Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Chairman Mao, Live Like Him, Dare to Struggle, Dare to Win!

First Published: Workers Viewpoint, Vol. 2, No. 9, October 1977.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above.

This article was written based on the speech given by the Workers Viewpoint Organization at the commemoration of Chairman Mao on September 10, 1977.

* * *

Comrades, welcome to the commemoration of Chairman Mao on the first anniversary of his death. This commemoration is being held at a time when the Party’s work is flourishing. In the commemoration we would like to show how some of his teachings aided and continue to aid the development of our Party’s work.

Comrades and friends, the WVO is moving full steam ahead in reaching the end of the fourth period, when the organizational sphere will no longer be the key link. Nearly a year ago, around the time of Chairman Mao’s death, we declared that the organizational sphere was the key link to push the work of the Party forward. Based on the conclusion that the formation of the party is a settled question, we started to bolshevize ourselves in the organizational sphere, to take up the task of winning and training the advanced workers as the main task over the task of uniting Marxist-Leninists.

Comrades and friends, we are pleased to inform you that, in a year’s time, the Party’s work has flourished and deepened tremendously. Based on a firm foundation, the composition of the Party has changed markedly. We have laid a sound foundation in the Afro-American and many other national movements. We have laid a solid foundation in the trade union movement. And moreover, we have centralized our line on all fronts, tuned up our machinery and are ready to fight and train in a big way.

As the foundation of the Party of the U.S. proletariat, we are forged on the higher theoretical level of Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought, which includes the most advanced experiences on the question of Party building. At this point, the Party of the U.S. proletariat is still in its infancy. In the last periods, particularly last year, through grasping the organizational sphere, it has grown tremendously. Our trade union work has deepened. We have now the basis for a few national caucuses. We thus also have the beginning bases for Trade Union Educational League, a national organization of active and militant workers, which will spread the deepening of our Party’s work in the trade union movement. Our work in the youth-student movement has also begun systematically and begun to mature. We have just completed a series of conferences since February. In these conferences, we have summed up our work in the last few years and are gearing up to tackle the excellent situation ahead.

Comrades, there is no question that our line is the most advanced, our forces are the best. In reviewing our work in the last four years, since the formation of the Asian Study Group, our work is developing through leaps and bounds.

We owe much to Chairman Mao’s teachings, which guided us every step of the way in laying the firm foundation of the Party of the U.S. proletariat.

As comrades know, we are the only organization in the country that advocated the line of building the Party ideologically (building the Party on the ideological plane). What that means is we take to heart Chairman Mao’s line that the “correctness or incorrectness of ideological and political line decides everything.” For that reason, we have advocated the importance of the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought in the struggle for the correct ideological and political line to forge the unity of communists coming out of various movements of the 60’s and early 70’s. We have upheld Chairman Mao’s teaching to Study Marxism and Criticize Revisionism in the thick of waging struggle in the spontaneous movements of the working class. In the course of the struggle we were able to identify various petty bourgeois trends like the Revolutionary Union (RU), October League (OL), the Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization (PRRWO) the August Twenty-Ninth Movement (ATM), and more importantly, pointed out the correct road ahead.

It is through these struggles in relation to our day-to-day work the programmatic elements for our revolution in the main developed and which will be published in our program. It is through our study, of Chairman Mao’s teachings on the organizational sphere, on methods of leadership and methods of work, particularly concerning mass line, are we able to say that now the Bolshevization of the organizational sphere is in the main completed.

Indeed, as comrades see, the emergence of our Party and its development is bound up with Chairman Mao’s teaching. This is not only true for the development of our Party in the U.S. but internationally.

Since the degeneration of the CPSU under Khruschev, Chairman Mao’s line has invigorated the entire international communist movement. During the late 50’s, the international communist movement was at its low ebb. In the U.S., under the condition of the McCarthyism and Eisenhower’s zigzag tactics towards the struggle of the working class and oppressed nationalities, the remnants of the CPUSA disintegrated. It was under the classic zigzag tactic of repression and reform that the leadership of the CPUSA was either jailed or sold out; under these conditions, revisionism in the US communist movement matured. For example, the line of the pacifist “ban-the-bomb” movement developed and side-tracked our movement in the early 60’s. This movement in the U.S. was promoted internationally by the renegade Khruschev, who pushed the three peacefuls (peaceful transition to socialism, peaceful co-existence, and peaceful competition) and the two entires (party of the entire people and state of the entire people), which sold out the working class and national liberation struggles around the world and in the Soviet Union, pushing it towards liberalism and social-reformism.

