Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Marxist-Leninist League

LPR-ML and COReS-MLM Complete Meger – Marxist-Leninist League Founded

First Published: Mass Resistance Vol. 11, No. 4, July 1980.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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LPR(ML) and COReS(MLM) have completed the process of merging into one Marxist-Leninist organization In the course of the last year we have published in the pages of “Resistance” the results of our discussions (including the two in this issue on the woman question and party building) and feel certain that the political and ideological unity expressed there is a good foundation to be able to work together in one organization despite secondary differences we may have. In that sense, we feel that we have utilized principled struggle much as Lenin described in “A Draft Programme of Our Party”:

It is absolutely essential that the question of the programme be introduced into the polemic. The polemic will be of benefit only if it makes clear in what the differences actually consist, how profound they are, whether they are differences of substance or differences on partial questions, whether or not these differences interfere with common work in the ranks of one and the same party. Only the introduction of the programme question into the polemic, only a definite statement by the two polemising parties on their programmatic views, can provide an answer to all these questions, questions that insistently demand an answer.

To briefly summarize the basis of our merger, we will restate here the general points of unity we have reached on the major questions:
1) Character of the U.S. Revolution – We unite on that in the U.S. we are to wage a one-stage socialist revolution in which the multi-national proletariat is the leading and main force.
2) The International Situation – We have arrived at unity on the basic teachings concerning the international question as developed by the international communist movement. We both uphold the Three Worlds Theory as being the specific application of those principles to the present conditions in the world. The principle of proletarian internationalism is the guide to our practice on this question.
3) The National Question – We both agree on the need to base analyses of the oppressed nationalities in the U.S. firmly in Marxist-Leninist principles. We see the necessity of linking the national struggles to the workers’ movement and advocate the leading role of the working class in those struggles. We uphold the right of nations to self-determination and defend the democratic rights of all oppressed nationalities.
4) The Woman Question – We both unite on the importance of taking up the woman question in our mass work and within our organizations and struggle against all opportunism that tends to continue the oppression of women. We agree on the need to develop women cadre and leadership. We likewise see the need to engage in the struggles to protect or expand the democratic rights of women, always linking these struggles to the struggle for socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
5) The Struggle for Reforms – We see the necessity of engaging in day-to-day work among the masses in the struggles for genuine reforms and demands while simultaneously winning the masses over to the proletariat’s strategic goals of socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat.
6) Party Building – We both agree that party building is our central task and recognize that the party has yet to be built in the U.S. In rectifying our past errors, we both have moved to repudiate sectarianism towards other comrades in the movement and, as the new organization, will continue the struggle to unite with other Marxist-Leninists on a principled basis to help form that much-needed party.
7) The Third World Struggles and the Danger of War – We both have united on the particular importance in this period of history of providing material support (money, clothes, books, etc.) to the liberation movements in the Third World, especially those against our own bourgeoisie. Likewise, we see the pressing task of propagandizing on the danger of world war and mobilizing in the U.S. to prepare the masses in the event that the two superpowers initiate that war.


This is only a brief summation of the statements and we again encourage comrades to examine those statements and inform us of their analysis as to whether they unite we have indeed arrived at fundamental unity between our two organizations. We acknowledge those contacts, Third World comrades and organizations that have responded to our call for input into our merger. At the same time, it is unfortunate that the first merger to have opened itself up to the movement in this way has not received more response. Perhaps it is part of the lingering sectarianism and localism of our movement that made it difficult for more comrades to take us or the task seriously. Nevertheless, we see the process was a needed and correct step given the history of the U.S. movement and we will both struggle for the same approach in future unity efforts to build a new communist party.

In that vein, we summarize that there are several crucial lessons for the entire movement which developed out of this merger. They are:
A. Handling Our Differences in an Open and Above-board Manner: We have proven it is both positive and feasible to open up the unity process among Marxist-Leninists wider than anyone previously thought correct or possible. We have succeeded in merging and at the same time provided other comrades (both individuals and organizations) with the means to involve themselves as fully as they wanted in that process. No security was violated, opportunists were unable to utilize our merger to disrupt the process and we were able to meet our responsibility of making the unity process one that was not confined to the backrooms or the closed-door type of merging that has been the dominant process in the movement up to now.
B. The Necessity of Open Struggle: We have proven it is possible for communist organizations to air differences publicly in a principled way in order that the rest of the movement can participate in the development for political line of the U.S. revolution. In this way, we have avoided the type of polemics that deviated the movement into the practice of utilizing the open polemic solely for the purpose of exposing “opportunists” and a liberal detente when it came to differences between organizations in the movement.
C. The Need for Sharp Ideological Struggle: We have proven it is possible to engage in serious struggle over our differences and still arrive at unity on the fundamental questions while setting aside for future struggle out secondary differences. As we said in the previous progress report, we were also able to correct our merger process when we did tend to deviate into the practice of “endlessly” struggling out secondary differences. Thus, it is not true, as some have maintained for many years, that there is an unavoidable danger of impeding unity efforts if one attempts to engage in serious struggle between comrades.
D. Meaningful Rank-and-file Participation: Lastly, we have proven that it is both correct and more productive if rank-and-file cadre, as well as close contacts, are involved as much and as well as possible in the course of the merger with its workings. While we have utilized several methods to accomplish this, we see that the main point is that cadre have a necessary role to play in this process. Too many in our movement only know of, and can only explain the generalities of unity efforts in the same way that general unity statements fail to explain how and on what basis such unity efforts were accomplished.


Much remains to be settled now that we have merged, yet we are confident that the new organization will be much more capable of seriously meeting our duty both to the communist movement and to the proletariat. In the months ahead, we will be publishing as one pamphlet the merger documents that appeared in the pages of “Resistance”. We make this available to comrades in order that they can familiarize themselves with our merger and its basis. We will be traveling across the country in the early fall to meet with those wishing to discuss this. We ask all those interested to contact us as soon as possible so that we can accommodate them. We urge everyone to obtain copies of the merger documents to prepare for such discussion.

Lastly, we again want comrades to know that the pages of “Resistance” are open to them to let both us and the rest of the movement know their position on this merger. For that purpose, the next issue of “Resistance” will have adequate space set aside for any statements our friends may wish make.