master and it is preparing terrible new crimes in order to preserve and extend its world plunder. Every step it takes must become the cause for drawing ever increasing numbers into struggle."

Below The Workers' Advocate reprints the report on the anti-imperialist work at the national anti-draft conference from the March 18th issue of The Buffalo Anti-Imperialist Newsletter.

* * *

On February 13-15, one thousand anti-draft activists came from all over the country to attend an anti-draft conference in Detroit, Michigan. Activists came to the conference with the desire to organize a mass movement against the draft and all of the war preparations of U.S. imperialism. There was especially deep sentiment to fight the aggressive adventures being prepared by U.S. imperialism. There was angry opposition to the Reagan administration's attempts to crush the El Salvadorian people's revolution. The fact that 1,000 people attended the conference shows that the movement is alive and aroused on important political questions.

The UAIS, along with other anti-imperialist activists of the Union of Anti-Imperialist Activists in Syracuse, the Chicago Anti-Imperialist Newsletter, and the Marxist-Leninist Party (Detroit Branch), went to the conference with the aim of putting opposition to imperialism in the center of the struggle against the draft, to unite the movement on this basis. The UAIS distributed hundreds of copies of The Buffalo Anti-Imperialist Newsletter.During the entire conference the UAIS had a literature table with a large selection of books, newsletters and posters opposing imperialism and war. The UAIS discussed the anti-imperialist politics and shared experiences with other activists. And together with the UAIA, the Chicago Anti-Imperialist Newsletter, and the MLP, we submitted the following resolutions to the conference:

Resolution # 1

The anti-draft movement stands in firm opposition to the military draft, war hysteria and all imperialist war preparations. In doing so, the movement against the draft and war preparations stands in opposition to the warmongering political parties. In the U.S. the two big capitalist parties, the Republicans and Democrats are parties of imperialist war and frantic war preparations. They have a common program of war, aggression and intervention around the world including: Korea, Dominican Republic, Bay of Pigs, the Congo, Indochina, Iran and elsewhere. While it is Nixon who is a notorious war criminal and butcher of the Indochinese people, it must not be forgotten that it was under Kennedy and Johnson that this war of aggression was steadily escalated. While it is Reagan who is carrying out naked warmongering and preparation for war today, it was Carter who called for the reintroduction of the draft, and a 100,000 man strike force for the Persian Gulf and then launched an invasion of Iran. The February 1981 National Anti-Draft Conference condemns the warmongering, aggression and war preparations of both the Republican and Democratic Parties.

Resolution # 2

The United States has been an imperialist country for more than 80 years. Today, U.S. imperialism maintains old-style colonies in Puerto Rico, in the South Pacific and elsewhere. Through neo-colonialism and puppet dictators, the U.S. maintains control over countless countries in Latin America, Africa and Asia. In order to support the national liberation struggles of the other peoples, first and foremost we must fight against "our own" imperialist government. The February 1981 National Anti-Draft Conference denounces, stands opposed to and urges all activists to vigorously fight against U.S. imperialism and its aggressive, bloodthirsty, colonial activities.

Resolution # 3

Today all the imperialist countries are preparing for war. The U.S. imperialists are reintroducing the draft, frantically building new weapons of destruction and have already invaded Iran once, and now are sending military "advisors" into El Salvador.

The Russian imperialists, who masquerade as socialists have invaded Afghanistan; sent troops from their puppet states into Africa, and are sharpening their swords against the Polish workers.

The Chinese imperialists have joined with the U.S. imperialists in an alliance for war.

The lesser imperialist powers and the imperialists' puppet states, lined up behind the NATO and Warsaw Pact military blocs, are also preparing for war. The February 1981 Anti-Draft Conference condemns and stands opposed to the war preparations of all the imperialists.

The resolutions were distributed widely among the activists and discussed. While the resolutions were not passed by the conference, and indeed only one even reached the floor of the plenum due to the attacks of the flunkeys of the "left wing" of the Democratic Party, there were indications of support from a significant section of the activists in attendance at the conference. A number of activists signed the resolutions in support. While resolution # 1 was being read in the plenum, there were enthusiastic shouts and cheers of support. Further, many activists were concerned with summing up their experience in building the anti-draft movement, and the resolutions provided a valuable focal point for that discussion.

Faced with the growing movement against war preparations, the U.S. imperialist government is afraid of a truly oppositional movement developing with an anti-imperialist character. Now that Reagan is in office, the Democrats are stepping up their infiltration of the movement in the role of "opposition." The flunkeys of the "left wing" of the Democratic Party at the conference provided a platform for Democratic Party hacks to speak, and were calling for a "broad coalition against the draft" including the Democrats. They were even calling on the rabid warmonger Reagan to "keep his campaign promise" of "no peacetime draft." But the Democrats are the ones who reintroduced draft registration, and as for Reagan, it is clear that his "opposition" is not to the draft, but to "peacetime" itself! This is not "building a broad coalition against the draft," but it is sabotaging the struggle and tying the movement to its own worst enemies. The anti-draft movement must take a path independent of these warmongers by placing opposition to imperialism at the center.

[Back to Top]

State University of New York at Buffalo:

Students Say No to ROTC!

The Union of Anti-Imperialist Students (Buffalo) waged a vigorous campaign to organize the students to vote no on a referendum to bring ROTC back to the University of Buffalo campus. This work received wide support among the students. In an unusually high voter turnout, the UB students rejected ROTC by a vote of 1,665 to 1,108. Below The Workers' Advocate reprints a leaflet of the UAIS.

This Wednesday the 25th, through the 27th of March, undergraduate students will, simultaneously with the Student Association elections, be asked to vote in a referendum on whether or not to allow ROTC (Reserve Officer Training Corps) back on campus. Across the country the military is trying to push ROTC back onto the campuses and across the country they are encountering the determined opposition of the students. Locally, at Buffalo State (a state college nearby -- ed.), students rejected ROTC by a three to one margin!

The drive to reestablish ROTC in colleges and universities everywhere is part of the preparations of U.S. imperialism for war! The government is preparing to draft the working class and minority youth as cannon fodder in wars to safeguard the interests of the oil billionaires, the monopoly capitalists and the Wall Street bankers and financiers. They also need junior officers for this war such as those provided by ROTC.

The current round of war preparations was begun under the leadership of Carter and the Democratic Party. In his January 1980 State of the Union address Carter declared U.S. imperialism's determination to secure its plunder of the Middle East by all means, including military aggression, and called for the reintroduction of registration for the draft. Each year he was in power he raised the Pentagon budget to a new high! With the election of Reagan, the all-round preparations for war are being intensified. Reagan has continued the registration for the draft. He has surrounded himself with a Cabinet of Nixonite war criminals who are working overtime to prepare for war. U.S. imperialism has escalated its intervention in El Salvador. The Reagan administration is sending in "advisors" and Green Berets to prop up the fascist Duarte clique which the Carter administration installed. U.S. imperialism is building and deploying more weapons of mass destruction and has even called on the hospital system to put 50,000 beds on hold for the first casualties in the war they are planning!

With his recent budget, Reagan made crystal clear his determination to starve the people and prepare for war. He has vowed to increase the Pentagon budget to an unprecedented 39.4% of the total federal expenditure over the next four years, and has launched a wave of attacks against the livelihood of the people. Included in this array of assaults against the workers, the unemployed, the sick, the disabled and the elderly is Reagan's plan to put education out of reach of all but the sons and daughters of the wealthy by cutting BEOG (Basic Educational Opportunity Grant) and other programs.

Clearly, the drive to bring ROTC back to the campuses is not an isolated issue, but is part of the all-round militarization and war preparations of U.S. imperialism.

The students in the U.S. have a rich tradition of struggle against ROTC. During the Viet Nam war their militant struggles drove ROTC off the campuses. In many cases the ROTC buildings were burnt to the ground by the students. Here at UB (State University of New York at Buffalo) the ROTC building was destroyed. These struggles against ROTC were part of the huge militant movement which developed against U.S. imperialism's genocidal war of aggression against the Indochinese peoples. The fight against the draft was waged with great militancy and determination. And inside the military the GI movement grew increasingly oppositional. There were many cases where whole army companies refused to go into battle against the Vietnamese and even shot the officers who gave such orders.

The lessons have not been forgotten by the American people! Since January 1980 every step the imperialists have taken toward war has been met by mass actions, pickets, demonstrations, and so forth. This movement must be further built and its oppositional character strengthened, for only such a militant oppositional mass movement denies the imperialists a stable home front from which to launch their bloodthirsty wars of aggression.

The students and youth have no interest in fighting a war for the rich! For all youth, both inside and outside the military, the issue is the same -- to oppose all U.S. imperialism's war preparations.

The Union of Anti-Imperialist Students calls on UB students to oppose the imperialist war preparations, to vote No to ROTC in the Student Association election. Participate in the movement against the war preparations.

Vote No to ROTC March 25 to 27!

Wage mass struggle against U.S. imperialist war preparations!

High school students hold forum:

[Back to Top]

The lessons from the mass movements of the60's

(The following leaflet was issued by the Political Discussion Group at Music and Art High School, New York City, New York in March, 1981.)

In the recent anti-draft actions against registration of 18 year olds, we have seen the activation of more and more high school students. At the action at the New York Post Office on January 5, there were 15 high schools represented, and 15 students came from Music and Art. Anti-militarist sentiment is spreading and students are wearing buttons against the draft and imperialism. There is excited discussion of the warmongering policies of Reagan and Carter before him. A burning interest has developed to learn everything about the mass movements of the 60's against U.S. imperialist aggression in Viet Nam. For these reasons, the last Political Discussion Group meeting was on "The Lessons of the Anti-War Movement of the 60's."

U.S. imperialism showed itself to be a bloodthirsty monster in its savage suppression of the liberation struggle of the Vietnamese people. The American people were outraged at the open imperialist aggression of the government and a powerful movement arose against the war. Today U.S. imperialism is again preparing for war. Since draft registration was announced in January, 1980, anti-draft rallies have swept the country. There have been actions against nuclear weapons and nuclear power as well. Recently people have demonstrated against U.S. intervention and support for the reactionary regime in El Salvador. As the imperialists are increasing their race toward war, it is important that we strengthen our movement against it. Learning from our past struggles will help us in the future.

The speech that opened the Political Discussion Group meeting summed up three important lessons learned from the period of anti-imperialist struggle against the Viet Nam War. These lessons are:

1) The anti-war movement must be aimed squarely against imperialism.Many activists learned that imperialism is the source of aggressive war and exploitation the world over and therefore must be the target of the struggle.

2)The only way to fight U.S. imperialism is through mass struggle....

3) The Democrats are just as warmongering and imperialistic as the Republicans. It was under the Democratic Johnson administration that the Viet Nam War massively escalated and under the Democratic Carter administration that registration for the draft was started. This lesson is particularly important today, with Reagan's election, as the Democrats are shouting themselves hoarse against Reagan in order to worm their way into the movement to mislead it.

The discussion that followed the meeting was energetic. Fifteen people attended and many told what they knew of U.S. imperialist aggression in Viet Nam and elsewhere. There was a substitute teacher present who raised that the Iranian struggle was fought out of religious zeal and not out of desire to be free from U.S. imperialism and the butcher Shah who were savagely repressing the people. But all the students disagreed with this saying that the Iranian people fought against imperialist plunder of the country and for democracy. The slogans of the Iranian revolution, Down with U.S. imperialism!, show this. The lively discussion continued through the entire meeting and even afterwards as students left the school.

At present there is active discussion among many students regarding the reactionary policies of the new capitalist chieftain, Reagan. Many programs and services for the working and poor people are being wiped out or severely slashed so that the government can give more handouts to the rich and more massively build up arms for aggressive war. Opposition to the increasing intervention in El Salvador is building and people are preparing to fight these reactionary policies. The next Political Discussion Group meeting will discuss these warmongering and anti-people policies of Reagan and the rich to assist in developing our opposition.

[Back to Top]

Brooklyn, N.Y.:

Militant Protest Against Murder of Puerto Rican Youth

On February 14, as part of the mounting resistance of the masses to the new wave and intensification of the racist and fascist murder campaign of the police, 300 people staged a militant and spirited picket and demonstration. They marched through the Sunset Park area of Brooklyn denouncing the racist police murder of Jose "Chino" Mendez, a 17 year old Puerto Rican youth.

On February 10, Chino was viciously murdered by police in the Sunset Park section of Brooklyn. Chino and two friends were attempting to pull a car into a driveway which was partly blocked by a van belonging to two police officers who were moonlighting at a construction site nearby. Appearing to be construction workers, the two cops approached the car and threatened the youths to watch out for their fancy van. Despite being assured their van was safe they arrogantly charged over to the car anyway. Without even identifying himself as a police officer, one of the cops took out his gun and shot Chino sitting in the driver's seat. The youth slumped over the steering wheel and the car went into gear, bumping into the cop's precious van. This sent the cops into a wild frenzy. They continued to blast the car with bullets. The cops then dragged Chino's lifeless body to the street. As the community watched in horror, the cops placed Chino face-down on the sidewalk and savagely pumped more bullets into him. Chino's two friends were removed from the car and brutally beaten by the cops. One cop threw 11 year old David Rubio to the ground, and, with his foot on the boy's neck repeatedly tried to shoot him, not realizing that he had emptied his revolver.

In a frenzy to cover up this racist atrocity, the police and news media claimed that a "wild shoot-out" had taken place in Sunset Park, that the cops were "warrant officers" "investigating a report" of a stolen auto, that they were fired upon by the completely unarmed youths and, "poor fellows," they had to return fire -- killing a "car thief." But no gun was found anywhere. So the police and the media claimed that with his last breath, Chino flung a "gun" below the van and that 11 year old David darted through the police bullets, took the gun from below the van and whisked it off to the top of a nearby building, never to be found again.

On March 19, the grand jury accepted this ridiculous pack of lies despite the fact that the ballistic report showed that the cop was shot by his partner's gun, despite the fact that no gun was found, and despite the accounts of several eyewitnesses who testified that the youths were completely unarmed and that the cops failed to identify themselves and coldbloodedly executed Chino.

Fight the Racist Police Terror Through Mass Struggle!

The demonstration of 300 people on February 16 reflected the deep anger and outrage of the masses at this racist police murder. In highly militant spirit the demonstration shouted slogans throughout the march denouncing the police murders and the rich bosses whom they serve. Many youths and workers joined the march along the way. The demonstration served to enlighten the spirit of resistance of the community against the government-organized racist and fascist attacks.

Terrified by this militant stand, the poverty pimps and police staged a pilgrimage to a mass meeting held the day after the demonstration to tone down the militant sentiment of the community. Two hispanic Democratic Party hacks and two hispanic cops came to plead with the masses to give up their militant stand and to leave it up to them "to bring justice." The Democratic Party hacks experimented with all kinds of demagogy to present themselves as being opposed to racist attacks, precisely in order to wipe out all mass opposition aimed at the government. But the community halted these tricksters dead in their tracks and refused to let them complete their speech or to stay in the meeting. The people of the community defended their stand and denounced these "riot stoppers." This is absolutely correct. For the struggle against racist attacks to advance, the entire government of the rich must be targeted, whether the Carters and the Democrats or the Reagans and the Republicans occupy office. They are all deadly enemies of the mass movement against racist and fascist attacks.

The struggle in Sunset Park, Brooklyn is part and parcel of the mounting struggles against racist police terror and the fascist gangs being unleashed across the country. The masses cannot rely on the grand jury investigations or on any other trappings of the government, but must rely on their own strength and organization to carry forward the struggle against racist and fascist attacks.

The "riot stoppers'' and servile poverty pimps are the government's fire fighters against the struggle of the people against racist attacks. To carry forward the struggle against racist attacks, a militant stand must be maintained against the political flunkeys of the government. All attempts to stop the outbreak and hinder the development of the mass struggle and poison the consciousness of the masses must be firmly opposed.

Mass struggle is the answer to racist police terror!

(Reprinted fromThe West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May, 1981.)

[Photo: Picket and Demonstration against the racist police murder of Chino Mendez. Contingents of the Caribbean Progressive Study Group and the MLP vigorously participating in the demonstration.]


On April 4, 1981, demonstrations, marches and rallies were held in New York City and several other cities. Several thousand people participated in these activities to denounce the bestial murder of at least 23 black children in Atlanta and the similar stepping up of racist and fascist violence across the country carried out by the polite and racist gangs.

The photo shows a section of one of these demonstrations which began in Brooklyn simultaneously with another demonstration in Harlem. The anti-racist demonstrators marched for several miles from Brooklyn and Harlem and met in midtown Manhattan for a joint rally. Close to 1,000 persons participated in these activities in New York on April 4, with many thousands more lining the long route of the marches saluting the demonstrators and voicing militant opposition to the barbarous racist and fascist onslaught being stepped up today.

In the photo a section of the militant contingent of activists and supporters of the New York Branch of the MLP and the Caribbean Progressive Study Group (CPSG) can be seen participating vigorously in the activities underthe bold red banners "ActiveResistance to Racist Police Terror!"and"Wage Mass Struggle Against Government-Organized Racist Attacks!"The militant slogans of the contingent, targeting the capitalist government itself as the direct organizer and sponsor of the fascist bloodhounds of both the police and the racist gangs, and calling for mass struggle as the answer to the racist attacks, were very well received and taken up by large portions of the demonstration. The revolutionary literature of the Party and of CPSG was distributed to all the participants and was very well received too.

This demonstration in New York, along with the march of over 10,000 people in Harlem on March 13 and the numerous demonstrations, marches and rallies in cities across the country all show the deep anger and ferment that is seething among the black people, the entire working class and all progressive people. The working and oppressed masses will never calmly submit themselves to the murderous racist and fascist campaign that is being conducted by the police hand in hand with the racist gangs in the service of the capitalist ruling class.]

[Back to Top]

Broad outrage against the bestial murders of black children in Atlanta

The photo below shows a section of the "vigil" and march on March 13 of over 10,000 people in Harlem against the brutal and savage murders of black children in Atlanta. Over a 20 month period (from July 1979 to the present), twenty-one black children ranging in age from seven to sixteen years have been savagely murdered. Others have been "listed" as missing in this horrible wave of murderous attacks carried out mainly in the predominantly black community in the southwestern section of Atlanta.

The capitalist authorities and politicians in Atlanta led by Mayor Maynard Jackson, along with the Special Investigation Force, the police and the FBI have managed all this time to turn the so-called "investigation" of these terrible atrocities into a real-life fiasco. While claiming that "they have done everything possible," numerous reports have indicated their repeated efforts to willfully distort and even destroy evidence, and their failure and reluctance to follow leads provided by the families of the victims and by other people, some of which they have simply discounted altogether. In particular, the capitalist officials, politicians, police and the heads of the NAACP and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference have been doing everything in their power to deny that the brutal murders of these black children are racist attacks so as to hide the connection between these killings and the racist murders of black people in New York, Buffalo, Greensboro and Mobile by the racist gangs and elements beingincreasingly activated across the country by the monopoly capitalist government. Thus the black Mayor of Atlanta has demanded that people "lower their voices," remain passive and not protest these terrible atrocities. While Benjamin Hooks, head of the NAACP and professional traitor to the black people, has been slandering all who connect these killings to the stepping up of the racist attacks against black people as "irresponsible, irrational and intemperate."

On the other hand, the capitalist officials, police, and FBI investigators have been coming out with fantastic lying accusations and numerous theories trying to pin these murders on family members and on the childrens' friends. Why, they have even claimed that some of these children brought about their own murders. They have manufactured absurd stories that several of these children were prostitutes and dope addicts and that almost all were runaways, urchins, murdered because they were neglected by their families. The shameless, rotten to the core capitalist political crooks and racists have been spending most of their time cooking up the vilest racist slurs and slanders against the black people while they go on the nationwide media, cross their hearts and shed tears like the hypocrites they are.

The march in Harlem drew over 10,000 people with thousands more lining the streets for the 25-block march, voicing righteous outrage, and some shouted militant, anti-racist remarks denouncing themonstrous onslaught of murderous violence against black children in Atlanta and the racist crimes against black people across the country by government-organized racist gangs and the police. The mass turnout at the Harlem march reflects the deep ferment that exists among the masses of black and other working people against the racist attacks. Broader and yet broader sections of the masses are feeling their way to the path of mass struggle. The mass turnout shows that important class battles are being prepared against the racist attacks. The black people will never accept these terrible racist atrocities which have their source in the deliberate and systematic racist" policy of the monopoly capitalist government -- a policy of unrestrained terror carried out by the police and by the racist gangs like the KKK and the Nazi Party.

The wrath of the masses of black and all the working people, in their tens of thousands, conscious and organized for struggle, must be brought to bear squarely on the capitalist rulers. The heroic masses, armed with revolutionary consciousness and organized, can deal the best blows to the barbarous racism and fascism of the rich.

