The National Continuations Committee sends its comradely greetings and encourages the steadfast march to the Congress.
After publication of the first Newsletter, comrades in at least one area raised questions about the basis of political unity around the Congress. So, to insure that there is clarity on this question, we reprint the basic points of unity agreed upon by the Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists and by the National Continuations Committee. We are united around four main points: 1) adherence to the science of Marxism-Leninism; 2) a struggle against revisionism which is headed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the CPUSA; 3) the struggle to build a Multi-National, Marxist-Leninist Communist Party to lead the U.S. working class to overthrow Capitalism establish the Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Scientific Socialism in the USNA; 4) the resolutions which were approved by the May Conference and printed in MARXIST-LENINISTS UNITE! (this includes the minority position on the National Question, dealing with the issue of “racism”, which was accepted as a minority position by the body as a whole). These four points are the basis for minimum political unity for all organizations on the National Continuations Committee, for local committees, and for individual Marxist-Leninists who are interested in participating in the Congress. These points of unity also act as the organizational guide for the democratic relations between organizations on the Committee and other Marxist-Leninists.
While the resolutions are one of the points for unity (and should be distributed by all those interested in the Congress), they also serve as the basis for polemics, in order that we can achieve the most scientific, Marxist-Leninist position on the main questions facing the USNA proletariat.
Any Marxist-Leninist organization, or individuals, who wish to carry on polemics around the resolutions or on other questions of Party building, should write up their position and send it into the National Continuations Committee Newsletter so that it can be published and discussed by other groups.
The work of the Continuations Committee should be to organize as many other honest Marxist-Leninists as possible around the points of unity and encourage them to write up their points of unity and dissent. This will help us to reach more people and not get bogged down in polemics on the local committees, preventing the practical work from getting done.
Written statements of unity and polemics will also bring greater clarity and unity at the Congress where we will continue the struggle for unity on the correct line, politically and organizationally. When political unity is achieved through the formation of a Party of a New Type, then Democratic Centralism will be the organizational basis of relations.
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We would like to raise a self-criticism for three errors which we made in the first issue of the National Continuations Committee Newsletter, which contradict the political line of the Committee. First, we failed to translate the Newsletter into Spanish. Second, we phrased the masthead to read, “National Continuations Committee to form a Multi-National Marxist-Leninist Communist Party.” Third, we made statements in the article “History of the National Continuations Committee” which were either incorrect or showed disregard for .the democratic make-up of the Committee.
In calling for a Congress to build a Party of a New Type, a Bolshevik Party, the Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists, adopted the six characteristic principles for a Bolshevik Party, laid out by Stalin, as the indispensible features for such a Party within the USNA. Regarding the fifth principle, the Conference Resolution on the “Party of a New Type” states, “The Party is the embodiment of unity of will, incompatible with the existence of factions. Unity of will, which is essential to the strength of the Party is impossible without iron discipline, yet ’iron discipline does not preclude but presupposes conscious and voluntary submission, for only conscious discipline can be truly iron discipline.’ (“The Party,” FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM, J.V. Stalin)” Further, on the question of discipline, Stalin says, ”But iron discipline in the Party is inconceivable without unity of will, without complete and absolute unity of action on the part of all members of the Party. This does not mean, of course, that the possibility of contests of opinion within the Party is thereby precluded. On the contrary, iron discipline does not preclude but presupposes criticism and contest of opinion within the Party... But after a contest of opinion has been closed, after criticism has been exhausted and a decision arrived at, unity of will and unity of action of all Party members are the necessary condition without which neither Party unity nor iron discipline in the Party is conceivable.” (“The Party,” FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM, J.V. Stalin)
Although we realize that the Continuations Committee and the separate member organizations cannot act as a Party, it is important in building a Party that Marxist-Leninist organizations attempt to incorporate those principles which will be embodied in the Party. It is in this light that we raise criticism for our errors.