The clarion call of the CPC’s “Long Live Leninism” in 1959, the series on “The Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat,” and later, the “nine polemics” against modern revisionism played a central role in invigorating the international communist movement, putting it back on the correct track. In this country, the guidance of this line and later the impact of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China these inspired the national and student movements of the late 60’s and early 70’s. From the upsurge of these movements came organizations like the Black Panther Party, the Young Lords Party, DRUM, HRUM, and SDS. The revolutionary vigor of these mass movements threw the revisionist fossils to the roadside and the best elements from the spontaneous movement took the road of revolutionary Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought, the road of communism.

Comrades, it is Chairman Mao’s line against revisionism and for the reaffirmation of the fundamental tenets of Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought that is the origin of the redevelopment of the international communist movement. Indeed, it is the origin of the redevelopment of the U.S. communist movement and the origin of the WVO.

In commemorating Chairman Mao, we are in no way mystifying him or placing him above history. Marxism teaches us the role of the individual in history. It holds that individuals are the products of history. History is made by the masses, as Chairman Mao repeatedly taught us. But historical experience in class struggle and the struggle for production are always summed up and synthesized by certain individuals who happened to live in those times and places. Great men like Marx, Lenin, Stalin, and Chairman Mao saw what they saw because they stood on the shoulders of a giant – the millions upon millions of laboring masses, particularly its most advanced and developed sector, the working class.

But these great men through their sacrifices and devotion to the masses, through the experiences they synthesized were also to promote the development of history through leaps and bounds.

Karl Marx, a German, lived in the period of the beginning development of capitalism. He was able to synthesize the material data available at that time and the rich Hegelian dialectics, as well as the crude and beginning materialism of Feuerbach. He developed the general law, the philosophy, or world outlook of dialectical materialism. The Communist Manifesto, the first declaration of the maturing proletarian class against the bourgeoisie, started to haunt the bourgeoisie and reaction throughout the world – truly a spectre of communism!

In the struggle against Tsarism and the rising bourgeoisie in Russia. Lenin, a fine son of the proletariat, further developed Marxism on the question of the proletarian Party, perfecting the working class’ understanding of its only weapon – organization. He also further developed Marxism in the political sphere on the two-stage revolution in Russia, on the worker-peasant alliance, and moreover on the nature of imperialism – the highest stage of capitalism.

Chairman Mao, too, a fine son of the proletariat, lived through a large part of the 20th Century and synthesized the historical experience of the fight against imperialism from the position of a former semi-feudal, semi-colonial country. He developed Marxism on the military sphere by developing the communist understanding of the protracted people’s war, New Democracy – the strategy for revolution in Third World countries, and more importantly the historic experience of continued revolution under socialism in one or a few countries.

Chairman Mao was born in 1893. He was raised in a period when China was suffering from what he later called the three great mountains – imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucratic capitalism. The Chinese peasantry and workers rebelled over and over again over a span of many hundreds of years to abolish feudalism and rid itself of the shackle of foreign subjugation. Typical of the historical setting that Chairman Mao inherited was the Taiping Rebellion, a rebellion of the peasantry in China, where up to 40 million people were slaughtered by the British colonialist and Manchu Dynasty tyrants. The historical anguish, untold suffering of the Chinese masses under the three great mountains, and most importantly, their tireless attempt to fight back, wave upon wave, and their heroic deeds, was the historical lever that made Chairman Mao political and, amidst their struggle, steeled him into becoming a communist.

Throughout the early 1900’s he tried, failed, tried again step-by-step, maturing and leading the Chinese workers and peasants to fight the eight imperialist powers that occupied parts of China and the corrupt bureaucratic capitalists of the four notorious families (the Chiang, Soong, Chen, and Kung families, who were the Presidents, Ministers of Finance, Trade, and some of the richest men on earth at the same time) and of course against the feudalism that shackled the Chinese masses.

In the historical movement to resist Japanese imperialism, again Chairman Mao fought and shared the victories and suffering of the masses. He learned from the greatest heroism of the Chinese patriots as well as the most advanced experiences of the working class in the West.