(Reprinted fromThe West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May, 1981.)


Long Island, N.Y.:

[Back to Top]

Mass protest against police execution of student

On March 2nd, 300 people held a demonstration and marched on the Garden City police precinct in Long Island to protest the whitewash of the fascist police murder of Edward Fonseca, a 21 year old white college student who attended Adelphi University in Long Island. The demonstrators, mainly students, militantly protested and denounced the fascist police criminals as well as the barefaced whitewashing of their crimes by the grand jury.

This militant activity by the students is part of the growing mass indignation, which is becoming more widespread in New York, against the savage fascist and racist attacks and murders which the police are stepping up against the black people and the entire working class. The youths are the favorite targets of the police terror being unleashed by the capitalist government. The stepping up of the fascist terror of the police is part of the fascist plans of the capitalist rulers aimed at terrorizing the entire working class.

The militant demonstration and march on the police station on March 2 followed a mass "vigil" held on February 17, in which some 1,500 students participated, to protest this unprovoked, coldblooded police murder.

Edward Fonseca was savagely shot simply for the "crime" of denouncing the police for brutally beating his fellow student, Robert Ayoub, on Adelphi University campus on the morning of February 15.

Picking up an ambulance call, police went to the Adelphi University campus on February 15. Fonseca's fellow student, Ayoub, had injured his hand from a broken glass and was bleeding profusely. The police attempted to force Ayoub into their car. Ayoub refused and going instead to the ambulance attendant, he fell to the ground. For refusing to follow his dictates, fascist police officer McNulty rushed over to the injured youth and began to beat him savagely with his blackjack. Concerned and horrified at this fascist handiwork, a group of students gathered around and angrily denounced the cop, shouting, "What the hell are you doing?" "Can't you see he is hurt?" "What's wrong with you?" and demanded that he "Get off campus."

McNulty, a specialist in "crowd control" and a decorated fascist, decided to try out his specialty on the students. Like a rabid bloodhound the police murderer lunged at the students wildly, clubbing some to the ground.

Enraged in the face of this fascist outrage the students even more militantly denounced the cop. Fonseca was in the forefront of this righteous denunciation. Terrified by the bold stand of the students, the cop backed off to his patrol car, in the course of which he drew his gun and suddenly and coldbloodedly shot Fonseca point-blank in his stomach. As the youth fell to the ground, the militant students all broke into the chant "Kent State," "Kent State." In panic to escape the wrath of the students and get away from the scene of his crime, the fascist police murderer jumped into his car and sped off in haste.

Within two weeks, the grand jury brought in its typical "not guilty" verdict for another police murderer, despite the fact that the police could not offer one witness to back their story, and while several eyewitnesses testified that the murder was unprovoked and coldblooded. The police murderer, McNulty, was cleared of any wrongdoing and given a kiss on the cheek. Why, the grand jury accepted the Hitlerite argument that McNulty's "use of restraint is shown in the fact" that "he only fired one shot." In other words, he only killed one student....

In under two and a half months the police in New York City have shot over 22 persons, killing at least 14. Many of them are black youths and several are white youths. The monopoly capitalist criminals have declared a virtual war on the working class and oppressed nationalities.

Mass revolutionary struggle is the way to deal with this wave of police terror. The demonstration and other protests of the students in Long Island, like the ones that have been held in Brooklyn, Manhattan, the Bronx and Queens over the past year against racist and fascist police murders, represent the burning outrage of the broad masses developing and growing. The working and oppressed people are the only force capable of answering this fascist menace, by relying on their own strength and organization and by commonly directing their blows at the capitalist government which is waging its ruthless offensive against the people.

(Taken fromThe West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May, 1981.)

[Photo: Mass protest against the police murder of Edward Fonseca.]

[Back to Top]

Meriden, Ct.:

A Fitting Response to the Hated Klan and their Police Protectors

On Saturday, March 21, the KKK led by Imperial racist Bill Wilkinson held a rally in Meriden, Connecticut to show their warm support for the police in Meriden who savagely shot and killed a 24 year old black youth on February 24. These low-life racist vermin and their police protectors were soundly thrashed by a counter-demonstration of almost 300 anti-racists, and had to abandon their plans to demonstrate and flee for their dear lives as fast as their feet could carry them.

The fascist scum of the KKK attempted to hold their rally in the safety (so they thought) of the steps of City Hall -- the home of their bosses. To protect their racist friends, the police came out in larger numbers than the Klan could muster, and thoroughly equipped with the latest in riot gear. When they tried to start their rally, they were greeted by a barrage of rocks and bottles by the 300 anti-racist demonstrators. The police savagely attacked the demonstrators to protect their racist pals, but the fierce blows of the demonstrators forced the Klan to take refuge inside of City Hall to lick their wounds. Frozen with fear, the 20 Klan members, like thieves in the night, tried to sneak out the side entrance after 90 minutes, guarded by a human shield of police officers. But this time, the KKK and their police twin brothers were dealt more crushing blows. Another barrage of bricks, bottles and large boards greeted them as they fled, led by the Imperial racist runner, Bill Wilkinson. Bleeding and limping, several of the Klansmen in their bloodstained robes, and about one dozen cops had to be shipped off to the nearest hospital.

The events in Meriden are another fresh example which demonstrates the common activity and purpose which the racist police and the non-uniformed racists serve. One with a badge, the other with a hood -- they work jointly to carry out unrestrained racist terror on the black people in the service of their monopoly capitalist bosses. It shows that the Hitler worshippers, the KKK and the Nazi Party are merely the unofficial arm of the capitalist government.

The support of the KKK for the Meriden police department's brutal racist murder of black people is like the left hand supporting the right hand. Across the country they act in concert with each other to execute the racist man-eating policy of monopoly capital. The capitalists and their politicians organize the Klan and the nazis, sponsor them, promote them, have them carry out the dirty work and then they protect them -- like a mother would do for its own child.

Meriden shows once again that the monopoly capitalist government is the hated foe of the black people, and the target of their struggle against the racist and fascist violence.

(Reprinted fromThe West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May, 1981.)

[Back to Top]

Philadelphia Transit Workers Strike Against Concession Demands

From March 15 until April 2nd, 4,900 transit workers in Philadelphia waged a militant strike to resist the concession demands of the Southeastern Pennsylvania Transit Authority (SEPTA). All the bus, trolley and subway lines in the city, which normally service over 400,000 riders a day, were closed down 100% by the strike. As well, 13 SEPTA suburban commuter rail lines operated by Conrail and SEPTA's suburban Red Arrow bus and trolley lines were repeatedly shut down by picketing city transit workers.

The concession demands being pushed by the SEPTA management were aimed at forcing the workers to bear the brunt of the local fiscal crisis. Along with wage cuts, SEPTA also demanded the right to begin hiring part-time workers to replace full-time drivers. Besides these concessions, SEPTA wanted a "reorganization of maintenance men'' wherein seniority would no longer be the basis for promotions, as well as the right to lay off workers with over one year seniority.

The workers answered the capitalists with demands for a substantial pay raise and for a reduction of the outrageous 30-month-long period during which new hires are denied wage and benefit parity with the rest of the work force.

The spirited mass struggle forced SEPTA to back down on its demand for hiring part-time workers. But the bureaucrats of the Transit Workers Union stole the fruits of victory from the workers by capitulating on everything else at a time when the workers' ranks were holding firm and the strikers were in an advantageous position.

Mass Actions of the Transit Workers

The strike of the Philadelphia transit workers took on a militant, fighting character from the start. From start to finish the entire city transit system was totally closed down. Moreover, on the first weekday of the strike, Monday, March 16, the city transit workers set up picket lines at the suburban commuter stations which are also owned by SEPTA but operated by Conrail. The workers had learned in a 44-day-long strike in 1977 that these suburban commuter lines, which run right into Philadelphia's center city, also have to be shut down in order to make a city transit strike more effective.

The mass pickets at the suburban commuter stations were met with the enthusiastic solidarity of Conrail and Red Arrow workers who refused to cross and go to work. A local judge blustered that the city transit workers were engaging in an illegal act by shutting down the suburban lines and ordered the workers to keep any future pickets solely "informational'' in character.

However, on Wednesday, March 18, the workers defiantly set up their picket lines again. And again the suburban workers refused to cross. The SEPTA management retaliated by suspending upwards of 250 of the suburban commuter workers, all of whom are in another union, the United Transportation Union, pending dismissal hearings for "insubordination." As news of these suspensions and firings spread, still more UTU workers on other lines refused to work.

These demonstrations of class solidarity alarmed the bourgeoisie. A local judge overrode SEPTA's disciplinary actions in hopes of diffusing the crisis and ordered the UTU workers back to work for the Wednesday evening rush hour.

The following day, Thursday, the transit workers organized a big demonstration in Philadelphia and marched on the City Council chambers. About 500 workers, their families and supporters packed the Council chambers; the demonstration as a whole, according to some accounts, numbered upwards of 2,000.

The next day, Friday, the militant transit workers set up pickets and again caused a shutdown of the suburban commuter lines. Many businesses had sent employees home early to avoid the picketing which was expected during the evening rush hour. But the militant transit workers were ready and set up picket lines during midday on Friday. The UTU trainmen again honored the picket lines. Soon not a single Conrail train was moving. The bourgeoisie's plan to foil the pickets had utterly failed.

The bourgeoisie was outraged. The local press and television went into hysterics. They lamented that tens of millions of dollars in retail profits were being lost to the strike. At 3:00 p.m. local judges hurriedly issued temporary injunctions ordering all picketing, even informational picketing, stopped pending a hearing on a permanent order the following Monday.

Groveling of Transit Union Bureaucrats Before the Capitalist Courts

When the capitalist judges outlawed even informational pickets on Friday, the union leadership bowed and scraped before the "almighty" capitalist laws and ordered all pickets immediately withdrawn. In order to deal with the enthusiasm of the workers for the mass picketing, the union leadership issued demagogical threats in the press about all the picketing they were "planning" to carry out "as soon as the courts say it can be resumed." At the same time, the strike committee chairman told the workers to trust the capitalist courts to allow picketing to be resumed because "there's absolutely no legal basis for SEPTA to get an injunction." The court hearings dragged on for days on end, throughout the entire second week of the strike. Then on Friday, after this entire week without picketing of the suburban commuter lines, the judge "found" a "legal basis" to outlaw allpicketing permanently. To this the local president of the TransitWorkers Union shamefully answered, "I will obey any injunction." In order to forestall any mass picketing in defiance of this order, he beseeched the workers to be patient, because the order was "unconstitutional" and would surely be "overturned" in a higher capitalist court.

In this manner -- through preaching servility to the capitalist laws and courts, through preaching lies about how the capitalist law will supposedly uphold the workers' rights -- the labor bureaucrats liquidated the mass picketing. They thereby managed to restrict the strike to the city transit system proper and to greatly reduce its impact on SEPTA and the local bourgeoisie.

However, to the consternation of SEPTA and its firefighting squad of scab union leaders, the suburban Red Arrow workers went out on strike on April 1 when their contract expired. So despite the liquidation of the picketing of the suburban lines by the union bosses, the strike was again growing in size.

Fruits of Victory Stolen

In this situation the union bureaucrats, including national TWU president Lerner, hurriedly met with SEPTA and Pennsylvania governor Thornburgh on April 2 and sold out the strike.

In the face of the workers' mass action SEPTA had given up on one of its key concession demands -- the hiring of part-timers. This was an important victory for the workers. Today the hiring of part-timers is a widespread scheme used by the capitalists. Since the part-timers do not receive any benefits nor do they have the job security or status of full-time workers, it is very lucrative for the capitalists to replace full-time workers with more and more part-timers. In short, if this scheme had been accepted, the transit workers would have opened the way for big layoffs.

But as a whole the contract was a sellout. Although the workers were firm and unyielding the hacks quickly capitulated on the other demands. The TWU bureaucrats were horrified at the powerful strike and acted to trick the workers into submission. In the new contract the TWU hacks treacherously agreed to "trade off" part of the already agreed-to wage settlement in "exchange" for SEPTA dropping the part-timer demand. Instead of 16% over two years the TWU leadership now agreed to 14.5%. Considering the fact that the SEPTA drivers are severely underpaid compared to many other cities' transit workers, and considering the present double-digit inflation, 16% was not a substantial amount in the first place.

Furthermore, the leadership sold out to SEPTA's demand for a "reorganization of maintenance men." On this question they agreed to a paltry one-year moratorium on the startup of written tests as the new basis for promotions to replace the traditional seniority based system.

The union leaders proclaimed their sellout a "great victory" and proceeded to order the workers back to work immediately, even though the workers would not vote on the new contract for ten days.

Moreover, the TWU hacks committed treachery twice over. They ordered the membership back to work just as the UTU suburban workers had gone out. Thus the bureaucrats abandoned this smaller section of workers to fend for themselves against the vicious concession demands of SEPTA. And what is more, this scab maneuver was carried out after the suburban workers had repeatedly risked their jobs by walking out in solidarity with the city transit strike. Such open and shameless strikebreaking, such scabbing by the labor bureaucrats!

Thus, so to speak, the workers won the strike but lost the contract. The TWU bureaucrats worked to sabotage the strike from within. Nevertheless, despite the opposition of the SEPTA bosses, the edicts of the courts, and the treachery of the labor bureaucrats, the transit workers had conducted a powerful mass action. The future holds more struggles in store for public sector workers across the country.

[Photo: Transit workers marched on Philadelphia City Hall on March 19 during their militant strike to denounce the arrogant demands of the SEPTA bosses.]

[Back to Top]

Letter to the Editor:

No to the Persecution of Immigrants!

The Workers' Advocate received the following letter from a reader:

New York March 3,1981

Dear Friends,

I work in a school where foreign students are taught English as a second language. The administration of this school is authorized to distribute 1-20 certificates which are used to get a student visa. I know I am not very scientific about the whole thing but my heart is too full of anger and I want to know if you could not write an article on the immigration tool of the monopoly capitalists to repress the people who come to this country. The injustice is so flagrant, so racist and hypocritical it has no end.

Since I've been working there (August 1980) I have seen countless cases of refusals, in some cases where people had spent all their savings to come to this beautiful "democratic" country. I have seen personally four cases of deportation and that is only because these students approached me personally to let me know because I could speak French and was friendly. God only knows how many untold cases were left unheard! In these four cases one was from Haiti, two from Zaire (and the sponsor was an official from the Chadian mission!), and one from Syria. To "straighten out" their situation these people have to go through so much worry, money and time spent that many times they cannot sleep.

Now some people will tell me this is only a small thing, but when you put all your hopes in studying in this country, leave your friends and country, and have to be treated like a liar and menaced to be deported like a criminal for no reason at all, I say this is injustice. The way these people are menaced with deportation is completely arbitrary; the immigration department has preprinted formulas that tell them these people come with the intention of staying here (the comment of my "superior" was: "But this is 'standard procedure'!"). And if they try to change their visitor's visa into a student visa they are accused of coming here with the intention of studying here. As you see this is all based on assumptions of acts that are in no way criminal. So once you have immigration problems you have to spend hundreds of dollars on lawyers. In one case (the Chadian official) he had to pay $1,500 -- after all these lawyers are in most cases there to bribe who they know "inside." That makes it obvious that you must have money to be a legal immigrant.

I did not mention here all the well- known cases of immigrants who are already in "illegality" for economic or political reasons just to show how this big noise over the fact that some immigrants are here illegally does not mention that this very illegality is created by the immigration department which is a tool of the monopoly capitalist class. They choose who can come or not according to the politics of themonopoly capitalist class. When the "Iranian crisis" came up, all schools who had foreign students were told to have separate files for the Iranian students. In our school a detective from immigration spent two hours with our director and had files brought to him. I have been told by an ex-worker here that the Haitians had a particularly hard time getting visas, and have seen indeed that immigration's demands on Haitian students are higher as far as guarantees. One student told me how Delaware had actual camps where illegal aliens were making 50¢ an hour picking apples. So you see I limited myself to the mildest case of oppression.

I know you know probably more about this than I do but I want to know if you could not write more on this. I feel that the question is not an isolated fact and have seen too many cases where one knows it is not an accident but a definite policy of attacking people on the most arbitrary basis and using immigrants as a tool (fear of deportation) against the unification of the working class in this country and abroad against the monopoly capitalist class and their imperialist deeds.

I know you are the only organization that is organizing on a consistent Marxist-Leninist basis; this is why I would like to see an article in The Workers' Advocate.

With my heartfelt thanks for the work you do and The Workers' Advocate,


P.S. I only gave you the cases I remember best; I am sure we could go on and on.

[Back to Top]

Auto Workers, Be Vigilant!

Doug Fraser and the leaders of the United Auto Workers Union are a bunch of class traitors and shameless liars. The auto workers should not believe a word they have to say!

Recently, the national Ford and GM councils of the UAW met in Washington, D.C. With much hoopla and fanfare they adopted resolutions claiming that they would not grant any concessions to either Ford or GM, nor reopen the national contracts before they expire in September of 1982.

What liars! The truth of the matter is that Fraser and his cronies actually used their Washington meeting to inviteFord and GM tostart negotiations right away on wage and benefit concessions. In these very same resolutions which were supposedly "against concessions," they invited the companies to set up "joint committees" and start talking about concessions immediately!

The chairman of the board for GM, F. James McDonald, called the UAW's invitation to set up joint committees "terrific" and said: "You bet we'll set them up just as fast as we can." This big capitalist told the Wall Street Journal that the "no-concession" part of the Washington resolutions was an "understandable" show put on by Fraser because local union elections are coming up in May and June. And Fraser himself told the rich, via the pages of the Wall Street Journal, not to worry about the pseudo-militant "no-concessions" sections he and his cronies passed in Washington. He reassured the capitalists that all "the resolutions say (is) that there is no justification at the present time to reopen negotiations." And he specifically said that if Ford and GM wanted concessions in, say, a few months, well everyone knows that "Any time they talk, we listen."

Whether the UAW and Ford and GM brazenly tear up the present contract, or whether they wait a little while until the contract expires in September 1982 -- in either case there can be absolutely no doubt whatsoever, that they positively intend to impose pay and benefit concessions on the workers. As to what they have in mind at Ford and GM, GM chairman McDonald has listed various ways of implementing a "pay cut," including cutting paid days off and eliminating the uncapped cost of living.

Fraser, as well as the chairmen of Chrysler, Ford and GM, has again and again repeated the big lie that concessions are supposedly in the workers' own best interests in order to "save jobs." But meanwhile not a single job has been saved at Chrysler after three rounds of pay and benefit cuts, and the remaining workers are slaving away, earning millions of dollars in profits for the big bankers who've loaned money to Chrysler.

The experience at Chrysler has proven beyond any doubt that no matter how bad off the company is, the workers still have to fight tooth and nail against the parasites who own it in order to save their jobs and to save their wages. Let the auto monopolists and their Wall Street bankers pay for the economic crisis of their rotten capitalist system themselves!

Lest anyone doesn't believe that Ford and GM are already plotting to cut the workers' wages and benefits Chrysler-style, just look at the steel division in the Ford Rouge complex near Detroit. Just as Fraser and his crew are doing on a national basis, so too the Local 600 leadership at Ford Rouge passed a demagogical resolution saying they would never, ever grant anyconcessions. But then a few days later they turned around and rammed through a cut in the steel division workers' wages! This is an important lesson for all the auto workers -- a lesson in the need to rapidly get prepared for struggle, for strikes and other mass actions to defeat the new escalation in the wage-cutting offensive of the auto monopolies and the UAW big shots. Below is reprinted a leaflet distributed by the Detroit Branch of the MLP. It sharply exposes the treachery of the UAW leadership at Ford Rouge and calls on the workers to struggle against Ford's arrogant concession demands.

[Back to Top]


On Friday, March 6, the billionaires at Ford Motor Company launched a vicious attack upon the workers in the steel division of the Rouge Complex. Ford has given the workers an ultimatum -- either take a 50% cut in incentive pay or 560 steel division jobs will be eliminated in April and 3,200 more in June. A 50% cut in incentive pay means that the average steel division worker will lose as much as $100 per week. In addition to this, Ford is demanding that certain job classifications receive no incentive pay at all. By demanding these concessions, Ford Motor Company hopes to steal $18 million from the workers in the steel division. This arrogant demand for concessions by Ford is nothing but out-and- out blackmail!

Ford's attack upon the steel division workers is part of the old game of divide and conquer. By singling out the steel division workers, Ford hopes to divide the workers and attack them one section at a time. This attack upon the steel division workers should not be seen as an isolated example, but it's a forerunner of future attacks to be launched against the rest of the autoworkers at Ford and at GM too! These attacks are part of a nationwide wage- cutting offensive launched by the monopoly capitalists. Workers in steel, rubber, auto parts and supply, as well as teamsters and a large number of public sector workers are facing the employers' demands for "sacrifice and concessions."

