Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Marxist-Leninist Organizing Committee

MLOC Strategy and Tactics


Published: Unite!, Vol. 1, No. 1, August 1975.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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(I) General Strategy: the United Front Against Imperialism:

This strategy is based upon the nature of monopoly capitalism and the extremely high concentration of the ownership of the means of production and capital in the hands of a very tiny minority, whose interests are opposed to the interests of well over 90% of the American people. This strategy seeks to unite all those who can be united against imperialism or monopoly capitalism, under the leadership of the vanguard party of the working class, the communist party of a new type. No genuine united front can exist without a genuine communist party to represent the interests of the working class as well as its allies, and to provide leadership and direction to the struggle against imperialism.

Within this general strategy there are three strategic tasks, that is, three actual tasks required to carry out the general strategy, these are the general disposition of the revolutionary forces, the plan of disposition.
A. Building and defending the vanguard party of the proletariat, the communist party of a new type. This is the central task of the three strategic tasks in this period. The actual disposition of this task is spelled out in terms of the four tactical tasks outlined below.
B. Building the actual forms of struggle which constitute the United Front Against Imperialism, such as mass organizations, alliances, etc. We have no actual plan of disposition in regard to this task at this time, but are in preparatory stages, laying the foundations to advance this task in a qualitative manner, once a party has been formed.
C. Building the armed political struggle of the working class. Our actual plan of disposition is being developed.

At this time, these three strategic tasks remain somewhat imprecise, due to the fact that we have not yet formulated a party program. It is the party program which provided sharpness and clarity to each of these tasks, as it is the task of the program to scientifically define the aims of the proletarian movement. The three strategic tasks are designed in order to achieve the aims specified in the program.

(II) Policy for Party Building as the Central Task:

This policy consists of our four tactical tasks which are based upon the assessment of the MLOC of the important features of the communist and workers movement in this period. At any given turn in our movement, any one of these four tactical tasks can be given special importance, based upon the ebbs and flows of both the objective and subjective factors, but each are carried out in conjunction with each other.


This task guides the entire work of the MLOC, provides direction and focus to all the work that is carried on, and constitutes our main ideological efforts in this period.
A. The development and consolidation of political line on each of the pressing questions of revolution. A line represents the concentrated expression of the interests and demands of the proletariat as a guide to action. A political line requires both a theoretical presentation to advance the objective interests of the working class, as well as designating the political and economic tasks required to carry out the goals advanced by the line. The most important questions of line that we see at this time are the nature of the party itself (particularly programmatically and organizationally), the nature of the United Front, trade union work, the Black National Question, the Chicano National Question, fascism, the world situation.
B. The study and investigation of the objective and subjective factors; the study of current situation; the history of the workers and communist movements; and the history of the international communist movement; and drawing conclusions as a guide to action from this study.
C. The development of proletarian means of propaganda – which includes both inner organizational propaganda, such as study, cadre training, other forms of education, etc; as well as propaganda amongst communists and amongst the masses, which includes the development of the press and other publications, political exposures, polemics, and various means of propagation of Marxism-Leninism.
D. The development of the party program.


Bolshevization means the ideological victory of Marxism-Leninism over the remnants of bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology within our organization, and as it affects all aspects of our work. Bolshevization was first advanced by Comrade Stalin in 1924, In order to combat the right danger, particularly In the manner in which the correct slogan of ̶o;to the masses” that was put forward by the Third World Congress of the Comintern was incorrectly taken by various communist parties of the CI, leading to numerous right deviations In many aspects of work. Because Bolshevization is an ideological question, it can also signify the struggle to correct right deviations, within a party or organization.

In the struggle to place proletarian ideology firmly in command, we pay special attention in this period to the following:
– train true party cadres, theoretically, organizationally and militarily,
– systematically develop revolutionary discipline,
– consciously deepen comrades grasp of the State,
– develop both legal and illegal work, realizing that we have failed to adequately understand the importance of illegal work In the past,
– consciously prepare our cadre for a war time basis, cadre that are capable and confident of working for the revolution even in conditions of the most ferocious reaction,
– develop an organizational network which is as dense and as closely woven together as possible,
– encourage and develop communist criticism and self-criticism, combating boasting, self-satisfaction, and the arrogance that reeks of a superpower mentality,
– build an organization, and a communist party, which is an organization of leaders, all who combine revolutionary sweep with practicalness.


As the crisis and decay of monopoly capitalism deepens, the bourgeoisie will intensify its efforts to .split and divide the communist movement through both underhanded subversion and open suppression. For these and other reasons, comrades must place the struggle for the party on a much more conscious, more determined level than it has been.
A. Develop and perservere in a Bolshevik policy for building unity among Marxist-Leninists. Carefully distinguish and recognize the two different kinds of contradictions, recognizing the principled basis for unity on many questions, and that the material basis for unity is greater than for disunity. Unity must be concrete and material, not abstract or on1y theoretical. Unity must be built from the standpoint of honesty, self-criticism and comradely criticism.
B. Promote joint actions among Marxist-Leninists in regard to particular struggles, propaganda work, theoretical work, agitation, etc.
C. Move toward a regular, even weekly or daily, Communist press.
D. Greatly extend the propaganda work on the theoretical front.


Our work amongst the masses, concentrating where possible in heavy industry, must reflect the central task at this time. In this sense, our work to win the vanguard to the side of communism is protracted. At the same time, however, work amongst the masses must reflect the primary focus of the work of party building at this time, which is the theoretical form of class struggle.
A. Raising in the course of day to day struggles against capital, all the problems of trade union work to their proper ideological and theoretical level. This means that in the daily work, special attention must be paid to meet the future demands of the movement, while at the same time winning the immediate demands with communist leadership.
B. Patiently and systematically uniting scientific socialism with advanced workers. The use of the term “uniting” Implies our view of the advanced worker. This worker has a sense of their class interest, and the unity of this interest with the struggle of oppressed nationalities and minorities. They are active in fighting for the interests of their class, and already realize the need for fundamental change, though they may not call it revolutionary change. They are searching for a scientific understanding of their exploitation and oppression, and for a clear answer as to the solution. In other words, they are open to communism, and do not have anti-communist opinions. That is why it is a question of uniting scientific socialism with such workers, it needs to be brought to them; they do not need to be convinced, for the most part.
C. Maintaining close contact and struggle with the entire working class, intermediate and backward workers, though necessarily we focus attention on the advanced worker.
D. Building factory nuclei as the basic form of organization within the working class, and the basic link between the party and the masses.
E. Factory nuclei are the ground for all organizational work of the MLOC. (See Comintern Resolution on Factory Nuclei, p, II).
F. Development of propaganda and the communist press, with focus on political exposures.