Through the victory over Japanese imperialism and later in the Civil War against the Chiang Kai-shek regime, Chairman Mao led the Chinese masses and liberated China in 1949. It can be seen from these struggles and his leadership that he is truly a savior of the Chinese people. As the song “East is Red” goes, “The East is Red, Rises the Sun, China Gives rise to a Mao Tse-tung.” He is a true leader that the masses of hundreds of millions love. Deep in people’s hearts, they know he is the liberator. Considering the untold misery and suffering of the Chinese people over hundreds of years of struggle against the three great mountains, and the historical magnitude of his contribution as an individual – he is truly a great man, a man the U.S. proletariat must respect and learn from.

However, his greatest contribution is his teaching on the continued revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, which we will go into later.

Comrades and friends know that this era is the era of imperialism, the eve of proletarian revolution. All over the world, there is a tremendous awakening and stirring to overthrow the old, moribund systems and replace them with the new system of New Democracy and socialism. This is truly an era of transition – between two great eras.

The revolutionary movement is intensifying all over the world. But so is the effort of the bourgeois, moribund forces to attempt to reverse the correct direction of history. Under these conditions, we must sharpen our theoretical, ideological, and political weapons, to maintain the proletarian orientation. Right after the reversal of the verdict in the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Chairman Mao talked straight to those wavering comrades:

In my view, these people do not adhere to Marxism-Leninism, they do not take an analytical approach to things and they lack revolutionary morality... Before it rains in a typhoon, ants come out of their holes, they have sensitive ’noses’ and they know their meteorology. No sooner had the typhoon of the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU struck than a few such ants in China came out of their holes. They are wavering elements in the Party who vacillate whenever something is astir...Ants come out of their holes and turtles, tortoises and all the scum of the earth left their hiding places. When a typhoon strikes, the wavering elements who cannot withstand it begin to vacillate. That’s a law. I would like to call your attention to it... Only big trees stand upright and rock-firm. Typhoons occur every year. So do ideological and political typhoons at home and abroad. This is a natural phenomenon in society. (Mao, Selected Works, Vol. 5, p. 344-45)

Comrades and friends, we must seriously take this to heart.

In the following, we would like to dwell on this last aspect of his teaching. Perhaps, Chairman Mao developed some of his most advanced teachings right before he passed away. In early 1970’s, Chairman Mao summed up the cultural revolution based on the historical experience of the Soviet Union and China, that classes and class struggle continues under socialism. He said not only is there struggle between the proletariat and the remnants of the old classes, there is also the struggle between the proletariat and the new bourgeoisie engendered under the conditions of socialism. Because of the existence of these classes and class struggle, which line and who leads the Party and the state is the most important question.

For example, he said,

Lenin spoke of building of a bourgeois state without capitalists to safeguard bourgeois right. We ourselves have just built such a state, not much different from the old society; there are ranks and grades, eight grades of wages, distribution according to work and exchange of equal values...Under the dictatorship of the proletariat, such things can only be restricted. Therefore, if people like Lin Piao come to power, it will be quite easy for them to rig up the capitalist system. This is why we should do more reading of Marxist-Leninist works.

What does this mean? It is this teaching that is at the foundation of how to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. To really get into this question, we must first lay out some background.

In socialist society, where the proletariat has already captured state power, the proletariat needs to exercise dictatorship over the bourgeoisie in order to maintain its supremacy. This lesson was first born out of the great Paris Commune in 1871.

The Paris Commune was the first time the proletariat seized state power. But because the working class did not have enough practical and historical experience, and did not smash the bourgeois state and its apparatus, such as the army, the courts, and the bureaucracy, the capitalists were able to make a comeback. It is through this experience that Marx summed up the need for the proletariat to exercise the dictatorship over the bourgeoisie after the seizure of state power.

In fact, what happened in France was not unique. Historically, all new classes have to struggle for the consolidation 6f their new class rule, and they all inevitably meet great resistance from the old, moribund forces. During the historical periods of feudalism and capitalism, all the old classes would always attempt to make a come back. And the reaction is always very strong, partly due to their desperation, partly due to the skills inherited from the old rule. For example, it took the feudal class in China several hundred years before they were able to establish themselves, to consolidate feudalism. Within these several hundreds of years, there were constant revolutions and counter-revolutions, attempts at restoration and counter-restoration. All new classes can consolidate themselves if they are able to sum up the historical experiences of the old classes and develop their own political and ideological system in a way strong enough to consolidate their new class rule, to exercise, dictatorship over the old ruling class. This means that the party must put down the counter-revolution with an iron hand.