Auto Billionaires Cry About "Hard Times"

In the past several months, the multi-billion dollar giants -- Ford and GM -- have been wimpering and crying that they've come upon "hard times." This talk of "hard times" by Ford and GM is nothing but a sick joke. Ford and GM have one bad business year and here they come crying to the workers for "sacrifices" and demands that the workers restore their profits to previous multi-billion dollar levels. Not only is Ford one of the world's biggest auto monopolies, but it's a big steel monopoly too! (Ford is the ninth largest steel producer in the U.S.) On the one hand, the auto billionaires are moaning about their "hard times," but on the other, they still have untold billions to spend to modernize their plants. In the Rouge complex alone, Ford is spending more than $4 billion for modernization, retooling, robots and computers. On top of that, Ford and GM are continuing to pay out big dividends to their stockholders, and they are still paying their top executives $1 million salaries per year so they can live like kings. Oh yes, "hard times" indeed!

Concessions Will Not Save a Single Job, but Will Only Further the Ruin of the Auto Workers

The arrogant demand by Ford for the reopening of the contract is being justified with the big lie that concessions will "save jobs." This is just what the capitalists, the government and the UAW sellouts, led by Doug Fraser, tried to pass off to the Chrysler workers!

In the past 16 months, the Chrysler capitalists have gone to the workers three times demanding concessions "to save jobs." Each time, the workers have suffered severe cuts which together amounted to $1.1 billion robbed from the Chrysler workers. These cuts will mean that each worker will have had $17,000 stolen from his wages and benefits by the end of the three year contract.

But did this save jobs? Of course not! Tens of thousands of Chrysler workers have not worked a day in the last two years. More than 40,000 are still on permanent layoff. Six big plants have shut down for good and five others are running with skeleton crews and are "guaranteed" to stay open until the end of the '82 model year.

These are the bitter fruits of the sacrifices imposed upon the Chrysler workers. They have not saved a single job, but one -- Fraser's on the Chrysler Board of Directors! Concessions to "save jobs" at Ford will be no different.

Productivity Drives and Capitalist Reindustrialization Bring Job Elimination

What is costing the auto workers their jobs is not the lack of profits for the auto billionaires. Rather, it is the capitalist crisis and the job-cutting productivity drive.

Over the next five years, the auto monopolies will spend more than $70 billion to modernize and retool their production facilities. They are shutting down old plants and replacing them with new, high technology plants. These plants will be filled with mechanical robots and computers, causing the elimination of thousands of jobs. The Society of Manufacturing Engineers recently reported that 20% of all the auto workers engaged in the direct assembly will be replaced by robots by 1985 and that a total of 50% will be replaced by 1995. It is this process of automation, combined with man-eating speedup, which has brought about the massive loss of jobs in the auto plants.

And the situation at Ford's steel division is no different. Ford has already announced that it plans to use the $18 million in concessions (plus millions more) to pay for new high technology steel-making equipment. In the steel industry, the introduction of electric furnaces and continuous casters and other high technology equipment go hand in hand with massive job elimination.

Making concessions is like pouring gasoline on the fire. The auto capitalists are trying to wring sacrifices out of the workers for the very purpose of gathering capital to help finance their massive retooling schemes. As the Chrysler workers know only too well, concessions to the auto billionaires will never "save jobs" or provide any job security whatsoever apart from guaranteeing the workers a place in the unemployment line.

UAW Hacks Down on Their Knees Again -- Ready to Sell Out!

In the face of this outrageous wage- cutting blackmail by Ford Motor Company, arch-traitor Doug Fraser commented, "this is a unique situation." Taking their cue from boss Fraser, Local 600 president Mike Rinaldi and his boys are following the same path of sellout and betrayal which forced concessions down the throats of the Chrysler workers.

To disarm the workers, Rinaldi and co. first put up a big show of militant talk against "concessions and sacrifice." But as soon as Ford put its proposal on the table these "militants" became as tame as puppy dogs -- licking the boots of their masters at Ford. Just look at the disgusting activity of these spineless dogs. On February 16, in the Local 600 newspaper, Ford Facts, Mike Rinaldi and 20 other executive board members signed an article with a huge headline, "No Contract Re-Opening, No Concessions. " In the article they said, "Hell no, we won't give up a thing.... We have fought hard and long to gain the measure of dignity and security represented by our current agreements and are not about to give up benefits or reduce our standard of living, be it retired worker or in-plant worker...because the Ford Motor Company has mismanaged itself into a temporary tight economic situation."

Now, only three weeks have passed and Rinaldi and co. are giving Ford anything they want to "help Ford out of a bad economic situation" and "to save jobs." When Ford announced its demand for a 50% cut in incentive pay for steel division workers, Rinaldi called this "unreasonable." All week, Rinaldi and co. have refused to announce any of the details of.their "counter-proposal." At Wednesday's informational meetings, they split up the workers into separate meetings -- rolling mill, coke oven/blast furnace, and maintenance -- again trying to divide and conquer the workers. They then gave endless speeches about how the workers in the steel division should "help out poor Ford Motor Company," and finally, they announced their counter-proposal -- 20% cuts in incentive pay! This is the "militant" defense of the workers put up by Doug Fraser's front man at Ford, Mike Rinaldi. What a servile lackey and disgusting sellout!

Together the Ford Motor Company and its loyal servants in the UAW have ganged up to savagely cut the wages of the steel division workers. The steel division workers have been singled out to first face the attacks. Who will be next? Workers in glass? Assembly? Parts and Supply? It is part of a whole plan rigged up by Ford and the UAW traitors to split up the workers and attack them one section at a time. And, it is only a matter of time before Ford is demanding "sacrifice and concessions" from the rest of the auto workers. This situation calls for all Ford workers to wage mass struggle against these vicious attacks and to defend the steel division workers. A firm stand and a victory for the Ford workers will be a victory for all the auto workers and for the whole working class.

No concessions to Ford!

Wage mass struggle against wage cuts, layoffs and job elimination!

[Photo: Photo shows the front page headline of UAW's Ford Rouge Local 600 paper of February 16,1981. The UAW hacks put up a front against concessions, only to turn around just a few weeks later and join with Ford to impose wage cuts on the steel division workers at the plant.]

[Back to Top]

JOINT COMMMUNIQUE of the PCT (Dominican Republic) and the MLP, USA

In response to an invitation of the Central Committee of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo [Communist Party of Labor], a delegation of friendship of the Central Committee of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA has visited the Dominican Republic.

In the course of the visit the two Parties have had fruitful interchanges and friendly discussions in an atmosphere of sincerity and frankness, in which each Party put forth its opinions and points of view on the international situation and the reality which exists in the two countries of origin of the two organizations.

The MLP and the PCT [Partido Comunista del Trabajo] have confirmed with great joy their coincidence of views regarding the principal problems facing the Marxist-Leninist communist and workers' movement on a world scale.

As a conclusion of this very fruitful visit, our two brother Parties have decided:

--To formalize their relations of international friendship on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. The PCT and the MLP are Marxist-Leninist parties, the vanguard of the proletariat in our respective countries. The relations between our two Parties are governed by the norms of equality, of mutual respect for the organizational integrity, independence and power of decision of each Party, which regulate the relations between brother parties.

--Our two Parties reiterate their condemnation of U.S. imperialism and Soviet social-imperialism, the two most savage enemies of the world's people, as well as of Chinese social-imperialism and the other imperialist powers and the allies of these enemies. Our two Parties reiterate their opposition to the dangerous war preparations and aggressive activities of the two superpowers and their collaborators.

--Our two Parties reiterate their solidarity with the revolutionary struggles of the working class and people of all continents. Our two Parties support the struggles of the oppressed peoples who are rising in revolution against imperialist and social-imperialist tyranny, for their freedom and liberation, including the struggles of the heroic peoples of Iran, Afghanistan, Central America and elsewhere throughout the world. Our two Parties support the revolutionary struggles of the working class in the developed capitalist and revisionist countries against increased exploitation and oppression and for the overthrow of the capitalist system. It is the class struggles of the proletariat and oppressed peoples which are deepening the great crisis which is shaking the capitalist world to its foundations and which is bringing closer the day of the complete destruction of the old world of slavery and oppression.

--Our two Parties reiterate in particular their solidarity with the revolutionary struggle of the people of El Salvador against the genocidal regime of the Christian-Democratic/military junta and the aggression and intervention of U.S. imperialism. Our two Parties also support the struggles of the people of Nicaragua and Guatemala and the other peoples in the region. We firmly condemn the increased aggressive activities of U.S. imperialism throughout Central America and the Caribbean as well as the expansionist activities of Soviet social-imperialism in this area.

--Our two Parties reiterate their solidarity with the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, the only genuinely socialist country in the world today. The Albanian working class and people, led by the heroic Party of Labor of Albania, are successfully building socialism according to the teachings of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. This is at once a living exposure of the bankruptcy of the world capitalist- revisionist system and an inspiration to the workers and people throughout the world who are fighting for their liberation and for the new socialist and communist world.

--Our two Parties stress their firm resolution of always holding high the banner of Marxism-Leninism and the glorious traditions of struggle which have been accumulated under this banner. Our two brother Parties hold that it is necessary to forcefully persist in the struggle against modern revisionism which remains the main danger within the world communist and workers' movement. Modern revisionism is an anti-Marxist-Leninist ideological-political trend in the service of the bourgeoisie, a force against the revolution and an international splitter. An untiring struggle is required against all forms of modern revisionism, against Soviet revisionism with its center in the Brezhnev leading clique; against Chinese revisionism and its source, the so-called "Mao Zedong Thought''; against the "Eurocommunist'' renegades whose principal heads are the revisionist parties of Berlinguer in Italy, Marchais in France and Carrillo in Spain. On the basis of Marxist-Leninist principles, the struggle against modern revisionism in all its variant forms, the struggle against social-democracy and all opportunism. must be carried through to the end.

--Our two Parties ratify their agreement to strengthen the friendship between the workers and people of the U.S. and the Dominican Republic, the necessary and indispensable cooperation between the revolutions of both countries, and especially between the two Parties which on the basis of Marxism-Leninism are situated in the van of the revolutionary process in these countries. This proceeds in the concrete context that the working class in the U.S., in its struggle against intensified exploitation, fascization and war preparations, and for the socialist revolution, faces an imperialist bourgeoisie which dominates and plunders the Dominican Republic and is a hated enemy of the working class and people of the Dominican Republic in their revolutionary struggle against U.S. imperialism and the Dominican exploiters, a struggle which will also pave the way for the triumph of socialism in the Dominican Republic.

--Our two Parties commit themselves to develop the friendly interchanges and cooperation between the two Parties, to increase the contacts and encounters and look for ways in which the mutual political and material aid will be made concrete and become expressed in verifiable and specific acts.

--Our two Parties reiterate the importance of strengthening the militant unity of the Marxist-Leninist communist parties of the Americas and the world and commit themselves to make common efforts in this direction.

--The MLP expresses its profound gratitude to the PCT for the fraternal and friendly welcome which it received and for the valuable exchanges of views and experiences with comrades of the CC of the PCT as well as with the worker, peasant and student comrades at the base of the Party in several different areas of the country. It invites the PCT to send a delegation to the U.S. in the future for a reciprocal visit. The PCT expresses that it feels honored at the visit that a delegation of its brother in struggle, the MLP, has paid it and expresses its warm desire that the visit will be repeated soon.

The two brother Parties are determined that, on the basis of Marxism- Leninism and proletarian internationalism, they will march shoulder to shoulder in the common struggle for the revolution, socialism, and communism.

For the continual strengthening of the fraternal unity of the PCT and the MLP!

For the advance of the revolutionary struggles of the working class and people of the Dominican Republic and the United States!

For the triumph of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism!

The Political Commission of the Central Committee of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo (Dominican Republic)

Delegation of the Central Committee of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA

Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic, April 9,1981

[Back to Top]

From the MPD to the PCT

The Partido Comunista del Trabajo (Communist Party of Labor) is the militant Marxist-Leninist communist party of the Dominican proletariat. The decision to declare the new Party was taken in June, 1980 at the "Otto Morales'' National Conference of Professional Cadre of the MPD (Dominican People's Movement). The PCT was then officially proclaimed on November 23, 1980, at a public meeting in Santo Domingo.

The PCT has a long heritage of revolutionary struggle with its roots going back over a quarter of a century. The new PCT is the product of the transformation of the old MPD which had emerged as a democratic, anti-imperialist organization of the Dominican people in 1956. The MPD fought heroically and produced many martyrs in the struggle against the dictator Trujillo, in the insurrection of April 1965, and in the struggle against the tyrant Belaguer. The comrades of the MPD did not lack revolutionary determination, but because of the negative influences of Castroism and then Maoism on the organization, the MPD was eventually gripped by a severe internal crisis. The following is a partial account of the process of Marxist-Leninist rectification undertaken to bring about the new PCT. It is an excerpt taken from an article in the November, 1980 issue of Lucha, the Central Organ of the PCT.

[Lucha masthead.]

After the split of 1976, the First Congress of the MPD was held [in 1977 -- ed.] which was, without any doubt, a step forward within the framework of the old MPD.

But these advances did not go beyond the bounds of the old ideas. Thus we continued to uphold that the MPD was Marxist-Leninist and we took a superficial attitude in the criticism, adopting conformism and an unwillingness to develop a process of destruction of the old and erroneous, and of the building of the new on a scientific basis.

The course of events soon made us understand that the crisis of the MPD had not been overcome and that what was necessary was a profound process of investigation that would allow us to delve into the causes of the ills and the manifestations of the problems, as well as to find adequate and sure solutions.

It was under these conditions and difficulties that the leading nucleus of the Party had the good judgement and sufficient capacity to chart the correct orientation and to call the militants to vigilance, to the exercise of frank and sincere criticism, to the study and work that would allow us to take a path of rectification in accordance with Marxism-Leninism.

"Return to the classics" was the slogan that summarized the content of the internal revolution and that; we called to be promoted "with the understanding that the theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin always preserves in its scientific content the ability to serve as a guide for the orientation and action of the communists in all circumstances.''

It was then that we realized that the party concept guiding us was the fundamental cause of all the weaknesses, divisions and incapacity that were afflicting the MPD, and that within the framework of the old organization it was not possible to build a genuine Marxist-Leninist party.

This appraisal was established by the "Joseph Stalin'' Conference of Cadres that was held October 22 and 23,1979, making it clear that the MPD never attained the category of a Marxist-Leninist party. The MPD arose as a democratic movement with anti-imperialist positions, coming to declare itself and/or identify itself with Marxist- Leninist positions. But embracing the positions of Chinese revisionism and so-called Mao Zedong Thought stopped its advance.

The "Joseph Stalin'' Conference determined that "the crisis continued in force even after the First Congress because it was the crisis of a party idea and party concept which were already outdated and cast aside.''

And what was most important, the "Joseph Stalin'' Conference established that "the old party had exhausted itself, the MPD had completed its historic cycle, and inside it the progressive elements did not have possibilities for developing. In the confines of the MPD there were no perspectives for rectification, and this demanded outlining a new and revolutionary path, line and plan, which implied the negation of the old party. And it demanded establishing a correct conception of the revolution and the proletarian party, uniting around it the most advanced nucleus of cadres and militants, and forming a new organization qualitatively different and superior to the old entity which was dying.

To set this orientation the "Joseph Stalin'' Conference "opposed every mechanical judgement that implied the fatalistic negation of the possibilities of our organization as such, and left it quite clear that the negation of MPD had to be understood in a dialectical sense, that is to say, as a moment of development of the advanced which had grown in the womb of the old and which, by maintaining the continuity of what is just and progressive, is projecting it from a revolutionary position.''

In this sense the event, while indicating the exhaustion of the MPD, and the necessity of negating it dialectically and of rejecting a defeatist and mechanical idea of the negation, successfully established the organization that we make up. The event called for struggle for the organization's development and for strengthening it by raising its quality, and perfected its orientations, determining the tasks that had to be taken up so as to achieve this.

And parting with what are the main weaknesses of the old party, its theoretical looseness, its weak ties with the class, the organizational inconsistency and the bad methods and styles of leadership and of work, as well as the political expression of these weaknesses, the idea of negating the old organization and the struggle to raise the new involved constant and determined work in the different spheres.

Established as tasks of the first order were theoretical work, links with the workers' movement and the raising of the quality of the organization. Beyond this, the relationship to the fulfillment of these tasks was planned and it calls for "giving the national political problem the attention which it deserves and not allowing tasks of an internal character to lead us to a situation of isolation from the class struggle."

In this way the bases for the directed and planned transition of the MPD to the new Partido Comunista del Trabajo, PCT, were established.

The consistent application of the tasks set, the subsequent development of the ideas that we have systematized in light of Marxism, and the ideological determination with which the men of the PCT entered into the noble cause of working for the construction of the communist party that the workers need, are now more than evident and the results are visible.

Naturally this does not lead us to be blind or to negate the revolutionary elements who are found outside our organization. On the contrary, we understand that conditions exist wherein many revolutionaries, exploring the most fundamental questions that the revolution raises on the local and international level, are traveling the road that we have passed over, and they are making up their minds to break with the old organizational framework that obstruct the irresistible advance of the proletarian revolution.

And in the Political Report delivered by the Central Committee of the PCT to the "Otto Morales'' Cadre Conference, the revolutionaries of the country have a beautiful experience as to what they can do when, in search of the revolutionary truth, they firmly embrace the immortal theory of Marxism-Leninism.

[Photo: A scene from the public meeting held in Santo Domingo on November 23, 1980 which publicly declared the PCT.]

[Back to Top]

A Delegation of the MLP Meets with the Comrades of the PCT in the Dominican Republic

At the beginning of April, a delegation of the Central Committee of the MLP,USA visited the Dominican Republic at the invitation of the Central Committee of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo (Communist Party of Labor -- Dominican Republic). This visit established formal relations between our two brother Marxist-Leninist communist Parties; strengthened the proletarian internationalist ties between the working class and people of our two countries; and thus contributed to further developing the militant unity of the international Marxist-Leninist communist movement. On all counts this historic visit was a great success.

The delegation of the CC of the MLP and representatives of the CC of the PCT held fruitful discussions on a wide range of questions facing the revolutionary movement in our two countries and on a world scale. As brother Parties sharing a common Marxist-Leninist ideology our two Parties see eye to eye on the principal problems confronting our common struggle for the triumph of the revolution and communism. The Joint Communique which was signed in Santo Domingo is an important testimony of the militant and principled unity between our two Parties. Questions of developing the militant cooperation between our two Parties were discussed. The Joint Communique which was adopted condemning the U.S. intervention in El Salvador is a manifestation of the political coordination between the two Parties in our common struggle against U.S. imperialism.

In the course of their visit, the comrades of the MLP not only had the honor to meet with the leadership of the PCT, including with the Secretary General of the Party, Comrade Rafael Chaljub Mejia, but also to meet with many comrades at the base of the organization. The delegation traveled to different cities and into the countryside. Everywhere that it went it was greeted by the comrades of the PCT with warm expressions of proletarian internationalist solidarity with the MLP and the revolutionary struggle of the working and oppressed people of the U.S.

The delegation talked with the worker, peasant and student comrades of the PCT about the struggles they are waging. The PCT comrades spoke about the struggle for the transformation of the old party into a Leninist- Stalinist monolithic party and the present tasks to strengthen the PCT ideologically and organizationally and to strengthen the ties with the working masses, to build Red cells in the work places, etc. The comrades discussed the bitter struggle which they are engaged in against the Chinese revisionists of the "PTD'' as well as against the pro-Soviet " PCD and other opportunists. As well the comrades discussed with the MLP delegation the tasks facing the PCT on the mass fronts: the work in the trade unions; the work to build the peasant associations; the work to orient the student movement, etc. On all these fronts the PCT has established broad influence among the masses and has a rich experience.

Everywhere that the MLP delegation went the comrades of the PCT wanted to know more about the struggle in the U.S. They were ea£er to understand more about the struggle for the Party in the U.S. and the unfolding of the struggle against the Chinese and other revisionists. The comrades of the PCT wanted to hear about the conditions of the revolutionary struggle of the MLP and the American working class; about how they confront the reactionary trade union officialdom; about how they view the new Reagan administration, and so forth.

In these interchanges with the comrades of the PCT, the delegation of the MLP felt very much at home as they would with the comrades of their own Party. Such interchanges serve to deepen the proletarian internationalist ties, allowing the comrades of both Parties to better acquaint themselves with the reality of the struggle which they are waging and to gain from each other's revolutionary experience. Through these encounters the delegation of the MLP was able to see at firsthand that revolutionary Marxism-Leninism is a growing force in both the cities and the mountains of the Dominican Republic.