But even exercising the iron hand of the dictatorship of the proletariat is not sufficient. The Party must also sustain and develop the revolutionary enthusiasm of the masses, to maintain and step up the momentum of revolutionary ideology among the masses, so that Party can paralyze the vacillation of the petty bourgeoisie as well as nurture the growth of socialist new things.

It is only under constant revolutionizing the ideological superstructure and the relations of production can the new productive forces be fully unleashed. The bankruptcy of the “productive force theory” is that it holds that only through increased industrializing and modernization can the hew political system consolidate itself. However, historical experience repeatedly points to the fact that in the period of transition, only through political revolution and the all-round defeat of the political representatives of the old, moribund class can the economic system further develop and thus have the effect of further consolidate the political system itself.

Lenin remarked that if economic development can give rise to civilization and new political systems, then why are Western capitalist countries, which have the most developed productive forces, still so backward politically? This question can never be answered by the revisionists.

Communism is a society where all classes and class oppression is abolished! Only with high material abundance and high communist consciousness can this society operate on the principle of “from each according to his ability, to each according to his need.”

Socialism, that is, the transitional period moving toward communism, is a period of the dictatorship of the proletariat. It is a period operating on the principle, “from each according to their ability, to each according to their work.” Socialism is the period where the material and mental conditions for communism are being developed.

The new bourgeoisie is being constantly engendered in socialist societies like China and Albania, because they are externally constantly under the attack and influence of imperialists and revisionists, because internally they are still faced with enemies like the remnants of landowning and capitalist classes and bourgeois democrats, because of the basis of the peasantry and small production, and because of the existence of bourgeois right among the ranks of workers and Party cadres.

Chairman Mao’s contribution is that under socialism, even after the expropriation of the large factories and banks, that is, when the socialist ownership by the people is in the main completed, there is still the danger of capitalist restoration. He pointed out that classes and class struggle will exist for a long time under socialism. And that the target of revolution is the capitalist roaders in power inside the Party. They are relatively few, but nevertheless they can lead to restoration of capitalism. The social basis for these capitalist roaders are the old bourgeoisie (the remnants of the landlord and bourgeois classes), bourgeois democrats (those who physically entered socialism but mentally still stayed in capitalism), and the new bourgeoisie (those newly engendered under socialism who have betrayed socialism and the working class).

Chairman Mao said the masses must be aware of that and be vigilant in this struggle. He emphasized the special importance of having genuine communists in the leadership of the Party and the importance of carefully handling contradictions among the people, so they won’t turn into antagonistic contradictions between the people and the enemy. In carrying out this approach, he stressed the need for constant, repeated, protracted, and preservering ideological education, to combat and pre vent capitalist ideas and classes from developing as well as to point to the road ahead. Because socialism is a society born out of capitalism it contains the birth marks of capitalism. In China and the Soviet Union, after the revolutions, there still existed what is known as the “three great differences,” the difference between town and country, between mental and manual labor, and between the workers and the peasants.

And under socialism, even among the workers, there is still inequality, such as the eight grade wage system, the distribution according to work and exchange through money. In this particular sense, Chairman Mao said this makes socialist society not much different from old capitalist society. Why is this?

Socialist society, like other industrial societies, practices a form of the commodity system. Even though ownership is in the main socialist, it still distributes according to work and exchange is through money. Why is this? And what is wrong inherently with the commodity system?

What is the “freedom and necessity” for socialism, which requires a form of the commodity system? In particular, what are its necessities and why within these necessities does there also lie the danger in which, as Chairman Mao said, under this system “the people like Lin Piao (who) come to power can easily rig up a capitalist system”?

The reason is that in all modern society, there is a tremendous amount of division of labor to produce any single product. In any...commodity, whether it’s for consumption or for producing other commodities, it involves the use of different raw materials, of transportation, manufacturing, and assembly. All these require money, as a universal form of value to serve exchange (as a means of payment, as a means for the circulation of commodities) since there is not sufficient material abundance and ideological consciousness for abolishing the commodity system. Only under communism (where “from each according to their ability, to each according to their need” holds) can the commodity system be abolished. But if this particular form of the commodity system is abolished before the material and ideological conditions are laid, it will lead to reversals. Therefore it can only be restricted, not abolished, under socialism. That is why socialism is still a form of a commodity exchange system, though the ownership has in the main changed.

This is the “necessity” under socialism. However, it also creates the conditions where the old and newly engendered bourgeoisie can hoard money and use it as capital to exploit the labor of others, or to make profit through buying and selling in the free market, and through illegally making profit from the factory or commune.

Under socialism, one cannot buy or sell labor power. But individual labor can be hired in some rural sectors. For example, in the day-to-day life of the peasants, in the decisions commune members have to make in China, these same questions come up continually. Should the peasants spend most of their time trying to over-fulfill their state quotas or should they spend most of their time making small handicrafts that could be sold in the free market where individuals can earn a higher income? Similarly, how should commune members decide on how to allocate their earnings? Should they try to be self-sufficient and work in the interests of the whole commune or should they rely on state aid while spending their time earning profits for themselves by various means? This is a question of trying to combat the bourgeois aspect under socialism.

And in the Soviet Union today, precisely where the accumulation of profit has become the sole driving force for the Soviet bourgeoisie (as for example, the famous Russian poster of a ruble on the front of a locomotive hauling everything forward, with the caption, “Here is our profit”) money is invested where the maximum profit can be made rather than used to develop services that benefit the proletariat. Commodities are sold in the free market rather than to the state because the returns in the free market are greater.

The eight-grade wage system, and the distribution according to work, inherently contains bourgeois right. The inequality in the eight-grade wage system speaks for itself, though it is necessary to have a wage system because of the uneven Ideological level of the masses, with different skills, experiences, and different levels in work (management verses production workers) and interrelated but secondarily because of the lack of material abundance (such as the enlargement of the public sector of consumption, e.g. health care, free day care, etc.)

The distribution according to work is in practice still unequal (due to individual skills, physical strengths, family size, etc.). Given this the wages received will be unequal even though the amount might be the same on the surface. Here the main question is whether you take steps in narrowing these differences by raising the masses’ ideological level and at the same time creating the material basis for eliminating these differences, or you allow the differences to expand as “incentives” to promote production. He solved the fundamental dialectics of “grasp revolution, promote production.”

Chairman Mao’s teaching is that bourgeois right, which is necessary for socialism, has to be restricted, and in the long course of socialist revolution and construction, the three great differences, will be narrowed so that the material and ideological conditions will gradually be created for closing up all these gaps. And there is no other way, to exercise the dictatorship of the proletariat as a transitional road to communism, except that. If this is not done, but instead there is the extension and strengthening of bourgeois right, it will inevitably lead to polarization. As a result, new bourgeois elements will emerge, not only among the rich peasants, but among the workers and Party members as well. And when this polarization is developed, it will make a qualitative leap to the point where their political representatives in the Communist Party (the headquarters of the working class) will demand political concessions and political rule. And it can lead to a situation where their representatives will even demand the overthrow of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the socialist system, which happened in the Soviet Union.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution that started in 1966 was initiated to deal with a situation in China where class struggle intensified and the new capitalist elements were developing, like what had happened in the Soviet Union.

Chairman Mao’s objective to start a cultural revolution was first to remove the capitalist roaders, people like Liu Shao Chi, from the Party. And at the same time, to unleash the masses’ enthusiasm for socialism by unfolding mass criticism campaigns from below, from masses within the Party and outside the Party. And, the course of this struggle, to develop the genuine Marxists and have them take power.

The first shot of the cultural revolution was fired by a criticism of a reactionary play. Initially centered around the cultural and educational policies, it then spread to other areas like the factories, communes, commerce, the military, and other areas.

The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution was truly a revolution in every sense of the word. Because it was a revolution, both the superstructure (that is, the government, Party, prevailing orientation on culture, etc.) and the base (the productive forces and productive relations) were revolutionized. Not only were the known representatives of the capitalist roaders ousted, the composition of the Central Committee changed, where genuine Marxists took power. And, moreover, what is known as “socialist new things” developed in branch after branch, in sphere after sphere. For example, things like the barefoot doctors, who for the first time in history paid more attention to the workers and the poor peasants than the well-to-do in the cities, and the policy for young people to go settle in the countryside – all flourished during and after the cultural revolution. This was aimed at narrowing the gap between the city and the countryside, to industrialize the countryside, and, as a byproduct, to revolutionize youth in China.