The significance of the development of close ties and militant cooperation between the PCT and the MLP was graphically underscored by events taking place in the Dominican Republic during the stay of the MLP delegation. Soon after the arrival of the delegation, two U.S. warships arrived in Santo Domingo and a powerful mass struggle of the people emerged against this U.S. imperialist provocation. This brings home the fact that the Dominican people are subject to the tutelage of U.S. imperialism. The active cooperation and solidarity between the revolutionary struggle in both countries and especially between the two Parties is necessary for the common struggle against this common enemy.

Thus, while U.S. imperialism was carrying out its aggressive provocation against the Dominican people, the delegation of our Party, representatives of the revolutionary interests of the U.S. proletariat, was meeting with the comrades of the PCT to strengthen the militant ties with the vanguard party of the Dominican proletariat for the joint struggle against our mutual enemies.

In Santo Domingo the MLP delegation gave two radio interviews which, among other things, condemned the crimes of the Reagan government against the people of El Salvador as well as the provocations against the people of the Dominican Republic. Further, the interviews expressed the firm solidarity of our Party and of the U.S. proletariat with the Dominican people who are shedding their blood in the streets in their courageous struggle against U.S. imperialism. Three radio stations broadcast the content of these interviews, a part of which declared:

"Today, in the U.S., the government of Reagan, a government of the big monopolies, is unfolding a program of intensified exploitation of the workers, increased reaction against the people, and rapid preparations for war. In El Salvador we see U.S. imperialist arms and Green Berets murdering the heroic Salvadorian people, who are fighting for liberty anu independence. The Reagan government has arrogantly declared that it is prepared to commit these same crimes in every country of the region. The provocative visit of the U.S. imperialist warships to the waters of Santo Domingo shows that the Dominican Republic too is subject to this.

"In our visit, we are seeing that the Dominican workers and people are taking to the streets to fight against imperialism and for their demands. We firmly condemn the provocative visit of the Yankee imperialist warships. We declare our solidarity with the struggles of the Dominican workers and people. And we express our condolences to the families of those who have fallen victim to the guns of reaction during the past week.

"In the U.S. too the workers, the students and others are taking to the streets to fight for their demands and to protest the crimes of U.S. imperialism. Today, more than 150,000 coal miners are waging a militant strike against the big monopolies. As well, mass demonstrations are taking place in many cities from coast to coast in support of the people of El Salvador. In these demonstrations, thousands and thousands of people are expressing the deep sentiments of the American working class against the crimes of U.S. imperialism. So we see that U.S. imperialism, which is a barbaric enemy of the people, knows no peace at home or abroad.

"We are grateful to the PCT for the rich experience of this visit. Our Party, the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA, believes that under the leadership of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo, the workers and people of the Dominican Republic will win victory in their struggle against U.S. imperialism, and achieve the triumph of socialism and communism."

[Back to Top]

Victory to the Heroic Salvadorian People!

The Salvadorian People Have Glorious Revolutionary Traditions

Despite the bestial terror they have suffered at the hands of the oligarchy and U.S. imperialism, the people of El Salvador have never given up their fight for freedom, democracy and social emancipation.

In the late nineteenth century there had been repeated peasant struggles against the landowners. But it was not until the 1920's that the struggle of the working masses began to take on an organized character. By this time an urban proletariat, small though it was, had emerged in the country. The earth-shaking salvoes of the October Socialist Revolution in Russia and the heroic victories of the patriotic fighters of Nicaragua led by Sandino against the U.S. imperialist occupation profoundly stirred the Salvadorian workers and peasants.

By the late 1920's peasants' and workers' unions were established in defiance of the ban against organizing unions. These organizations were united into a strong nationwide federation, the Regional Federation of Salvadorian Workers. A militant anti-imperialist student movement was also born. The Salvadorian workers' movement not only organized the working masses in defense of their daily interests but also widely spread the word on the accomplishments of the socialist revolution in the Soviet Union. It also had a powerful internationalist character and built connections with such organizations as the International Red Aid, the Red International of Trade Unions and the Anti-Imperialist League, which carried on a broad struggle against U.S. imperialism and its agents throughout Latin America.

In 1930 the advanced elements from the workers' and popular movements founded the Communist Party of El Salvador. Among its founders was Agustin Farabundo Marti, an anti-imperialist fighter who had fought closely with Sandino against the U.S. imperialist occupiers in Nicaragua. The Communist Party quickly gained the allegiance of the workers and peasants. In 1930 widescale mass actions including strikes and armed battles with the security forces broke out all over the country. On May 1, international working class day, 80,000 workers and peasants demonstrated in San Salvador.

In 1931 the Party decided to participate in the elections. The widespread support shown for the Party in the elections led the military regime which had just seized power to nullify the elections. The ferment among the masses intensified. In January 1932 a mass insurrection broke out in the country. Although the military was able to seize the initiative, heroic resistance was offered by the masses. In several towns, soviets were even briefly established. However, the rebellion was crushed and the leaders, including Farabundo Marti, were arrested and executed. In the following weeks, 30,000 people were massacred by the army and the armed bands of the landowners. The intent was to eradicate all vestiges of the rebellion from the people's consciousness. Needless to say, it failed. The memory of the brutality of the counter-revolution cohtinues to evoke a great hatred among the masses against the oligarchy and military, and the glorious traditions of the 1932 uprising continue to act as a big factor spurring on the Salvadorian people towards final victory. This is seen in the way the memory of Marti is respected among the fighting masses of El Salvador. At the same time, these fighting traditions have been completely betrayed by the present-day Salvadorian "Communist" Party which has long been enthralled by the Khrushchovite revisionist "peaceful road." In the decades since, the people have continued their struggle. In 1944 a general strike was carried out which brought down the fascist General Martinez. Despite the repression, the Salvadorian people have persisted in their resistance and fought hard to build up their fighting organizations and widen the scope of the struggle.

In the late 1960's, as the economic and political crisis deepened, once again mass struggles broke out in a big way. In 1967 and 1968, general strikes were once again organized. Beginning in the early 1970's the armed struggle was initiated against the regime. Over the next several years mass struggles developed among broad sections of the urban and rural toiling masses, and fighting popular organizations began to emerge. Through occupations of factories, plantations and government buildings, strikes and demonstrations, and armed actions against the fascists, the people of El Salvador have been organized into a powerful revolutionary force. Their struggle received a strong impetus from the overthrow of Somoza in neighboring Nicaragua in 1979. By late 1979 the struggle had reached such momentous proportions that it came close to overthrowing the regime of General Romero. It is at this point that the U.S. government carried out its coup of October 1979 and brought the present regime into power.

By presenting the present military regime as a "civilian" and "moderate" regime, the U.S. government has sought to throw dust in the eyes of the popular masses. In this facelift of the military regime it was assisted by the social-democratic party and the pro-Moscow revisionist party (through its legal front), who quickly joined the first junta after the coup. Indeed, the pro-Moscow revisionist party was most eager to stick with the military regime even as it grew more and more discredited, and it was also most vociferous in denouncing the fighting masses as "ultra-left." This is merely one example, among many, of how this party, although it claims to be communist, has nothing to do with the heritage of Farabundo Marti's Communist Party.

But the Salvadorian people have shown that neither the fascist terror nor the "reformist" demagogy of the present regime can stem the tide of their struggle. They continue to carry forward the revolutionary traditions of many decades of resistance and revolution. Nothing can stop the forward march of this courageous people. The Salvadorian people carry with them the powerful solidarity of the working and progressive people of the whole world.

Victory to the revolutionary struggle of the Salvadorian people!

[Photo: Armed popular fighters holding a strategy session in northern El Salvador in December 1980.]

[Back to Top]

The Salvadorian oligarchy is propped up by the bayonets of U.S. imperialism

The role of U.S. imperialism in El Salvador has become clear to the broadest masses as the revolutionary struggle there has progressed and the crisis in the ruling circles of that country has deepened. The military junta in power today was brought into power in 1979 directly by the U.S. government, which has also constantly dictated the composition of the government. And, with more and more U.S. military "advisors" sent into the country, it is the U.S. armed forces which are assuming the direct control of the war against the workers and peasants.

This situation' has only brought to the surface what has been true for a long time, that U.S. imperialism has made El Salvador into its neo-colony and is the main force propping up the oligarchy and fascist military. The U.S. role in the country is dictated by both economic and political/strategic considerations. El Salvador's entire economy has been oriented to serve the needs of the U.S. multinational corporations. The U.S. has also poured in millions of dollars in economic "aid" and loans to make the country completely financially dependent on U.S. imperialism. At the same time, El Salvador is a part of the highly volatile Central American region where revolutionary movements have been brewing over the last several decades. With the triumph of the Nicaraguan revolution against the U.S. puppet Somoza and the intensification of the struggle in El Salvador, the U.S. imperialists are scared stiff about what lies in store for them throughout the region. Hence they have decided to "hold the line" by attempting to smash the Salvadorian revolution.

The U.S. role in El Salvador is extensive. Whether it is through its corporate investments, or the "aid" programs such as in the countryside, or through its military presence, U.S. imperialism has enmeshed itself in the lives of all the Salvadorian people and become the object of widespread hatred and opposition i However as the revolution advances, it is the naked military presence of U.S. imperialism which has become more and more prominent. It is this aspect of the question that this article goes into, while U.S. economic interests in El Salvador are described in the article "What the Salvadorian People Are Fighting For" elsewhere in this issue.

It is especially since the end of World War II that the U.S. has built up its military presence in El Salvador. This presence includes: a) supply of arms to the fascist military dictatorship; b) military training of the repressive apparatus; c) U.S. direction of the coordination of the fascist military forces of the Central American countries including El Salvador; and d) direct involvement of U.S. military personnel in the fascist attacks on the Salvadorian masses.

Supply of arms: After World War II El Salvador received the first U.S. military grants and the first U.S. military mission. Between 1950 and 1979 official military aid from the U.S. totaled $16.72 million. Of this more than half was sent after 1969. However since 1979 the military aid has jumped to much higher amounts. For instance, only in the last three months, Carter authorized $10 million in January and Reagan added $25 million more, totaling $35 million in military aid, which is more than double the military aid sent in the two decades from 1950 to 1969! In addition, the $126.5 million authorized as "economic aid" is also partly for military purposes as it is designed for building roads, bridges and other communication facilities.

But even the figures for direct U.S. military aid do not give the full picture of the imperialist armed support for the fascist military regime. Throughout the 1970's the regime has also received large arms shipments from other U.S. bloc countries such as France, the Israeli Zionists and Brazilian fascists. The supply of arms from these other sources provides an interesting exposure of Carter's "human rights" fraud. In 1977 the Salvadorian government ostensibly refused to accept U.S. military aid because it didn't want to go along with Carter's "human rights" policy. But this did not affect the flow of arms for the military at all. For one thing, despite the "suspension," $1.3 million worth of military aid flowed into El Salvador from the U.S. in 1977-78. Whatever shortfall there may have been here, it was amply compensated by massive military shipments from other U.S. imperialist bloc countries, namely Israel, France, Brazil.

Military and police training: The U.S. government has been intimately linked to the training and beefing up of the repressive apparatus in El Salvador, including the armed forces as well as the police and national guard. These training programs have also provided the closest relations between the U.S. government and the ruling fascist gangsters in that country.

Between 1950 and 1976, 1,925 Salvadorian military officers were trained by the U.S. Many were trained at the U.S. School of the Americas in the Panama Canal Zone where the U.S. trains the fascist cutthroats from all over Central and Latin America. Regarding the importance of the military training program in cementing intimate ties between the U.S. and the Salvadorian military, the U.S. Department of Defense remarked in 1977 that "...our security assistance program facilitates our overall relations with the government of El Salvador and fosters useful professional contacts with key members of the Salvadorian armed forces."*

The butchers of the police and National Guard have likewise been trained by the U.S. In 1957 the U.S. instituted a "Public Safety Program" which was to "...develop the managerial and operational skills and effectiveness of civil police forces." This "effectiveness" of the police and National Guard has been shown by the thousands of murders of workers, peasants and students that have been carried out over the last decade. This program spent the sum of $2.1 million between 1957 and 1974 to train 448 Salvadorian police and provide arms, communications equipment, transport and "riot control" gear.

Coordination of the puppet military forces in Central America: U.S. military involvement in El Salvador is part of its broader activity in the region. For its counter-revolutionary activities throughout Central America, the U.S. created the Central American Defense Council (CONDECA) in 1964. It was set up by the pro-U.S. dictatorial puppet regimes of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador and Nicaragua. This council coordinates and centralizes the military command in the region under the supervision of the U.S. Southern Command in Panama. CONDECA has been used several times to carry out coups d'etat in various countries as well as to carry out operations against the popular forces during the struggle to overthrow Somoza in Nicaragua.

In El Salvador itself, CONDECA is preparing for large-scale involvement in the civil war. The two principal members of CONDECA, Guatemala and Honduras, have about 10,000 men massed on the borders. One example of the coordination of the CONDECA forces was seen in May 1980 when over 600 Salvadorian peasants, mostly old people, women and children, were massacred in a coordinated action of the Salvadorian armed forces, the Honduran army and ORDEN in order to prevent them from escaping into Honduras.

U.S. military forces in El Salvador: Even before Reagan's recent decision to send 56 military "advisors," including Green Berets, to El Salvador, U.S. military personnel have had a certain presence in that country and have been involved in the attacks on the Salvadorian people. The role of U.S. military personnel has become more and more prominent ever since the 1979 coup. For instance, only a short while after the coup, a six-man U.S. military team arrived in El Salvador on November 12 to train the fascists in riot control. On December 15, 1979 a military operation was carried out against a mass action in El Congo where nearly 100 people were killed. Eyewitnesses reported the participation of U.S. soldiers in this brutal attack. There have also been other similar reports.

The logic of U.S. involvement in El Salvador is leading towards wider U.S. imperialist aggression against the people of that country. The parallels with the early days of U.S. aggression in Viet Nam can quite clearly be seen today. But just as the heroic people of Indochina defeated the powerful military machine of U.S. imperialism, so too will the Salvadorian people bring down the U.S. colossus in their country.

* U.S. Department of Defense, Congressional Presentation Document: Security Assistance Fiscal Year 1978, Washington, D.C., 1977, p. 323.

[Back to Top]

PCT(Dominican Republic) and MLP,USA issue:

Joint Communique in Solidarity with the People of El Salvador

In the friendly discussions held in the course of the last ten days, the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA and the Partido Comunista del Tra- bajo [Communist Party of Labor] have analyzed the present situation in El Salvador. Both organizations hold that the Christian-Democratic junta of Jose Napoleon Duarte is intensifying the misery of and unleashing terrorism against the people, while it serves as a brazen accomplice of the interventionist and aggressive activities which the imperialist government of Ronald Reagan is carrying out in El Salvador and all of Central America, activities in which the governments of Venezuela, Guatemala and Honduras are also treacherously participating.

All this has caused the intensification of the exploitation and oppression against the Salvadorian people against whom the genocidal junta has unleashed a wave of violence which has already resulted in thousands of deaths, prisoners, "missing persons," exiled, and persecuted, as well as in the creation of a dangerous situation which may lead to a large-scale intervention by the troops of U.S. imperialism and its puppets.

The MLP and the PCT [Partido Comunista del Trabajo] hail the fact that neither the demagogy, nor the genocide of the Christian-Democratic junta, nor the growing imperialist intervention have been able to stop the Salvadorian people's insurrection which already extends over most of the country, while the junta is sinking, having been discredited nationally and internationally, and being prey to internal conflicts and divisions which are becoming ever more pronounced.

The triumph of the heroic people of El Salvador is foreseeable. But it is necessary to be on the alert because there are forces at the service of the above mentioned enemies, which like social-democracy grouped in the Socialist International, are plotting and conspiring against this triumph. They have been promoting the fraudulent proposition of the "political solution." But with this they are proposing a "political solution" at the point of the bayonets of U.S. imperialism and based on the continuation of the unbearable tyranny of the bloodstained oligarchy.

Faced with the reality described above, the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA and the Partido Comunista del Trabajo have decided to express publicly their determination to:

-- Condemn the criminal junta of Jose Napoleon Duarte and its henchmen for all the suffering they have brought on the brother people of El Salvador and for the anti-national and sellout course that they have pursued in order to maintain the grave situation which they have created;

-- Repudiate the acts of aggression and intervention by the government of the United States which is feverishly preparing a large-scale armed intervention, aimed not only at the Salvadorian people but also at the people of Nicaragua, Guatemala, and of the whole region;

-- Militantly support the heroic revolutionary war of the people of El Salvador; salute the just determination of this people to take up arms to face up to the criminal violence of its internal and external enemies and to courageously fight for achieving its independence, its progress and its freedom, thus contributing to the advance of the revolution on an international scale;

-- Denounce any attempt to frustrate with deceptive maneuvers the triumph of the brother people of El Salvador.

The Political Commission of the Central Committee of the Partido Comunista del Trabajo (Dominican Republic)

Delegation of the Central Committee of the Marxist-Leninist Party of the USA

Santo Domingo, Dominican Republic April 9,1981

[Back to Top]

U.S. Imperialism, Get Out of El Salvador!

What the Salvadorian people are fighting for

Over the last couple of years the people of El Salvador have launched a powerful revolutionary struggle against the brutal oppression of the fascist military dictatorship and the oligarchy who are backed by U.S. imperialism. The heroic struggle of the four million people of this small Central American country the size of Massachusetts has aroused great interest among the working masses throughout the world. This article examines some features of the roots of the struggle in El Salvador.

The working masses of El Salvador are very poor and have suffered great misery and brutality for many, many decades. Fifty-eight percent of the population makes less than ten dollars a month; of these people, more than half make less than five dollars a month. The people have the lowest calorie intake per capita in all of Latin America -- hunger is a basic feature of life of the masses. Close to three-quarters of the children under five years suffer from malnutrition and the mortality rate for infants and children is very high. Needless to say, the housing, medical and educational facilities available to the masses are deplorable.

The source of this extreme poverty is to be found in the savage exploitation the Salvadorian people suffer at the hands of a small number of rich landholders and big capitalists of El Salvador and the U.S. and other foreign multinational corporations This super-exploitation is enforced through an organized system of repression and terror against the masses. For fifty years the people have suffered under the jackboots of one military dictatorship after another. The oligarchy and military rulers are propped up by the power of U.S. imperialism.

But the exploiters and imperialists have never been able to subdue the will of the Salvadorian people to fight against the rich bloodsuckers and fascist tyrants. The people have long and proud revolutionary traditions. In recent years, as the political and economic crisis in the country has deepened, the people have once again mounted a mighty upsurge directed squarely against their hated enemies -- the fascist military rulers, the oligarchy and U.S. imperialism. This is an anti-imperialist democratic revolution, a fight for national liberation and against the oligarchy of big capitalists and landlords. This struggle serves as a powerful impetus for the development of the revolutionary struggle of the downtrodden masses of all of Central and Latin America.

The Struggle for the Overthrow of the Agrarian Structure Is a Basic Feature of the Salvadorian People's Struggle

A central question of the revolutionary struggle in El Salvador is the land problem -- the relations between the landowners and the toilers in the countryside. This country has some of the most productive land in all of Central America and this is the source of great wealth which is derived from the cultivation of coffee, cotton and sugar. But this wealth does not go towards meeting the needs of the toiling masses. Instead it fills the coffers of a small handful of landholders. For about a century now the vast majority of the land has been in the hands of a small number of families. For instance, in 1961 just six families held as much land as 80% of the rural population, and today just 2% of the population owns 60% of the land. On the other hand, 40% of the peasants are landless and are forced into slaving for starvation wages in the giant coffee and cotton plantations. Large numbers of the peasants who have land actually own so little that they are forced to rent land from the landowners or hire themselves out as part-time and seasonal labor to the plantations.

The roots of the present structure of land ownership go back to the 19th century. In the middle of that century, coffee was introduced into El Salvador. Until that time the peasants of this country had lived by producing food on tribal Indian lands and communally held lands. But with the introduction of coffee, the peasants were forced off their land by government decree. The resistance of the peasants was suppressed by a rural police force set up especially for this purpose. Within a few decades, fourteen families had emerged who controlled almost the entire productive land in the country.

On those lands which were unsuited for coffee small farmers continued to grow food staples. But their plots were so small that they were forced to work as seasonal labor for the coffee plantations But following the end of World War II, the oligarchy expanded its control of the land by introducing cotton into the coastal plains of El Salvador. To make way for the cotton plantations, the peasants were forced off their food-producing plots, further destroying the country's food supply.

Today almost all the productive land is planted with cash crops -- coffee, cotton and sugar, etc. -- for export. El Salvador has to import most of its basic foodstuffs.

This feature of the agrarian economy of El Salvador is one of the basic features of the country's dependency on foreign imperialism. It signifies that the country's agrarian economy is completely geared for export, mainly to the imperialist countries. This subjects the economy to the fluctuations of prices and demand on the world capitalist market which is controlled by the powerful imperialist countries and monopolies. This results in great hardship for the masses. For instance, in the early part of this century El Salvador was simply a single crop economy geared for export. In 1929 the great crash in the world capitalist market provoked a serious crisis with the bottom falling out of the coffee market. As a result, many small coffee growers lost their lands to the big landlords, and the wages for agricultural laborers were sharply cut as well. Unemployment and starvation intensified. Though today coffee is no longer sole king, the country still remains geared for export and is based on a small number of export crops; coffee however remains the most important of these, accounting for 44% of exports.

The peasants and agricultural workers of El Salvador have never reconciled themselves to an agrarian system which is monopolized by a handful of big landowners. In the late 19th century they resisted the original expropriation of their lands by the coffee barons. In the aftermath of the crash in the coffee market in 1929, the peasants and rural laborers rose up alongside the urban workers in a mass uprising to overthrow the hated agrarian system and the oligarchy as a whole. The demand for the expropriation of the landowners is one of the most important aims of the revolutionary struggle in El Salvador.

The struggle of the toilers of the countryside has not only targeted the oligarchy but has also brought the agrarian struggle face to face with U.S. imperialism. The U.S. assisted the military rulers of the country to establish the para-military organization ORDEN in 1967. Its task has been to control and repress all organizing among the peasants. In addition, since the early sixties the U.S. has sent into El Salvador the American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), a CIA front agency of the AFL-CIO. In the sixties, this agency, along with the Israeli social-democratic Histadrut labor federation, was responsible for training "peasant leaders'' in El Salvador; in other words, to train anticommunist agents of U.S. imperialism directly in the countryside for the sole purpose of opposing the attempts of the rural toilers to organize themselves. In recent years this agency has been actively working with the U.S. government and the military in El Salvador to carry out the so-called land reform. This notorious program has been repeatedly shown to be entirely fraudulent as far as any type of reform is concerned. It is in fact a terrorist, Viet Nam-style pacification program to outright murder the organized agricultural laborers and peasants and terrorize the entire rural population.

In this way, the struggle of the rural population of El Salvador against the landlords has become directly intertwined with the fight against U.S. imperialism. Only with the overthrow of U.S. imperialism and the oligarchy will the agrarian problem be solved. Indeed, the peasants and rural laborers have thrown themselves into the present-day revolutionary movement in a big way.

The Working Class in Struggle Against the Exploitation of the Local Big Capitalists and Foreign Multinational Companies

The urban working class of El Salvador emerged in the 1920's as a result of a certain, though limited, diversification of the economy from coffee production. However, it was only after 1950 that sizable growth of the industrial proletariat has taken place. A certain degree of "industrialization" took place spurred on by the large profits accumulated as a result of the postwar boom in coffee prices, and the intensification of the penetration of foreign imperialist companies. But the "industrialization" of El Salvador, just like its agricultural economy, is also not geared towards meeting the needs of the working masses of the country but is oriented towards export. This industry is in addition very closely tied to U.S. and other foreign imperialist multinational companies.

Indeed it is during these last 30 years that foreign, mainly U.S. investment, has increased in a big way. The cheap labor and the repressive political situation provided an attractive arena for investment to the imperialist sharks. Between 1950 and 1967 the book value of direct U.S. investments rose from $19.4 million to $45 million. By 1975 foreign investment had risen to $104.5 million. Today U.S. imperialism dominates the industrial sector. Moreover, even where the Salvadorian bourgeoisie has set up enterprises, in most cases these have taken the form of joint ventures with foreign capital.

Thus El Salvador has become a haven for electronics, food processing, garment and other light manufacturing plants from the U.S. These include, for instance, Texas Instruments (making semiconductors and calculators), Folgers (Procter and Gamble), Maidenform (making lingerie), Kimberly-Clark (making crepe paper and tissues), etc. Needless to say, these goods are not purchased by the poor and hungry working masses of El Salvador but are meant for export.

The military rulers of El Salvador have worked hard to provide all the opportunities for imperialist capital to penetrate and dominate the country. The government has modernized roads, ports and airports for this purpose. It has written up tax and trade laws in such a way as to give big breaks to the foreign companies. It has even created a "free trade zone" in San Bartolo where strikes are outlawed and companies can operate tax free. However the main component of the "suitable investment climate" provided by the government has been the savage repression and terror directed against the workers' struggles.

Nevertheless, repression has not been able to stifle the workers' movement either. Ever since it came into existence, the urban proletariat has struggled to organize itself. In the 1920's it gave birth to the Regional Federation of Salvadorian Workers (FRTS) which defied the government bans on organizing unions and organized textile and railroad workers, artisans and farm workers. It fought for and won the eight hour day in 1928 as well as the legal right to unionize urban workers. On May 1, 1930, eighty thousand workers and peasants mounted a powerful mass demonstration in San Salvador demanding, among other things, a minimum wage for farm workers and relief for the unemployed.

Despite the brutal suppression of an attempted mass uprising in January 1932 by the military and the destruction of the FRTS, the workers' movement has continued. In 1944 a general strike was organized. And over the last decade the workers have again come out in powerful mass actions, carrying out strikes, factory occupations and mass demonstrations. The urban workers are not only fighting against the cruel economic exploitation they suffer at the hands of the capitalist owners and multinationals, but they are also in the thick of the people's revolutionary movement, fighting against the military dictatorship, the oligarchy and imperialism. They are firmly united with the peasants and rural laborers in a single front against their common enemies.

Only the Overthrow of the Oligarchy and the Military Dictatorship Can Ensure Democratic Rights for the Broad Masses of El Salvador

One of the principal objectives of the revolutionary struggle in El Salvador is to achieve democratic rights and put an end to the repression and terror against the people. The historical experience of the Salvadorian people has amply proved that this requires the overthrow of the fascist military regime and the oligarchy.

For fifty years the Salvadorian people have languished under a fascist military dictatorship, whose most prominent characteristic has been ruthless terrorist suppression of the masses. Indeed, the military dictator, General Hernandez Martinez, who seized power in 1931, baptized his regime in the blood of 30,000 workers and peasants who were massacred after the attempted uprising of January 1932. The brutality of Martinez is enshrined in his own words that "it is a greater crime to kill an ant than a man, because a man is born again at death, while the ant dies forever." This epitomizes the thinking of the fascists in El Salvador who have murdered over 13,000 people over the last one and a half years.

The Martinez regime was forced out of power in 1944 by the masses who rose up in struggle, but power passed into the hands of other military generals. Since then, one military ruler has come after another. The government has remained firmly in the hands of the military who have loyally served the oligarchy and the interests of U.S. imperialism. For the masses, it has always meant beatings, torture, dungeons and death. Indeed over the last thirty years, with the direct assistance of the U.S. government, El Salvador has built up a well-organized machinery of terrorism against the masses. This machinery includes the armed forces, the national guard and numerous police forces, governmental spy agencies as well as armed fascist bands organized and led by the military. One notorious example of the machinery of repression put together through cooperation between military regime and the U.S. government is ORDEN, an internal espionage and murder agency set up in 1967 by the Defense Ministry and aimed at the restive masses in El Salvador's countryside.

On several occasions historically, fraudulent elections have been organized to give a "democratic" coloring to the military regime. As a similar ruse, civilians have been brought into the government as is the case today. But this has simply been U.S. imperialist policy to prettify the fascist military regime and to try to hoodwink the masses into giving up their struggle. This policy of the U.S. government was spelled out by President Kennedy during his term: "Governments of the civil-military type of El Salvador are the most effective in containing communist penetration in Latin America."

The real nature of such "civil-military" governments has been amply shown by the present regime in El Salvador. It was brought into power in October 1979, at a time when powerful mass struggles of the people of El Salvador were inflicting strong blows at the regime of General Romero. The U.S. government played a direct role in getting Romero to step aside and replacing him through a military junta in which various civilian elements were incorporated. This was loudly trumpeted as a "reformist" and "progressive" government, and the participation in this government of the social- democrats and pro-Moscow revisionists was used for this purpose. But within a short period of time the ruse wore thin and most of the civilians deserted the military regime and admitted its brutal fascist character. Today U.S. imperialism tries to maintain this ruse through the help of the Christian Democrats and Duarte who has been made "president." But all the facts show that the real character of this regime is no different than the previous military regimes. Indeed it has been under this regime that thousands of people have been murdered by the military and the government- organized fascist bands. One example of the type of "reform" carried out by this government is that it allegedly disbanded ORDEN. But the reality is that it was merely reorganized under a different name and became the Nationalist Democratic Front (FDN) which is headed by General Jose Alberto "chele" Medrano, the founder of ORDEN. Medrano is a close friend of General Gutierrez, the commander in chief and vice president, and of Colonel Garcia, the minister of defense, who are the core of the fascist regime.

Such is the reality behind U.S. imperialism's farce of a "moderate," "civilian" and "democratic" government which is so loudly championed by the mouthpieces of U.S. imperialism like Reagan, Carter, Kennedy and White (Carter's ambassador to El Salvador). Such regimes cannot do away with repression and ensure democracy for the masses. The democratic demands of the masses can only be achieved by the overthrow of the military dictatorship and the oligarchy which it serves. Indeed this is what the revolution is fighting for.

[Back to Top]

Demonstrations Condemn U.S. Aggression

In March, the Reagan administration expanded U.S. intervention in El Salvador by stepping up its aid for the fascist military dictatorship, including the sending of more U.S. troops there. These imperialist measures of the American government have been met with a big new wave of protest all across the U.S. and in many countries abroad.

Throughout the month of March, and especially during the second half, big demonstrations and rallies were organized from one corner of the U.S. to the other. These protests, coming in the wake of a series of mass actions in late January and early February, show that a powerful movement of the American people is developing in solidarity with the liberation struggle of the Salvadorian people.

This round of protests began in the second week of March with demonstrations and rallies in several cities. It included a demonstration of 800 people in Fresno, California and a 600- strong rally on the University of Washington campus in Seattle. On March 18 more than a thousand people demonstrated at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst. The weekend of March 21-22 saw big demonstrations in many cities. More than 6.000 people took to the streets in Boston, and hundreds showed up for actions in Cincinnati, New York, Providence and San Francisco. On March 23 several hundred people including high school students marched from a local high school to picket the Salvadorian consulate in Detroit. March 24 again saw a series of demonstrations in many cities, including Ann Arbor, Michigan; Columbus, Ohio; Chicago; Los Angeles and New York. In addition, many of those who took part in the anti-nuclear demonstration on March 28 in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania also denounced the U.S. government's policies in El Salvador. Again, on April 18, more than 5,000 people turned out for a demonstration in New York City in support of the Salvadorian people's struggle.

Through these actions, the working and progressive people of the U.S. expressed their outrage at the escalation of U.S. intervention in El Salvador and demanded that U.S. imperialism get out of that country altogether. The demonstrations expressed support for the heroic revolutionary struggle of the Salvadorian people. In addition, the demonstrations also opposed the reintroduction of the draft and other imperialist and warmongering policies of the U.S. government. In this way they took on a generally anti-imperialist and anti-militarist character.

The Marxist-Leninist Party vigorously participated in the demonstrations and rallies in solidarity with the Salvadorian people's struggle. It organized militant contingents to participate in the actions. These contingents held up the banner of anti-imperialist struggle and used a variety of forms of work for this purpose. This included widescale distribution of revolutionary leaflets and other literature and organizing cultural performances of anti-imperialist songs in the midst of the demonstrations.

Furthermore the Party worked especially hard during this wave of protest to carry out widescale activity to organize the working class to take its rightful place at the center of the anti-imperialist struggle. The Party distributed thousands of leaflets in the factories and communities and developed widespread discussion among the workers on the question of opposing U.S. imperialism in El Salvador. As well, workers were encouraged and mobilized to come out and take part in the demonstrations.

The policies of American imperialism in El Salvador have also given rise to protest actions in many countries around the world. During these last weeks of March, demonstrations were held in Europe, Latin America and Canada. In Canada, thousands took to the streets to denounce U.S. imperialism in El Salvador during Reagan's visit to that country on March 10. As well, a week of solidarity actions were organized from March 22 to March 28 all across Canada. Hundreds of people came out to take part in these activities.

These mass actions in the U.S. and around the world are reminiscent of the big mass movement that developed in the 60's against U.S. imperialism's crimes against the Indochinese peoples. They show that a big storm of struggle against U.S. imperialism is developing all over the globe.

Down with U.S. imperialism!

Victory to the Salvadorian people!


1. 600 students took part in a rally on the University of Washington campus, Seattle on March 12.

2. Over 6,000 people marched in Boston on March 21 to denounce U.S. intervention in El Salvador.


3. An MLP cultural group performed anti-imperialist songs at the rally in Boston on March 21.

4. 500 people declared their solidarity with the Salvadorian people with a march and rally in Ann Arbor, Michigan on March 24.

5. On April 18, the MLP organized a militant march through a working class neighborhood in southwest Detroit.]

[Back to Top]

Guatemalan people are shaking the military dictatorship

All across Central America the people are rising up in revolutionary struggle. The fascist dictatorships propped up by U.S. imperialism are reeling under the hammer blows of the revolution. In Nicaragua the Somoza regime, the allegedly "invincible" watchdog of U.S. neo-colonialism, has been overthrown. In El Salvador, the revolutionary struggle continues to shake the U.S.-backed military government to its foundations despite the massive efforts of U.S. imperialism to crush the struggle. As well, the working masses of Guatemala are advancing on the road of revolution against the bloodthirsty military dictatorship of the U.S. puppet, General Romero Lucas Garcia.

The Guatemalan people have boldly escalated their struggle over the past couple of years. All across the country, the workers and peasants have taken up arms against the oppressive regime. In the early months of 1981 alone, hundreds of actions were undertaken by the armed revolutionaries. Attacks have been launched against the patrols and convoys of the fascist government troops as well as on a number of military installations. The armed masses have succeeded in inflicting hundreds of casualties on the government forces. Recently the liberation fighters took control of over 63 towns and farms of the big landowners in the southern coastal region while in the western highlands dozens of towns were wrested from the control of the U.S.-backed dictatorship.

The workers and peasants have also stepped up their struggle against the severe exploitation imposed on them by the U.S. and other foreign imperialist corporations as well as the domestic capitalists and landlords tied to them. In March 1980, a massive strike of 70,000 agricultural workers was organized which forced the government to raise the minimum wage for workers in this sector. During the strike the workers, who had armed themselves with machetes and poles, occupied many sugar mills and plantations and paralyzed the entire sugar and cotton production. Along with this there have been periodic strikes in the cities.

In order to crush the popular revolt, the fascist ruling clique of General Lucas Garcia has carried out a countrywide campaign of savage terror and repression. Since the regime came to power in 1978, it has murdered some 5,000 workers, peasants and other opponents of the government. Government troops roam the countryside, burning the homes and villages of the peasants and organizing mass executions. In one such incident this February, the government executed 80 peasants in the village of Hacienda las Lomas. The fascist government assassins have also been actively trying to intimidate the workers' movement in the cities. Trade union leaders are regularly arrested and shot, such as a whole series of organizers at the U.S. imperialist Coca Cola plant who were killed during the 1979-80 period. Last year also saw the infamous massacre of unarmed Indian peasants who, while occupying the Spanish embassy, were burned to death along with embassy personnel.

The fascist gangsters of the Lucas regime are only able to carry out their war against the Guatemalan people due to the tremendous support being given to them by U.S. imperialism. The terrorist army and police forces of Guatemala have for decades been armed and trained by the U.S. government. In 1977, at the height of Carter's "human rights" fraud, certain military aid programs were suspended for purposes of deception. However even in this period U.S. imperialism was selling armaments to the Guatemalan fascists through both government and private sources. The U.S. imperialists have also been busily mobilizing their allies to step up their aid. The Israeli Zionists, the guardian of U.S. interests in the Middle East, have become a principal arms supplier, and imperialist Japan has made its contribution too. Recently it was announced that the reactionary Argentine government will give the huge.amount of $22 million in military aid to the Guatemalan military dictators. Moreover the U.S. imperialists have never cut off the AID (Agency for International Development) funds to the Lucas regime which in 1979 provided $22 million to facilitate the exploitation of the masses by the reactionary ruling classes and U.S. imperialism. Thus, the Carterite "human rights" policy was a mere ploy to hide the Carter administration's bloodstained hands.

As for the Reagan administration, it is quite clear from its rapid escalation of U.S. troops and aid to the terrorist junta in El Salvador that it will spare no efforts to bolster the Guatemalan fascists. Even before taking office Reagan officials met on several occasions with the Lucas government to assure them of his support.

U.S. imperialism is desperately trying to extinguish the revolutionary movement in order to preserve its system of neo-colonial plunder and enslavement in Guatemala. Ever since the notorious United Fruit Company came to Guatemala at the turn of the century, the U.S. imperialist companies along with the local big capitalists and big landowners have reaped fabulous profits through the ruination and impoverishment of the workers and peasants. Today over 70% of the land is owned by the big landowners including the U.S. company Del Monte. The big landowners have forced the peasants onto the worst land where they cannot produce enough to live. Thus the peasants, in order to survive, must periodically migrate to the big plantations where they are worked up to 15 hours a day for three dollars in wages.

The U.S. imperialist companies in the industrial sector are also reaping fantastic wealth from the super-exploitation of the Guatemalan workers. Typical wages for a factory worker are scarcely better than the agricultural workers, and unemployment is over 30%. As well, the imperialist monopolies have moved in to rob the natural resources of the country. In recent years a huge nickel mining operation has been set up as a joint venture between U.S. and Canadian companies. The Texaco oil monopoly has set up operations to pump 60,000 barrels of oil a day, while other oil barons such as Standard Oil of California and Marathon Oil are securing concessions and setting up operations as well.

In order to protect its profits, U.S. imperialism has propped up a series of military regimes since 1954. Over 2,000 army officers and some 30,000 police have been trained by the U.S. These forces, who are also armed to the teeth by the U.S. imperialists, have murdered over 25,000 people since 1966 according to conservative estimates. Besides rigging up a series of military dictatorships, U.S. imperialism has also undertaken the most brazen direct intervention. In 1954, the American government organized the overthrow of the Arbenz government which had nationalized some land owned by the United Fruit Company. In this operation the CIA organized a 200-man force to invade Guatemala while American pilots bombed the cities until Arbenz surrendered. In the 1966-68 period, U.S. troops participated in counterinsurgency operations against the people's uprising which included the napalming of villages by U.S. pilots.

Many times the U.S. imperislists and their puppet dictators have tried to crush the Guatemalan people. But they will never be able to stop the Guatemalan people's desire to free themselves from the severe oppression of imperialist domination and local reaction. Today the working masses of Guatemala, inspired by the glorious example of the neighboring peoples in Nicaragua and El Salvador, are marching on the same road of revolutionary struggle.

[Back to Top]


Seaga's 'National Recovery'--A Savage Offensive

"National Recovery" has become the favorite code words being used by the Seaga government in Jamaica for unfolding a ruthless offensive against the Jamaican masses. They are code words for the wild drive by the local and foreign capitalist exploiters to amass their profits, chain the workers to their machines and strengthen neocolonial oppression and reaction.

The U.S. imperialists led by Reagan and imperialist tycoon David Rockefeller, together with the big Jamaican capitalists have all been expressing their great joy and licking their chops at the prospects of "National Recovery" and the "revitalization of production." They hope that with such a "brilliant" leader and loyal lackey as Seaga, armed with such a "bold plan" that they could pull themselves out of the deepening all-sided crisis they face and escape the blows of the Jamaican people. This "National Recovery" is a mere pipe dream of the capitalist bloodhounds. This loud noise is merely to create illusions that the capitalists can solve the irreconcilable crisis their system is permanently entangled iq, while they impose fascist reaction and slavery. This "National Recovery" is the product of the sick imagination of the likes of Seaga and Reagan, of the wheeling and dealing of the two imperialist and neo-colonialist politicians blinded in their mad quest for profits and blood.

This "National Recovery Plan" consists of the following:

1. A policy of unrestrained sellout to the foreign exploiters, particularly to U.S.-led Western imperialism. Guided by the principle of "establishing a stable investment climate" and "bringing the Jamaican economy more fully into harmony with U.S. government policy."

2. Increasing the handouts to the local capitalist private sector; freeing them even of Manley's former nominal restrictions so that they get "proper incentive" to go about their unpleasant business of making money.

3. A "Master Plan" for the extension, rearming and modernization of the security forces (the police, JDF and the prisons) to strengthen the repressive forces. (Seaga has declared that beefing up the "mobility" and "firepower" of the security forces has been a childhood dream of his administration. For according to him, the "most destructive area" of "social decay" is "the cancerous growth of indiscipline which has broken down lines of authority" and "destroyed the work ethic." "Good order," Seaga declares, is backed by "well equipped security forces to deal with disorder."