There are also the educational policies to admit youth and students to college who must first work a couple of years to gain some practical experience and who must be recommended by the workers and peasants. For the first time, the correct emphasis was given to admit the sons and daughters of workers and peasants. The slavish examination-oriented system was done away with and replaced with lively work and study programs.

In the realm of art and literature, too, modern revolutionary operas and films glorified the working people. The worker and peasant heroes were promoted as the makers of history. Both popularization and the artistic level was raised.

Another socialist new thing that is very important was the mass campaign to study the dictatorship of the proletariat and the theory of Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought. This enabled the masses by the hundreds of millions to find and understand their historical mission in their day-to-day work. After the October Revolution, Lenin praised the Subbotniks (laborers who worked free on Saturday) as seeds of communism because they worked for the purpose of building up socialism and not for themselves. Socialist new things in China, like the Subbotniks, flourished and spread, except on a lot larger scale, dimension, and depth. These were genuine efforts by the masses under the Party’s leadership to narrow the three great differences and bourgeois right, and in course of the struggle, develop socialist culture and revolutionize the relation, between man and man. All these certainly have spurred the development of productive forces in leaps and bounds in China, so that even the imperialists have to admit that it was a “miracle.”

These gains of the cultural revolution represent the fruits of socialist revolution and the consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat. They should never be taken away To either consolidate or to limit the growth of these socialist new things is precisely a question of two lines and two roads – either the road to consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat or to restore capitalism. There is no middle road, as historical experience repeatedly points out. The theory of productive forces that the revisionists champion can only lead to the restoration of capitalism, not to a transition to communism.

Chairman Mao’s contribution in theory and practice of how to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat is probably the most important and advanced teaching from the standpoint of historical advances of Marxism. He, however, has ’made other contributions that have international significance as well, for example, his teaching on people’s war, on the minimum program of New Democracy, for communists in Third World countries to use anti-imperialist struggles to serve the struggle to establish socialism.

And most recently, he analyzed the international situation where, due to the breakup of the socialist camp, the existence of three worlds or three large parts in the international alignment emerged. These three parts in the international alignment, due to the emerging of the two superpowers, and the rise of the Third World as a new factor in recent international affairs, is a particular-expression of the four fundamental contradictions in the world today. Only through seeing the class struggle internationally and placing the class struggle at home in that perspective would the struggle of the proletariat and oppressed people around the world be aligned against the common enemy. Only by placing the struggle in that concrete perspective can the proletariat and oppressed people of the world, support each other and give each other the fullest possible support to weaken the superpowers and all reactionaries. Chairman Mao’s teaching on the three worlds is an application of Marxism-Leninism to the current world situation. It is a continuation of Lenin’s and Stalin’s teaching on the united front tactics and it must be defended and promoted.

Comrades and friends, to sum up, Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought is the highest development of Marxism of our time. Chairman Mao’s teachings, his struggle against Modern Revisionism, is the very basis and origin of our organization as well as the international communist movement. As Lenin said, revolution in any country must be based on the “last word in socialism” and the most advanced experience. We must study Chairman Mao Tse-tung’s teachings, especially now that Volume V is available.

You can trace the development of our Party’s line and its development closely to the “last word in socialism” from the historical experience in China and particularly to Chairman Mao’s teachings. For that reason, comrades and friends, our success and achievement is inseparably linked to his line and teaching. We think therefore that the best way to commemorate him would be to fight the criminal rule of U.S. monopoly capitalist class and Modern Revisionism around the world even harder!

Comrades and friends, we must grasp tightly Chairman Mao’s teachings and continue to apply them to the concrete situation of the U.S. socialist revolution.

We must defend Marxism-Leninism-Mao tse-Tung Thought against all attacks from revisionists, Trotskyites, and opportunists of all stripes. We must fight them tooth and nail, both in words and deeds!

Comrades and friends, the road is full of twists and turns, but the future is bright. By following the revolutionary road that Chairman Mao pointed out to us, we can be confident that the U.S. working class will carry out its historical mission of ending the criminal rule of the U.S. monopoly capitalist class, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism in the U.S., and continue to march toward communism, our noble goal!