4. A national scheme to organize systematic productivity drives everywhere to sweat the workers to the bone. This together with the jacking up of inflation, further devaluations, price increases and a more massive tax burden, so that the workers can slave and starve themselves for the glory of the capitalists like every good worker should.

Thus Seaga has declared 1981 the "Year of Economic Recovery and National Reconstruction" -- the lying song and dance of a yellow, jelly- backed lackey and newly appointed prince of U.S. imperialist domination of Jamaica....

Manley's "Mixed Economy" and Seaga's "Economic Recovery" Program Are One and the Same

Seaga's program for "Economic Recovery" is by no means new. This same program was pioneered by Michael Manley under the fraud of "Democratic Socialism" and of developing a "Mixed Economy" in Jamaica. Today, Seaga is adding a fresh coat of paint and carrying forward the same program at an even faster rate.

Manley steered the Jamaican economy into the complete bondage of the U.S. imperialist financiers and by the time he left office, Jamaica's national debt had risen up close to $4 billion. The masses were shackled with a cost of living increase of 318% by the end of Manley's eight years in office. Manley's "Mixed Economy," like Seaga's "Recovery" was eagerly supported by Western imperialism. His "Mixed Economy," too, was based on prostituting Jamaica so that imperialism would provide massive doses of finance capital. But all of this was covered over with the sick lie that he was building "socialism." But as Manley himself publicly admitted, his "socialism" was geared towards providing imperialism with "a more stable investment climate" so that Jamaica "would be less subject to revolutionary change." (See The West Indian Voice #11) To enforce this stable investment climate, Manley imposed fascist strikebreaking and hitlerite legislation like the Labor Relations and Industrial Disputes Act, the Suppressions of Crimes Act, and established the Gun Court on the heads of the working class and people. Manley, like a raving fascist, also set up extramilitary forces several thousand strong. And the police and Jamaican Defense Force were repeatedly marshalled out against the workers to ensure that the imperialists could safely amass their profits while the workers were to have a "socialist state of mind" thanks to Manley and the PNP.

Thus, Seaga's "Recovery" is simply Manley's program frankly given and carried forward. The ruling classes in Jamaica have been forced to drop the tattered and discredited rag of "Democratic Socialism" which has outlived its usefulness, and they have installed in its place a frank advocate of sellout and neo-colonial oppression....

Today, Manley and the PNP are pledging their loyalty to the JLP administration and joining with them on the altar of "National Recovery." Manley has declared, "We will cooperate much more than they (Seaga and the JLP -- ed.) did when they were the opposition. We wish to see the country at peace. We wish to see the country with investments. We want to see the country with a good tourist industry. We want to see the country with a good image." The PNP and JLP are twin parties for the neo-colonial subjugation of Jamaica by imperialism.

Long Live the Struggle of the Jamaican People Against Imperialism and Local Reaction

The people of Jamaica are stepping up their struggle against exploitation and oppression. Since Seaga's installment into power, the media and politicians, along with the Private Sector Organization of Jamaica and Jamaica Manufacturing Association have been bitterly and continually complaining about the "rash of strikes" that have hit the country as the working class has been going into battle against exploitation in the work places and against the overburdening oppression. In several of these strikes the workers have clashed with the police in order to defend their livelihood. Significant class battles are in the making. Seaga is already hated and recognized by the masses as a slave driver and wage cutter.

The people of Jamaica will never succumb to the savage attacks of the reactionaries and sellouts. They will surely rise up against the attacks of the Seaga government. The people must also resolutely oppose the PNP and all their attempts to portray themselves as a party "of the common man." Inside or outside of office, for one imperialist master or the other -- both the JLP and the PNP are twin parties of neo-colonial slavery.

(Taken fromThe West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May 1981.)

[Back to Top]


On Saturday February 21, a successful public meeting was held by the Caribbean Progressive Study Group, (CPSG) under the militant banner Long live the working class and people of Jamaica! To hell with the PNP and the JLP! This meeting was attended by about 60 persons who enthusiastically joined CPSG in denouncing the PNP and the JLP as twin parties of neo-colonial slavery.

The meeting consisted of a cultural section, an hour long speech and informal discussion....

The speech, analyzing Seaga's installment into office showed that U.S. imperialism has picked up Seaga with the hope that he could help rescue them from the deepening crisis in Jamaica and the region and subdue the revolt of the people. It discussed the significance of Seaga's visit to Washington and Seaga's call for a "Marshall plan" approach by U.S. imperialism.

Seaga is a loyal lackey of the Wall Street money kings who is assisting setting up Jamaica as a center of regional reaction. The speech dealt with the unfolding of Seaga's "National Recovery" which it exposed and denounced as a ruthless drive to increase the profits of the foreign and local rich and to starve and repress the masses of town and country who are being made to pay through their noses for "National Recovery" and the deepening crises. (See article on Seaga's "National Recovery.")...

(Taken from The West Indian Voice, Issue No. 13, April-May 1981.)

[Back to Top]

The Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) Fights Against Rightists Who Would Liquidate the Party

Recent issues ofVanguardia Obrera,Organ of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist), report on the struggle being waged by this Party against a group of factionalists who had emerged within the ranks of the Party. This group, of a rightist and opportunist character, has launched a campaign of ideological and political confusion with the intent of splitting and liquidating the Party. The CPS(M-L) is the party of the proletariat of Spain. Our Party supports their resolute stand against the rightist elements. Below we reprint excerpts from various documents of the CPS(M-L) on this question which have appeared in the pages of Vanguardia Obrera.The translation has been made byThe Workers' Advocate.


Excerpt from the "Call of the Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) to All Its Militants" (fromVanguardia Obrera,March 6-19, 1981):

Comrades: A group of factionalists and plotters of a clear rightist and opportunist character have launched a vile campaign of ideological confusion and poisoning in our ranks, with the aim of splitting and liquidating the Party....

The essence of the factionalists' positions is their desire to change the republican tactic of the Party, to dilute it in its entirety with opportunist groups and organizations that talk about the Republic but don't fight for it or organize the masses around it, as is necessary to fight the monarchy. They are seeking to make the Party's policy of alliances into something supposedly broader and more flexible, but which would actually lead to wiping out our own policy toward the monarchy and toward opportunism and to putting us at the tail of the opportunist forces.

They are trying to liquidate the AOA [Association of Workers' Assemblies] and to limit our tactics exclusively to working in the collaborationist trade union centers. These traitors and scabs are also trying to liquidate the Republican Convention and to devise an ambiguous and abstract policy of alliances with pro-Soviet grouplets such as the MC [Movimiento Comunista], the trotskyites and other opportunists. They also seek to have us renounce our struggle against Russian social-imperialism and to ally with the aforementioned pro-Soviet groups in our struggle against U.S. imperialism. They are seeking, in a word, a 180-degree turn in our Party in all those fundamental questions of its tactics and organizational structures so as to transform the CPS(M-L) into a party of an opportunist, revisionist character, with a structured minority and majorities, each one of them doing whatever it wants, while giving up the accumulation of forces for the revolution through a firm, principled policy toward opportunism and class collaboration.

Vanguardia Obrerareports that the struggle against the plotters came to a head at the recent plenum of the Central Committee of the Party. Below are excerpts from the article "Important Plenum of the Central Committee of the CPS(M-L)" which appeared in the February 6-19 issue of the newspaper:

A Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) was held between January 31 and February 1.

At the meeting a Report of the Executive Committee, approved by the majority of this body, was presented....

Before going on to discussion of the Report, the Secretariat of the Central Committee presented a communication denouncing splitting attempts monitored and verified not only by the organs of leadership but also by the committees and cells at the base of the Party and among the Youth.

In the course of the meeting there was manifested, although in a hidden and obscure form, a series of minority positions of a rightist and adventurist character which had already been showing up inside the Party during the past months and especially in the Executive Committee itself, and which were exposed in the course of the debate.

These positions can be summarized as:

1) Negating, obstructing and being opposed in the practical work to the Party's tactic of popular republican unity.

2) In the same sense, being opposed to the Party's trade union tactic of class unity.

These positions, together with others of an ideological character and concerning organizational methods, would have led to the liquidation of the Party.

Toward this end, work of demoralization and distortion of the present situation of the Party and the present political situation in Spain had been developing at all levels. This work ended up, these last months, in activities of a splitting and anti-party type. It went to the extent that numerous oral and written testimonies appeared, brought by comrades of the Party's different organizations which had been the object of these attempts.

Through a prolonged and exhaustive discussion, the Report was approved by the overwhelming majority of the Central Committee of the Party.

With regard to the comrades who had carried out the factionalist activities in the manner reiterated, the Plenum decided to suspend them from all responsibilities, both in the Executive Committee and in the Central Committee, and to form a Control Commission that would demarcate the individual responsibilities and degree of participation of each one involved in said activities, as well as the contradictions and connections of every typethat may exist in some of the individuals implicated.

The minority who voted against the Report, which included those affected by the disciplinary measures adopted, took the stand, in a provocative manner, of leaving the meeting and the Party.

The Central Committee decided unanimously to condemn such a stand and decided to go forward with a Commission of Control and Investigation to fully bring to light the splitting activities. After these acts the Central Committee continued its work.

The Plenum concluded in an atmosphere of unity and revolutionary spirit.

Madrid, February 2 Executive Committee of the Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist)

Excerpts from the "Report of the Executive Committee to the Plenum of the Central Committee and International Aspects of the Present Political Situation"(Vanguardia Obrera,February 6-19, 1981):

... Turning back to the present political situation, it is fitting to point out in the first place the sharp crisis situation the monarchy finds itself in. along with the collaborationist forces which are in fact an integral part of this power. Its ruling party, the UCD [Union of the Democratic Center], is undermined and battered by every kind of contradiction between cliques and tendencies, and by problems of functioning, of focus, and of the interests of its different cliques. Carrillo's party [the Eurorevisionist "C"P of Spain -- ed.] and the Socialist Party, props and defenders of the monarchic power, are corroded by contradictions and factions at every level: contradictions and divisions at the level of the leading cliques, division between sectors at the base and the leading cliques, and the loss of influence of its organizations among the working and popular masses. The Socialist Party has lost two-thirds of its members; it has shrunk from 270,000 to less than 60,000 in two years. The Carrilloites, according to their own sources, have lost more than half their members, and their central organ is unable to keep appearing on a daily basis. The principal Carrilloite organization in Catalonia has formally abandoned the central theses of Eurocommunism and has rejected the organizational authority of the Carrilloite apparatus, and the dissident pro-Russian groups and the workerist high priests have formed a coalition to displace the Carrilloites in the leadership of the PSUC [the revisionist organization in Catalonia -- ed.].

On the international plane it is an undeniable fact that the struggle against Chinese revisionism and Maoism has demanded from our Party considerable effort on ideological, political and organizational grounds, and on both a national and international scale.... Chinese revisionism and Maoism have constituted an opportunist, counter-revolutionary deviation which certainly has applied the brakes to the development and strengthening of the Marxist-Leninist parties on a world scale. This naturally had repercussions on the links of the masses with the new Marxist-Leninist parties and affected, to a certain extent, the prestige of Marxism-Leninism among the broad masses. Our Party, although in a limited way, also suffered repercussions from the betrayal and maneuvers of the Chinese revisionists and Maoism. Some try to use this new setback to sow pessimism and obscure the prospects for socialism; as well, others fall into defeatist attitudes when we suffer reverses and don't advance as rapidly as we must.

At the Scientific Session held in Tirana in 1979, Comrade Ramiz Alia said in this regard:

"What has occurred in the Soviet Union and China is only a zigzag on the long road of the revolution. The retreat and zigzags are temporary and relative, they do not alter the general law of the advance of society."

On the other hand, the Chinese revisionists have followed a policy of plots and infiltration in the Marxist-Leninist movement.... On the international plane the Chinese revisionists have caused great damage to the development and strengthening of the movement as a whole and have succeeded in holding back its development and diverting some young parties from the road of Marxism-Leninism. This is a fact of the objective situation that we cannot fail to take into account. Nevertheless, having denounced and rejected this Maoist deviation of anti- Marxist China, some parties are getting stronger and new Marxist-Leninist parties are emerging...on the basis of the principles of Marxism-Leninism and its application to the concrete conditions of each country in particular, in opposition to the doctrinaire currents that Chinese revisionism was spreading.

Our Party, like the other Marxist- Leninist parties, is developing and getting stronger in the midst of a colossal ideological storm that entails struggle against modern revisionism in all its variants, and under conditions of a powerful opportunist movement of intermediate forces generated by revisionism, and the reactivation of social-democracy on the part of the reactionary authority.

On the ideological plane, the Soviet Union, transformed today into an imperialist country, utilizes the prestige of the October Revolution and Lenin and Stalin to try to preserve its influence among the working class and toiling masses of the world. It makes use not only of sections of the revisionist parties but also of opportunist groups, adventurers and some unstable and uncertain elements inside the Marxist- Leninist movement itself and the parties. Its attacks are not always frontal and overt, but in a concealed way they try to open a breach in our ranks, through criticisms and attacks against our policy, sometimes from rightist positions and other times leftist ones. A typical case of this type of activity is the different sectors of the MC [Movimiento Comunista], the official ones and the dissident ones, as well as other little groups called "defenders of Marxism-Leninism," trotskyites, sectors of pro-Soviet revisionism among others, etc., etc. It must be said that some comrades have not always maintained the necessary ideological vigilance against these attempts to penetrate not only our Party but also the area of the mass influence of our Party. It is a simplistic and rightist, opportunist way to conceive of our policy of alliances, inasmuch as these grouplets and individuals not only do not represent in our country any important current of opinion, neither short-term nor long-term, but moreover their basic objective is to attack the Party's positions and activity and our Party as a whole....


Excerpts from the "Report of the Executive Committee to the Plenum of the Central Committee," "On the Ideological Struggle Inside the Party" (Vanguardia Obrera,February 6-19, 1981):

"Our Party has stressed that the struggle on the ideological front constitutes one of the main aspects of the class struggle. This is a fierce struggle waged on a broad front against all alien ideologies, old and new, which are kept alive, inspired and encouraged by internal and external bourgeois pressure. This is a major front of struggle, extremely important and complicated, which demands the permanent attention of the Party." (E. Hoxha, Report to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania, p. 114)

To say that class struggle is the indisputable motive force in every revolutionary process -- from becoming conscious of the need for revolution, to the struggle to put it into practice and later to build socialism -- would be a general phrase, insignificant, except that events, currents and positions regularly come up which remind us by all their harshness and sharpness of such an important question. [It is] a question that is indissolubly linked to the struggle to build, develop and implant the Party and the different mass fronts and organizations led or oriented by it.

It would be pure utopia to conceive of the building, development, implantation and practical conduct of the Party without a sharp class struggle being waged right inside it (a struggle that does not move in a straight line nor with unvarying sharpness but comes up according to the different circumstances that we encounter).

All the work of Lenin, Stalin and also E. Hoxha is permeated with this question, with examples in this regard, with theoretical elaboration precisely on the tumult of class struggle inside the Party. In his Report to the 7th Congress of the PLA, E. Hoxha says:

"...the Party has resolutely upheld the line of the class struggle and consistently waged it against internal and external enemies, as well as among the people and in its own ranks." (p. 109, emphasis added)

And without class struggle everything is reduced to something amorphous, to routine phraseology, doctrinairism, general pronouncements, but without practical application. And all those who, in one way or another, with one scheme or another, try to divert the Party from its correct ling, fall precisely into this, time and again. In this sense our Party counts on its rich experience, on its 16 years of life, which we cannot forget but must recall and capitalize on so as to better arm all our militants and organizations against the inevitable attacks and offensives of the bourgeoisie, as much from outside the Party as from within it.

Because, however much some people fill their mouths with "great principles," with "irrefutable quotations," if they don't know how to apply these quotations and principles to the concrete situation in each place, if they don't take into account that these quotations which they cling to so desperately to justify the unjustifiable are precisely the product of distinct phases or moments of the class struggle at a certain level, they unfortunately convert the principles and quotations into dogmas which, like all dogmas, are no more than empty words....

Therefore it would be a gross error, an outrageous verdict, to limit the expression of the class struggle to the level of general principle, without taking into account that this struggle above all comes up and will come up inexorably in our own ranks whether we like it or not; that this struggle can take different forms and aspects, more or less sharp, more or less frank. And thence the distinct nature of resolving this struggle, with criticism, warnings, sanctions, and in particularly serious cases, with expulsion. If this is not understood, or is belittled or treated lightly (as some do), it is impossible to understand the enormous struggle that Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and E. Hoxha have carried out not only on the internal plane of their own parties, but also on the international plane (and there are many very recent examples).

The other mistake that can occur is to understand class struggle as only against rightism and forget sectarianism, "leftism," "centrism," etc. -- all those manifestations of opportunism, not taking into account that it is impossible to successfully fight one tendency without fighting the others. This does not mean putting them all at the same level, since at each moment it is necessary to determine which is predominant so as to emphasize it, but, we repeat, without excluding the others. And it is important not to forget this because, as we have said many times, confirmed by our own experience, the bourgeoisie in its offensives against Marxism-Leninism and the Marxist-Leninist parties doesn't just use its external detachments. Aware that "fortresses are taken from within," it tries by every means to infiltrate our ranks, to base itself on elements who haven't overcome their ambitious, individualistic, petty bourgeois inclinations and who end up degenerating and turning into enemies of the Party and the proletariat....

On Revolutionary Vigilance


... Revolutionary vigilance has to be applied firmly and consistently in all its aspects. And for this it is necessary to know that the enemies (both external and internal) use the most varied forms of attack or offensive against the Party, against the Marxist-Leninists.

As has already been pointed out on numerous occasions, at the present time we are witnessing a general offensive against the world's Marxist-Leninist parties and detachments by the bourgeoisie, by U.S. imperialism and its acolytes, by Russian social-imperialism and its different variants of revisionism, by the Chinese social-chauvinists (byproduct of imperialism) and casehardened revisionists.

You all know already of the degeneration, corruption and betrayal of Mr. Dinucci in Italy, for example, which has momentarily left that country without its vanguard detachment. And we must point out that in exposing and denouncing this group of opportunists, hidden agents of Russian revisionism, our Party played a decisive role.... But it has not only been in Italy. Rightist deviations of different hues, schemes and "theorizing" have arisen in different countries of the world as a result of this ideological offensive by our various enemies.

Considering the difficulties, the situation of ebb, the maneuvers of "transition," the decisions and weaknesses that we have, our Party now has been able to come through this situation with flying colors, although we have also had some quantitative losses. But we emphasize for now, because more that we'd like we are not some inaccessible desert island, nor so powerful as to not be affected by the general offensive. And we also have our weak flanks which the enemies try to use; as well we are sure that we have some infiltrated elements, degenerate and ideologically corrupted, who are not inactive but quite the contrary, and other hesitating and vacillating elements.

Therefore, once again we call on all the comrades, all the committees, to remain actively vigilant, not to lose confidence and become disoriented, not to let themselves be drawn into the pessimism and defeatism that try to be sown in our ranks. Pessimism and defeatism are the product of petty bourgeois opportunism, independently of the "merits" or "history" of those who manifest it.

In this regard, it is fitting to once again recall Stalin, that great Marxist-Leninist whom many "forget":

"The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements. The source of factionalism in the Party is its opportunist elements." (Foundations of Leninism)

We could quote a lot from Stalin and we must greatly push forward the study of his works, but we end with this conclusion that Stalin puts forward in the work cited:

"Proletarian parties develop and become strong by purging themselves of opportunists and reformists.... The Party becomes strong by purging itself of opportunist elements."

Rightism, "Leftism", "Centrism"


"The class struggle waged during the whole existence of the Party, as well as recently, has shown that the main danger and enemy to our Party and the entire international revolutionary communist and workers' movement has been and still is right opportunism.... (E. Hoxha, Report to the 7th Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania, p. 109)

This statement of Comrade Enver, which we agree with completely, is, however, thrown in doubt by some comrades who in a schematic and doctrinaire way harp on the sectarian errors of some Party members (errors, on the other hand, which we have not failed to denounce or combat at any time). Thus they indicate that while on the international scale the principal danger is rightism or right opportunism, in Spain this danger becomes secondary, and the principal one, according to them, is "leftism."

But not the "leftism" of the ETA or the police group "Grapo" (or other similar ones), but the "leftism" of the Party!... Naturally to justify such an aberration they have to make a thousand pirouettes, theorize on the basis of suppositions and not realities, base themselves on events, people and situations torn out of the general context of both the national situation and the Party, distorting the Party's practice and falsifying the objective situation. And, of course, "forgetting" the statements that were made in this regard by the most important Party meetings, such as the II Conference (1976) and the III Congress (1979), as well as the plenums of the Central Committee held since then.

They swear and swear again that they agree with our Political Line, with the III Congress, etc., but in reality they distort them both, consciously or unconsciously (and this is something we must clarify, since putting the contradiction and the measures to resolve it in their proper place depends on it). In the Political Line we see that the text of Point 16 says:

"At the present time, the principal danger for the international communist movement (Marxist-Leninist) is right opportunism, revisionism."

The characterization of this danger, its description, etc., follow, concluding in Point 17 with the following warning: "One of the principal tasks of the Marxist-Leninist and progressive forces of the whole world is the irreconcilable and merciless denunciation of and resolute struggle against modern revisionism, both on the ideological plane as well as on the political. Any weakening of this struggle of principle, under any pretext whatsoever, leads inevitably to strengthening the revisionist forces and does considerable damage to the revolutionary cause.

The Marxist-Leninist parties must maintain a resolute and implacable struggle against all the opportunist variants of revisionism and its different features which emerge regularly as the inevitable product of the class struggle, as much outside as within the Marxist-Leninist movement itself." (My emphasis, R.M.) Naturally those who proclaim that the main danger is "leftism," we repeat, "agree with" the Political Line, since to clearly say that they do not agree would immediately put them openly against the Party. But it is impossible to agree with the Political Line and to proclaim the opposite.

It also happens that some comrades see the right opportunist danger as something outside the Party (the Carrillo group, MC, ORT, etc.) and not as a real, constant danger that is not only lying in wait but acts persistently inside the Party....

[Back to Top]



(The following is based on an article in Albanian Telegraphic Agency News Bulletin,March 8,1981.)

Today, when we look at the socialist system in Albania and compare it to the capitalist and revisionist countries, we see two diametrically opposed pictures. On the one hand an unrestrained economic crisis has gripped the capitalist and revisionist countries. On the other hand the Albanian economy is marked by its firm stability and all-round development.

An examination of the facts shows that the capitalist and revisionist countries, such as the United States, are racked with chronic stagnation in production. From 1973 to 1980 the U.S. total manufacturing output has only managed to increase by a mere 1.1% annually on the average. From 1979 to 1980, manufacturing production creased by 4.2%. The crisis has made unemployment, "the guillotine of the free world," register record figures. Even the most optimistic forecasts by the U.S. Department of Labor predict that of the millions of unemployed, 45% will never return to the work force. Thus the world of capital is languishing in the throes of massive disintegration, anarchy and chaos. The working masses are faced with anguish and uncertainty, not knowing whether or not they will even have a job tomorrow.

A completely different picture is provided by the Albanian reality of triumphant socialism, where there is dynamic and stable all-round growth of the economy. Although the capitalist and revisionist countries have tried to strangle Albania through their encirclement and blockades, it has forged ahead towards the complete construction of the socialist society. Since 1950 the total social product has increased 3.2 times faster than the increase of population, the national income has grown 2.7 times faster, the total industrial output increased 4.6 times faster and agricultural output grew at twice the pace. And it must be kept in mind that the population of socialist Albania has more than doubled during this period. The stability and all-round development of the economy has been based on the principle of self-reliance and built with Albania's own forces.

The success of socialism is also seen in the field of prices. The workers and peasants of Albania are able to purchase the necessities of life at stable and low prices. Meanwhile in the capitalist and revisionist countries, prices keep increasing on a daily basis. The never-ending price rises in these countries gnaw away at the living standards of the working masses. According to the estimations of the bourgeois economists, the real spendable earnings of a typical family in the U.S. declined by 14.2% from 1973 to 1980, with a loss of over 5% during 1980 alone.

The stark contrast between the gloomy reality of capitalism and the bright prospects of socialism can be seen in a number of other areas. In the U.S., for example, the family budget is eaten up by rent payments and taxes. It is common for rent to cover 35 to 50% of the workers' income. In Albania, on the other hand, the working people pay only a symbolic amount for house rent. The Albanian people have been freed from taxes altogether, while in the U.S. the capitalist government demands as much as one-third of the income of the workers for taxes.

The non-stop increase in the general well-being of the Albanian people has its source in the socialist system itself. Under the guidance of the Party of Labor, the greatest attention is paid to-the social development and progress of all the people. The Party of Labor has made use of every possibility to make the life of the people as prosperous, happy and joyful as possible.

The great achievements of Albania are a vivid testimony to the superiority of the socialist order and to the leadership of the Party of Labor of Albania.

[Photo: Once the poorest country in Europe, Albania today has a flourishing modern industry. Photo shows the Dynamo plant in Tirana which produces factories. This is a symbol of the dynamic socialist economy of Albania which stands in sharp contrast to the stagnation of the economies throughout the capitalist-revisionist world.]

[Back to Top]

Condemn the Turkish military junta for its fascist murders

The fascist U.S.-backed military junta in Turkey is continuing its savage measures to crush the mass struggles of the workers, peasants, youth and students, strangle the revolutionary movement and end all resistance to its rule. Since taking power in the coup of September 12,1980, the Turkish rulers have jailed 40,000 political prisoners, raising the total number of political prisoners to 100,000. The fascist regime abolished the trade unions, banned the political parties and eliminated the parliament. Martial law reigns throughout the country while the government and its paramilitary hitlerite gangs terrorize and murder the oppressed masses.

The Turkish military dictatorship came to power with the full support and aid of U.S imperialism which wants at all costs to maintain its neo-colonial domination in Turkey. The coup was carried out in collaboration with the reactionary Turkish capitalists and landlords as the way to extricate themselves from the severe political crisis which they had been placed in by the growing revolt of the masses. Thus, the commander of the Turkish Air Force was summoned to Washington, D.C., discussed matters with U.S. officials and flew back to Turkey. The next day the fascist civilian government of Demirel was ousted, replaced with a government of military commanders. Immediately the coup was hailed by the U.S. State Department which praised this regime of naked repression for the "stability" and "security" it would bring to Turkey.

The brutal repression of the regime is aimed especially against the communists and revolutionaries who are in the forefront of the struggle against the reactionary ruling classes and imperialism. In its first three months the regime murdered 300 Marxist-Leninists, revolutionaries and progressive people both with bullets and through imprisonment and torture. Recently news has reached us that on December 26, 1980 the junta committed yet another despicable crime by murdering the 26 year old leader of a trade union, Yasar Okcuoglu. The cowardly Turkish authorities shot the revolutionary militant in the back after three weeks of torture failed to break his spirit.

Coming from a poor family, Yasar Okcouglu had nevertheless managed to attend college as an engineering student. While at college he took up revolutionary politics and decided to dedicate his life to the cause of the emancipation of the working class. He quit school and took jobs among the industrial proletariat. Yasar Okcuoglu carried on tireless work in defense of the economic and democratic rights of the workers and against the treacherous reactionary trade union bosses. His persistent work won wide support among the workers, and he was elected general secretary of a trade union.

The death of Yasar Okcuoglu came only two weeks after the fascist junta martyred the heroic 16 year old Marxist-Leninist youth, Erdal Eren. The brave young militant was hanged for participating in the anti-fascist struggle. His defiant exposure of the fascist authorities during his trial won respect throughout the world.

The unflinching stand of these two heroic Marxist-Leninist sons of the Turkish people is a reflection of the invincible revolutionary spirit of the workers, peasants, and youth of Turkey. It is a testimony that the oppressed Turkish masses will never give up the fight against the fascist gangsters who protect the interests of the reactionary ruling classes and U.S. imperialism. The Workers' Advocate condemns the murder of Yasar Okcuoglu and expresses its firm conviction that the revolutionary struggle of the Turkish people will end in victory.

[Back to Top]

Issues in the Coal Strike

The coal miners are fighting against a series of "takeback" demands of the coal capitalists. The coal barons are attempting to break up the coal miners' movement, extend the use of nonunion coal and impose "labor stability" in the coal fields. As well, the coal monopolies are seeking to step up the brutal productivity drive through overwork, layoffs and increasingly unsafe conditions and to drive down the miners' wages and benefits. These are life and death issues for the coal miners. If they don't fight they will suffer from the disastrous effects of this contract for years to come. Below we outline the key issues the strike has centered on.

Royalties on Non-Union Coal


Since 1964 the coal companies which sign the UMWA-BCOA contract have paid royalties on the coal which they purchase from non-union companies. These payments, along with the royalties on UMWA-mined coal, go into the miners' pension fund. In 1980 the royalty was $1.90 per ton. The royalty payments on non-union coal alone should have provided about $1 million a month to the pension fund.

For many years the coal monopolies have constantly violated the contract and used various means to get around paying the non-union royalty. For example, they have set up front companies to purchase and sell non-union coal. UMWA officials estimate conservatively that Consolidated Coal alone, whose president heads the BCOA, has refused to pay over $5 million to the miners' pension funds.

Now the coal barons want to completely eliminate the royalty on nonunion coal. They have two main purposes in this. First, they want to step up the extension of non-union mining and to smash the coal miners' movement. Second, by withdrawing these royalty payments, they hope to drive the pension fund into bankruptcy. Originally the coal barons demanded outright the end of the industry-wide pension system. But frightened by the miners' wildcat strikes, they gave up this demand and decided on a strategy of bankrupting the pension fund, just as they did with the miners' health fund in 1977. The abolition of the industry-wide system would be an extreme hardship in the coal fields where miners frequently change mines, would allow piecemeal deterioration of the benefits, and would help chain workers to one particular mine. It would tend to fragment the workers' struggle into thousands of pieces and undercut the coal miners' movement.

In the sellout contract signed by Sam Church, the coal barons agreed to pay a higher royalty per ton on union coal in exchange for the abolition of the royalty on non-union coal. This payment would not ensure the financial health of the pension fund. Nor would it compensate for the great encouragement that the end to the royalty on non-union coal would give the coal barons to step up their efforts to smash the coal miners movement.



The BCOA is also trying to change the traditional language in the "enabling" and "scope and coverage" clauses of the contract in order to remove as many miners as possible from the UMWA. These changes would:

1) allow the coal barons to sell, transfer, sublease or subcontract the mines and coal land that they own to companies who do not have to abide by the UMWA contract. This means that the coal barons could tear up the contract by simply having an attorney juggle some papers and subcontract out the mine to some front company. In exchange for this, the sellout contract by Church included a sanctimonious promise that formerly unionized miners would keep their seniority for two years at the mines concerned. Of course it would basically be up to the good will of the capitalists to honor this as well as to pay any wages and benefits they wished at the mines taken out from under the contract;

2) allow the capitalists to use nonunion truck drivers and to hire scab coal hauling contractors; and

3) allow the coal barons to use nonunion construction workers or scab construction contractors. This provision alone would eliminate 20,000 UMWA construction workers who would either be laid off or forced to leave the union.

These contract changes would wipe out the job security for the coal miners. The BCOA has been fighting for years for this. Last year the capitalist courts rushed to the defense of the coal barons. The 3rd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the existent contract language constitutes unfair labor practices and could not be enforced by the union. The Supreme Court in June of this year decided to let this infamous ruling of the Circuit Court stand.

Under this pressure, Sam Church capitulated and tried to justify his sellout by saying "that's the law." But the rank-and-file miners are determined to fight on. As one miner put it, if necessary the miners will "strike the Supreme Court."


Arbitration Review Board


A major demand of the miners is for the elimination of the notorious Arbitration Review Board (ARB).

The coal capitalists are notorious for violating the contract. For instance, under the contract a miner has the right to walk out of the mine if he faces unsafe conditions. But when miners do walk out of unsafe conditions, the coal barons simply fire them. When the miners put in a grievance to keep their jobs, the district arbitrators and the industry-wide ARB consistently rule in favor of the coal capitalists.

The ARB was set up in the 1974 contract. It makes the final binding decision on the grievances. It has issuedrules which, on the pretext that they are simply "interpretations" of the existing contract, have been declared binding precedents for the entire industry. The ARB has made many infamous rulings. For example, the ARB has established rules completely outlawing strikes and roving pickets over safety or any other grievances during the life of a contract. Under the ARB rulings against wildcats a miner can be fired for "strike instigation" for so much as standing by himself near a mine entrance or leafletting (no matter what the leaflet says) at a public place near a mine site.

The sellout contract signed by Sam Church pretended to eliminate the ARB. But this was just a trick. The contract in fact retained all of the ARB's past pro-company and strikebreaking decisions as the law in the coal fields. As well, it retained the district arbitrators and specified that both sides agreed to negotiate another mechanism to replace the ARB in the future. In short, the name of the ARB was to be changed, but keeping intact the whole system developed to suppress the miners' movement.

The miners have rejected this lowlife trickery. They are demanding not only the end of the ARB, but also the elimination of its decisions and the upholding of the right to strike over safety and other grievances.


The coal capitalists are also demanding changes in a series of traditional work rules. These changes are part of the brutal productivity drive. For the miners these changes mean increasingly unsafe conditions, overwork and growing layoffs.

One example of the capitalists' productivity drive is the introduction of the "long wall" mining machines. In one Consolidated Coal mine their older "continuous miner"1 machines operating with 5 miners can produce about 230 to 300 tons of coal per shift. But the "long wall" machines, operating with 5 miners can produce up to 1500 tons per shift. However, the "long wall" machines are extremely expensive and the coal barons claim that they can be used profitably only if they are allowed to run them 24 hours a day and seven days a week. Thus the coal monopolies have been demanding compulsory overtime for Sunday and holidays (compulsory overtime was already established for Saturday in the 1978 contract). As well they are demanding changes in the rules to allow staggered weekly schedules, partial work crews, extension of the workday from 7 1/4 to 8 hours a day in some cases, and other changes.

But the productivity drive is having a devastating effect on the miners. Last year the coal industry increased productivity by 8%. Largely as a result of this some 25,000 UMWA members have been laid off or put on short work weeks in the last three years. It is absolutely outrageous that while thousands of miners are thrown out of their jobs and unemployed workers number in the millions the remaining miners suffer long overtime hours and speedup. As well the constant speedup of production worsens the already unsafe working conditions. It is reported that in 1980 alone 123 miners were killed in the mines and an additional 16,602 were injured. The new work rules will only make matters worse. Thus the miners are fighting against the extension of overtime, against the compulsory Saturday overtime they have been saddled with since the last contract, and against the other work rule changes.

Among these changes, the capitalists are also demanding those which they say will improve "labor stability." For example they want to institute a 45 day probation period for hew hires in which the miner can be fired for any reason. Previously a miner has had to work only one shift to gain full union rights. As well the capitalists want to limit job transfers, allowing a miner to move only twice in a three-year period to an equal or lower paying job. With these provisions the capitalists are trying to create a docile work force, chained to their jobs and subject to every whim of the money-grubbing coal barons. The coal miners are also adamantly opposed to these work rule changes.

Wages and Benefits


With inflation soaring at 14%, the miners have seen their wages and benefits being eaten away. The 1978 contract terminated COLA payments. In this year's contract the miners are fighting to restore COLA tied to the Consumer Price Index, as well as a substantial wage increase.

The miners are also fighting to retain their industry-wide pension fund, to ensure that it is adequately funded, to have a COLA on pensions, as well as to equalize the different pension plans and get the pensions turned over to miners' widows.

Also, the miners are fighting to restore their industry-wide health fund which was lost in the 1978 contract. Since that contract miners have had to pay around $200 a year premiums. Furthermore the coverage, which varies from mine to mine, is worse.

In the sellout contract signed by Sam Church all of these demands except the pensions for widows and the industry-wide pension system, were given up. The miners overwhelmingly rejected this horrible contract. But now the top UMWA bureaucrats are talking about cutting the meager wage increase further and perhaps even wiping out pensions for the miners' widows in order to "bargain" for other demands of the miners. This is outrageous! The coal monopolies say "jump" and Church responds "how high?"

[Back to Top]

Events of the Coal Miners' Strike

March 17, Tuesday-- Negotiations break down between the UMWA and the BCOA (Bituminous Coal Operators Association which represents about 130 big coal companies).

Immediately wildcat strikes erupt through the coal fields. Roving pickets spread the wildcats to seven states as the miners protest the vicious concession demands of the BCOA and fight over various local issues related to the contract talks.

Initial reports indicate that 3,000 miners are out in West Virginia, Ohio and Pennsylvania protesting the breakdown of contract talks. An additional 3,000 miners walked out against U.S. Steel Corporation mines in Pennsylvania. They protested the firing of six miners for their participation in earlier picketing. The earlier picketing was to organize a strike against the company's schedule changes in which they put miners who work on the "long wall" mining machines on six days a week work while cutting back the other miners to a four-day week.

March 18, Wednesday-- Wildcat strikes grow to 11,000 miners as 5,000 walk out in eastern Kentucky when they learn of the breakdown in contract talks. Those on strike account for about half of the miners in the eastern Kentucky UMWA District 30.

As the strike against the U.S. Steel Corp. mines spreads, three coal loaders and a tool shed were burned to the ground and a scale house for weighing coal was damaged in Indiana County, Pennsylvania.

March 19, Thursday-- At least 13,000 miners are out on strike in seven states. This includes at least 6,700 in Pennsylvania; 1,350 in Ohio; 1,600 in Kentucky; 1,500 in West Virginia; 850 in Illinois; 400 in Virginia; and 300 in Alabama.

Gunshots shattered a bathhouse window at a Gateway Coal Co. mine in Green County, Pa., as 600 miners continued to strike there. Gateway owners had won an anti-picketing injunction for their Ruff Creek Mine.

Nine hundred miners struck Eastern Association Coal mine in West Virginia when the company announced that the miners would have to pay the premiums for their health insurance after the contract expired on March 27.

The strike against the U.S. Steel Corp. spread to 12 mines in Pennsylvania and West Virginia, involving 6,000 miners. U.S. Steel won a preliminary injunction against the strike at its Kirby, Pa. mine (where the strike started). The company reported that it was losing $560,000 a day due to the strike at that one mine alone.

March 20, Friday-- More than 11,000 miners continue to strike in seven states, including at least 1,200 in eastern Kentucky; 2,000 in West Virginia; 2,300 in Alabama; 550 in Illinois; 5,000 in Pennsylvania; and 50 in Virginia.

In eastern Kentucky, 800 UMWA members of Local 1827 struck Island Creek Coal Co. mining complex in Pevler in sympathy with truck drivers who are seeking union representation.

March 23, Monday-- Sam Church, president of the UMWA, and B.R. Brown, president of Consolidated Coal (owned by Conoco Oil Co.) and chief negotiator for the BCOA, announce they have reached a tentative contract agreement after five hours of bargaining. The wildcat strikes, which showed that the miners were ready to wage a powerful contract strike, frightened the coal barons. They attempt to get a quick settlement and prevent an industry-wide strike in order to impose a horrible contract on the miners. The coal barons drop a couple of their most outrageous concession demands in order to try to trick the miners and impose the rest of a rotten contract. Sam Church is more than willing to help them. Only a few days before, Church said that giving up royalty payments on non-union coal would financially strap the pension fund and make it easier to ram through a company-by-company pension system in the future. Then he turned around and gave up this demand and a whole series of other important demands of the miners.

Trying to force this sellout contract down the miners' throats, Church announced that he would ask the Bargaining Council of the UMWA to extend the contract deadline and" thus prevent a strike by violating the coal miners' important tradition of "No Contract, No Work!"

March 24, Tuesday-- The UMWA Bargaining Council approves the sellout contract by a vote of 21 to 14. But Church is unable to force through extending the contract. He announced, "Contract extension is dead. A strike will occur."

As news of the provisions of the tentative contract begins to filter into the coal fields the miners' immediate response is to denounce it, and Church is quickly dubbed "sellout Sam."

As well, struggles continue in the coal fields. For example, roving pickets including miners from Kentucky, West Virginia and Ohio are fighting to organize the unorganized truck drivers. In an incident near Grayson, Ky., a four-truck convoy of scab coal haulers is hit by gunfire. Eight UMWA members are arrested.

March 26, Thursday-- Sam Church begins a five-day, seven-state tour to try to convince the miners to accept his sellout contract. In his first stop, to talk to UMWA District 5 officials in Pennsylvania, he was denounced and the contract opposed. Speaking of Church's giving up the traditional contract provision that forced the BCOA companies to pay royalties on the nonunion coal they buy, one miner pointed out that if the miners accept the contract, then "In the next several years, we may not have a union."

March 27, Friday-- The BCOA contract expires and the 160,000 UMWA miners begin their nationwide strike. It is reported that roving pickets immediately begin to shut down non-union mines in eastern Kentucky and in West Virginia. In eastern Kentucky about 50% of the mines are non-union. But with the mass actions of the roving pickets it is reported that almost no coal trucks are moving.

At the Western Coal Company headquarters in Pikeville, Ky. miners picketed to close it down. Two miners were injured, one suffering a broken kneecap, when a scab hit them with a car.

At a mine in Martin County, Ky. miners were shot at by scabs, but none were injured.

At a Marrowbone Development mine in Mingo County, West Virginia about 15 UMWA members threw rocks at cars of non-union miners who tried to report to work.

As these struggles were breaking out, Sam Church and co. were trying to force the sellout contract onto the workers. But the miners fiercely rejected it.

After a meeting to explain the contract in Pikeville, Ky., miners stormed out and showed their hatred for the sellout by burning the tentative contracts. One miner said, "I don't know where Church has his horse stabled, but he sent his manure down here to us."

In Charleston, West Virginia about half of the 300 miners at a District 17 meeting stormed out after only the first two clauses of the contract (the "enabling" clause and the clause on "scope and coverage") were read. They denounced Church for changing the traditional contract language to allow the coal barons to sell and subcontract mines to non-union companies and to hire non-union truck drivers and construction workers. These miners built a bonfire and burned copies of the sellout contract.

Church canceled a meeting in Ohio where he expected to face strong criticism by the miners.

March 28, Saturday-- Church was heckled and jeered when he tried to justify the tentative contract to miners in Wheeling, West Virginia.

March 30, Monday-- In Beckley, West Virginia 1,000 miners heckled Church when he tried to explain away his sellout of their demands. At one point Church tried to justify the changes in the contract language which make it easier for the coal barons to subcontract to non-union companies by saying, "We had to take it because the courts say that's the law." A miner shouted back at Church that if that is the case the miners will "strike the Supreme Court."

In Charleston, West Virginia, the headquarters for the UMWA's largest district of 26,000 miners, only 50 miners came to hear Church. These miners too denounced him for his sellout on a whole series of issues including the Arbitration Review Board, wages, and work rule changes.

Meanwhile the strike heated up as the miners fought to close down nonunion mines. For example, in southern West Virginia pickets at one mine fought the police. A sheriff's deputy was hit in the face with a rock. One picket was arrested and charged with malicious wounding.

March 31, Tuesday --The rank and file miners overwhelmingly reject the sellout contract by a margin of two to one. In a number of areas the miners voted as much as nine to one against the contract.

In eastern Kentucky a mine foreman was shot as he tried to cross a picket line to enter a non-union mine.

Pickets of 30 to 40 UMWA members are active shutting down many mines in southern Pike County, Ky. The police say they could not pinpoint where these pickets were because they keep moving from place to place.

In Martin County roving pickets closed many mines. A state trooper reported that "Ninety-five percent of the workers don't show up" when the pickets appear at non-union mines.

April 1, Wednesday-- Support for the striking miners from other workers starts to come into the coal fields. In UMWA District 2 in Pennsylvania the women's auxiliary sets up a central food bank to distribute the gifts from other workers.

In Preston County, in northern West Virginia, 30 pickets stop coal trucks in a number of areas and close down a number of non-union mines.

Pickets continue to close down the Marrowbone Development Co. mine near Naugatuck, West Virginia. The pickets moved away when state and county police arrived.

Fifty picketers near Louisa, in Lawrence County, Ky., attack a 30-truck convoy of scab coal haulers. Shots are fired puncturing several tires, and rocks and asphalt are thrown, breaking the windshields on several trucks. The picketers are fighting to unionize the coal haulers in the area. Several dozen state police wearing helmets, face shields, gas masks and carrying gas canisters and riot batons escorted the trucks away. Five pickets were arrested on riot charges.

April 2, Thursday-- In Morgantown, Ky. eight parked coal hauling trucks were damaged when attacked with ball bearings and slingshots.

In Ohio chunks of slag were thrown through the windshields of trucks hauling non-union coal.

Groups of 30 to 40 picketed Ages and Bear Creek mines near Evarts, Ky. A windshield of one coal truck was broken by a rock as it passed the picket line. No others tried to cross the line and the mine was closed.

The New York Times reports that coal exports will decline sharply in a week. The walkout will cost the nation's leading exporters at Hampton Roads, Virginia up to $1.5 million a day, officials say.

April 3, Friday-- Pickets continue to close down the Marrowbone Development Co. mine in West Virginia. The strikers defy a court order which limited pickets to three at each mine entrance.

UMWA District 11 president reports that pickets are up at six to seven of Indiana's 19 mining operations.

April 4, Saturday-- The government begins to step up its attempts to suppress the miners' strike and keep the production of non-union coal going. For example, a circuit judge in Lawrence County, Ky. prohibits picketing on all coal roads in Boyd, Johnson, Magoffin, Ellicott, Carter, Morgan, Floyd and Lawrence Counties in eastern Kentucky.

April 6, Monday-- Indiana Governor Robert Orrs threatens to call out the National Guard to protect non-union coal convoys.

Nevertheless roving pickets continue to be active in Indiana. Picketing is also reported in Kentucky, West Virginia, Ohio, Illinois and Virginia.

In Harlan County, Kentucky groups of 30 picketers were active in stopping scab coal trucks and shutting down non-union mines. One scab coal truck driver received eye and face cuts when a rock was thrown through his window near Canton's Creek.

Pickets closed down the Consolidated Coal Co. Ireland mine in Moundsville, West Virginia.

April 7, Tuesday-- Kentucky's millionaire governor, John Y. Brown, Jr., announced guidelines for the state police to suppress the coal miners. Guidelines include that non-union independent operations must be respected by the UMWA; state police will keep public roads open; anyone caught with firearms will be disarmed in all instances where possession poses an imminent threat to life or property; the law will be enforced; etc. Brown called this being impartial and claimed, "We're not going to take sides."

Despite Brown's threats, 30 pickets set up a roadblock near Harlan County, Ky. A scab truck driver was cut when the striking miners hurled a rock through his windshield as he tried to run the roadblock. The same pickets earlier shut down Golden Glow Coal Co. mine, and the windshield of a car was broken when it tried to cross the picket line.

Picketing continued throughout Indiana, and mines in Squaw Creek and Lynnville were reported shut down.

In West Virginia someone attempted to shoot a UMWA organizer at his hotel room, but missed.

April 8, Wednesday-- A judge granted an injunction limiting pickets to 10 and prohibiting the picketers from interfering with operations at the nonunion mine of Golden Glow Coal, Inc. The judge threatened to throw a lot of miners in jail.

A Martin County circuit judge in Kentucky issued two orders prohibiting UMWA members from picketing in the seven-county area of UMWA District 30.

One hundred fifty miners set up pickets at an abandoned truck stop near Bethany in Wolfe County, Ky. Tires and windshields of three scab coal trucks were hit with gunfire, and several loads of coal were dumped by the striking miners.

April 9, Thursday-- The Reagan administration came out in support of the coal barons. Reagan's Secretary of Labor, Raymond Donovan, said that the administration is "very disappointed, obviously, that the union has voted the package (sellout contract) down."

Ten carloads of pickets continued to stop coal trucks and shut down nonunion mines in Letcher County, Ky.

Meanwhile, Sam Church began to try to restore his credibility after the overwhelming rejection of his sellout contract. He got the 21-member International Executive Board of the UMWA to give him a vote of confidence.

April 10, Friday-- Church also got the UMWA Bargaining Council to give him a vote of confidence. But the Bargaining Council stipulated that Church must win four demands in the contract bargaining, including: the continuation of royalty payments on non-union coal purchased by BCOA members; stronger language in the "scope and coverage" clause to stop the coal barons from subcontracting to non-union companies and from using non-union truck drivers and construction workers; to eliminate the provision allowing the old decisions of the Arbitration Review Board to continue to be used as precedents in the settlement of disputes; and elimination of the 45-day probation period for new miners.

The struggle continued in the coal fields. A group of 20 striking miners were reported active through Letcher County, Ky. Shots were fired at UMW pickets at the Chessie system railway yard in Shelbiana, Ky., but no one was hurt. In eastern Ohio shots were fired into the office trailer of a non-union mine. The building was also partially damaged by fire.

April 13, Monday-- Continuing their treachery, sellout bureaucrats of the UMWA report that they are planning to take further cuts in wages and/or give up pensions for miners' widows. They lie that this is necessary to win royalty payments for non-union coal.

April 14, Tuesday-- Contract bargaining begins again. The BCOA "flatly rejected" the coal miners' demands.

Nevertheless, pressure is increasing for the BCOA to give in to the just demands of the coal miners. The coal miners' strike is starting to take its toll.

It is reported that the president of a small West Virginia coal company, Riverside Enterprises Inc. in Charleston, is trying to form a new bargaining group of unionized operators who traditionally sign the UMW-BCOA contract, but who are not members of the BCOA. The president says a long strike will ruin the small operators and that he is ready now to give in on many of the miners' demands, including paying the royalty on non-union coal.

As well, Jack Henry of Whitesville, West Virginia announces that he is leading a revolt by independent coal operators against the BCOA. He says 35 companies have already agreed to bargain separately with the UMWA and by the end of the week 100 companies should agree.

The Wall Street Journal reports that the smaller companies inside the BCOA are pressing for a settlement, saying they can't survive the losses of a long strike. But the big oil, steel and other monopolies which control the BCOA say that to give in to the miners now would set a dangerous precedent.

But just as the coal miners broke the Taft-Hartley anti-strike injunction in 1978, so too their powerful strike this year will break the arrogance of the billionaires.

[Back to Top]

N.Y. Mayor Koch's 'War on Crime'

Brutal Terror Against the Masses

The people of New York are being subjected to a brutal and savage wave of police terror. Gestapo-style terrorism of the police is being stepped up as part of a fascist offensive of the rich, orchestrated directly out of City Hall by the Democratic administration of Mayor Koch. The increasing use of racist and fascist police terror against the masses is a classical feature of this fascist offensive. The oppressed nationalities and working class in New York have a long and rich history of waging fierce battles on this front. Police terror can only be fought by mass revolutionary struggle directed at its source -- the capitalists and their political representatives inside and outside of office.

PBA Memo -- "Shoot First and Shoot to Kill"


In mid-January, the president of the Police Benevolent Association issued a memo to all police precincts demanding that the police "shoot first and shoot to kill," under the banner that this was "an open season" on criminals and a "war on crime." This was not a new policy of the NYPD (a fact which the police commissioner himself admitted with his own mouth) and neither was it a new surprise for the ordinary masses who know the fascism of the NYPD from firsthand experience. But this memo was a fascist outrage and it was the most recent signal or open declaration of the government's intention to launch ever more bestial racist and fascist atrocities against the masses in New York. The PBA memo expressed openly the true meaning and the aims of the current "War on Crime" campaign of the fascist Democratic Party buffoon, Mayor Koch. Terror against the masses, brutal and bestial executions of the black youths, strengthening the repressive state apparatus to launch it with full force at the working class -- that is the true meaning of the "War on Crime." A spearhead of the fascist offensive of monopoly capital, a bipartisan policy of the Democrats and Republicans.

For Your Reference:


From just the time of the release of the PBA "memo" in mid-January, to press time:

A minimum of 24 persons were viciously shot, 15 of whom were killed, and a 17 year old white high school student was handcuffed, beaten and knifed, gangland style (on March 20, 1981) --all by the NYPD.

Twelve cases involved "off-duty" officers -- a term used by the police to justify the provocations they carry out in plain clothes without having identified themselves, and for undercover setups.

The police had to admit that five of those killed and four wounded were completely unarmed. And in many other cases the police simply and conveniently fell silent as to whether their victims were armed at all.

In at least eight of the shootings, the police fired more than four shots; they repeatedly shot their victims. In one incident in Harlem on February 22, 1981, the police used assault rifles and fired over 40 shots killing an innocent grocer. In busy midtown Manhattan at lunch time on March 6, 1981, police fired over 30 shots. A woman had to dive for cover to protect her baby. Bullets hit the food in people's hands. In the Bronx on March 21, 1981, the police shot up a packed skating rink, shooting two innocent employees, killing one.

In all cases, the police used the pretext of combatting "crime," and in all cases, the cops claimed self-defense. In most cases where "crimes" were charged, they were extremely dubious and completely unsupported by anything or anyone other than their own word.

In a few cases involving actual crimes, the police just used that as another pretext to provide displays of ferocity and fascist "good police work" and terrorize everyone in sight.

The fascist, racist and anti-people bloodhounds of the rich shoot and murder people because they are

1) from oppressed nationalities, 2) working or poor, 3) youth, and 4) simply for talking back, 5) resisting abuse, 6) simply questioning or showing hesitation to follow their dictate. It is in this manner that they have been unleashed to operate in the oppressed nationality communities and among the working people, youth and students.

No to Police Terror! Wage Mass Revolutionary Struggle Against Racist and Fascist Police Attacks!


There is a long and rich history of heroic struggle by the masses in New York against the racist and fascist crimes of the police thugs of the rich. Police terror can not be fought by appealing to the conscience of their capitalist bosses or by dreams that it will go away on its own. The racist and fascist violence of the police which is being stepped up today is official government policy, not simply a chance occurrence by a bad apple among the police forces. For this reason, in the fight against the racist and fascist violence of the police, it is the role of the masses themselves aiming their blows at the capitalist rulers that is the most important thing.

The capitalist government and their police will never escape the wrath of the masses. Over the last three years in New York, important mass outbursts of struggle unfolded against the police murders of Arthur Miller, Luis Baez, the "Bushwick Massacre," Chino Mendez, and Edward Fonseca -- to give a few examples. In the demonstration called to protest the murder of Luis Baez in Brooklyn in the summer of 1979, the heroic black youth clashed with the police for six hours and dealt them blows when they arrogantly drove their cars through the demonstrations. In the other demonstrations many thousands participated -- marched and shook their fists at the barbarous racist criminals.

Both the mass character and the militancy of the masses' protests against racist and fascist police terror are bound to develop and be deepened. These mass actions reflect the anger and outrage that is seething among the broad masses. This powerful sentiment must be given organization so that it can have the strongest impact. Carry forward the banner of mass active resistance to racist and fascist police terror.

(Reprinted fromThe West Indian Voice,Issue No. 13, 1981.)

[Back to Top]

On the Attempted Assassination of Reagan by a Nazi:

The Chickens Come Home to Roost

On Monday, March 30, Reagan was shot in an attempt to assassinate him. Reagan's attacker was John Hinckley Jr. He had previously stalked Carter.

Hinckley, the son of wealthy Republican parents, is a fascist, having been a member of a nazi group, the National Socialist (Nazi) Party of America. The nazi groups and the Ku Klux Klan and other racist gangs are being revived and fostered by the monopoly capitalists and the capitalist government apparatus. At Greensboro,, the government apparatus made use of a coalition of Klan members and nazis as the gunmen to murder five anti-Klan demonstrators in cold blood. This outrage is a national symbol of the murders, cross burnings and other assaults being organized by the bourgeoisie. The monopoly capitalist dictators are building up these fascist groups as shock troops to be used against the workers' movement, against the blacks and other oppressed nationalities and against all progressive causes, with race hatred of blacks as the central rallying point of the fascist menagerie.

But on Monday, March 30 the chickens came home to roost and Hinckley shot the Klansman without robes, Ronald Reagan. Thus the fascist blight bit the hand that fed it.

Reflecting the support of the "mainstream," "moderate" big bourgeois for the fascists, the bourgeoisie and its spokesmen were even willing to forgive the fascist groups for such excesses as shooting Reagan and stalking Carter. The bourgeois media carried repeatedly admiring interviews with a spokesman of the National Socialist Party in which this nazi denounced Hinckley as gun-crazy and claimed that he had been removed from the nazi group. Imagine that. Hitler worshippers denouncing anyone else as gun-crazy. Why the nazi bands themselves are nothing but gun-toting thugs as shown by the Greensboro massacre, if anyone has forgotten the record of Treblinka, Auschwitz and the other Nazi death camps. Still the news media went along with this sick farce in order to exonerate the nazis. But all they succeeded in doing is emphasizing the way the bourgeoisie fawns on and protects the fascist groups.

Just as the bourgeoisie had exonerated the nazi murders at the Greensboro trial, so here too they passed over Hinckley's nazi connection. Instead the news media stepped up its crusade for "gun control" in the wake of the shooting of Reagan. This was part of a big blitz in creating "anti-crime" hysteria.

The purpose of this "anti-crime" hysteria is to justify the government steps to further fascize the U.S., build more jails and police stations, pass more draconic laws, and turn the U.S. into one big convict camp for forced labor, a chain gang working for the profits of the monopolies. The "anti-crime" hysteria has nothing to do with fighting crime. The very conception of crime exhibited by the leaders of this hysteria is most interesting. When it comes to the murder of black children in Atlanta, then the government blames the victims, slanders the children in one way or another and suggests that they had it coming and so forth. When it comes to the massacre at Greensboro, then the bourgeoisie finds murder justifiable. But strikes and demonstrations -- why, that is lawlessness. Self-defense against the racists and fascists -- why that is lawlessness.

If the government really wished to control violent crime and "terrorism," it could start by disbanding the nazi and Klan groups and punishing all the nazi murderers, the lynchers of blacks, the assassins of the Greensboro demonstrators, etc. But the government won't do this because it is preserving these groups and building them up for use against the masses.

Indeed, how can the government attack the fascists when it itself not only organizes the fascists but commits the same acts itself. The police are stepping up their wanton shootings and killings in the cities and arming themselves with more and deadlier weapons, including hollow-point shells illegal for regular army troops. Indeed the "devastator" shells reportedly used by Hinckley in shooting Reagan were designed and manufactured for use by the police. If it weren't for the "anti-crime" campaign they wouldn't exist.

Indeed the government and the police had their hands in various assassinations of their own. Whether it is the CIA overthrowing Allende or conspiring repeatedly to assassinate Castro, or the police assassinating the Black Panther Fred Hampton in his bed, or the COINTELPRO operations, it is the U.S. government that stands behind terrorism at home and abroad. The Reaganite campaign against "terrorism" and "crime" is not designed to fight terrorism, but to serve as a screen to step up terrorism against the masses.

As to social crime, if the government really wished to solve this problem, it could take such steps as ameliorating the hopeless poverty that generates such crime. But the capitalist government will never do this. This is because the whole apparatus of police and bureaucracy is designed to enforce the exploitation of the masses and to drive the majority into new forms of slavery to benefit the handful of filthy rich.

But despite the hoopla in the bourgeois media, the shooting of Reagan did not stir any profound feeling among the masses but was only a passing sensation. This is because, on the one hand, the masses know that the assassination of individuals is not the path forward for the struggle against Reaganite reaction. Only those who have given way to despair in the possibilities of the mass struggle could toy with such acts of desperation.

And on the other hand, the working masses could hardly shed any tears for the woes of arch-fascist Reagan, a man whose hands are red with the blood of the Salvadorian people abroad, a man who is carrying out the monopoly capitalist program of starvation, fascism and war. The bourgeois reporters were shocked at the profound hatred the masses expressed for Reagan after his shooting, so that among the poverty-stricken it was reported that even elementary school children often refused to sign get-well cards for him. This hatred for Reagan is a powerful organizing factor that helps push forward the mass revolutionary struggle. It can and should be utilized to develop the independent movement of the working class.

[Back to Top]

Hail International Working Class Day! May 1st

Down with Reagan, chieftain of capitalist reaction!

Build the independent movement of the working class!

To Hell With the Democrats and Republicans, Parties of the Capitalist Offensive!

Oppose the Social-Democrats and Liquidators, Flunkeys of the Democratic Party!

Wage Mass Revolutionary Struggle Against Starvation, Fascism and War!

* Defend the livelihood of the working masses! Strike against wage cuts! Stand firm against layoffs, plant closings, speedup and overwork! Tax the exploiters, not the working masses!

* Combat racial discrimination! Active resistance to police terror and the racist and fascist gangs!

* No to the draft! No to the nuclear program! No to all U.S. imperialist war preparations!

* U.S. imperialism, get out of El Salvador! U.S. imperialism, hands off Iran and the Middle East! Soviet social-imperialism, get out of Afghanistan! Down with NATO and the warmongering U.S.-China alliance!

* Spread the news of the victories of socialism in Albania!

Organize Revolutionary Groups in the Factories, Communities, Schools, and Wherever the Class Struggle Rages!

Rally to the Red Banner of the Marxist-Leninist Party, the Party of Revolutionary Struggle and Socialism!

Socialism is the historic mission of the proletariat!

Down with U.S. imperialism, Soviet and Chinese social-imperialism and all reaction!

Workers of all countries, unite!


New York City


Information to be announced


Saturday, May 2 6:00 p.m.

Teachers College Broadway and 120th Street Room 136, Thompson

Buffalo, N.Y.


Saturday, May 2 11:30 a.m.

Assemble at Lafayette Square (downtown Buffalo)


Saturday, May 2 7:00 p.m.

Hotel Lafayette (downtown Buffalo)

San Francisco Bay Area


Friday, May 1 7:00 p.m.

West Berkeley Library 1125 University, Berkeley



Saturday, May 2 7:00 p.m.

Garden Clubs' Hall 2336 - 15th Avenue South (Beacon Hill)

[Back to Top]