First, the failure to translate the Newsletter into Spanish contradicted the general call of the Conference to build a Multi-National Marxist-Leninist Communist Party in the USNA, and was an expression of white chauvinism which is the primary deviation on the National Question. In the majority resolutions adopted by the Conference, we recognized that white chauvinism is the main form of national chauvinism pushed by the US imperialists to justify and continue their enslavement, of colonial nations, in particular, the Negro Nation and Puerto Rico which are the direct colonies and main reserves of US imperialism. It is also used to justify the more brutal exploitation and oppression of the national minorities within the Anglo American Nation, including the special historical oppression of the Mexican National Minority within the Southwest region. White Chauvinism is a form of national privilege which prevents the unity of the working class, a necessary condition for proletarian revolution. As Marxist-Leninists we must wage a determined struggle against all forms of White Chauvinism in order to be able to unite the whole USNA working class. One manifestation of the struggle, as laid out in the resolution of the Southwest, must be to put forth the democratic demand for equality of the Spanish language. Further, we must demand that any Marxist-Leninist Party that is built in the US include Negro, Puerto Rican and Mexican National Minorities in significant numbers as a main section of the most oppressed and exploited workers in the Anglo American proletariat. In addition, the Party must lead the Anglo American proletariat in a relentless struggle for the right to independence of the Negro Nation and Puerto Rico, Regional Autonomy for the Southwest, and complete democratic rights for all national minorities.
As part of the fight against white chauvinism, all future issues of the Newsletter will be in both Spanish and English.
Second, the incorrect phrasing in the masthead of the first Newsletter contradicted the line of the Conference as stated in the “Call for a Congress,” (MARXIST-LENINISTS UNITE!) ”The Continuations Committee which was formed at the Conference of North American Marxist-Leninists has the task of organizing a Congress in which all serious Marxist-Leninists and revolutionaries will come together to form a proletarian Party of a new type in the U.S.” To state as we did in the first Newsletter, that the National Continuations Committee would form a Party, is nothing but sectarianism. The corrected masthead will read, “National Continuations Committee to Call a Congress for a Multi-National Marxist-Leninist Communist Party.”
Finally, in the article on the History of the National Continuations-Committee, we made statements which were either incorrect or failed to respect the democratic make-up of the Committee. We mentioned the work of one organization by name without mentioning the others. Further, the statement was made, “when draft resolutions were sent out for comments, corrections and additions, we were not able to get responses, So hearing nothing we assumed there was political unity and printed them as they were.” This statement is incorrect and implies that organizations did not carry out their responsibility to make corrections and state disagreements, so the resolutions were printed without unity. In fact, nothing was “assumed!” There had already been agreement among organizations of the National Continuations Committee at the time of the Conference that draft resolutions would be sent out for approval, and that differences should be sent in within a given period of time. If there were none, resolutions would be printed as they were. Finally, the section which reads, ”when the September meeting was called, the same thing happened. Although organizations indicated that they could not send people, only one organization sent a letter with points to be discussed. So once again, assuming that others were in agreement, decisions were made based on the necessity to do so.” Although this statement is an accurate reflection of what happened, it represents an incorrect Communist method of work. Communists do not base decisions on assumptions but on concrete facts. The Continuations Committee members based in Chicago, at the time of the Conference, had agreed to carry out the regular work of the Committee, and therefore have the responsibility to put forth every effort to get discussion on all political points raised by other organization before decisions are made. The main vehicle for such discussion now is the Newsletter. However, meetings, letters, phone, etc. are also in order. Only in this way is the democratic right of each of the member organizations guaranteed.
Let us continue to struggle for greater political clarity and unity, directing all our efforts toward making the upcoming Party Congress a success, “a basis from which the proletariat of this country can wage a ferocious attack against Imperialism and reaction in this country.”
Continuations Committee members based in Chicago
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Three local Continuations Committees, organized around the principles of unity adopted by the May Conference and including both organizations, and individuals, have been set up in Detroit, Sacramento, and the Bay-Area. In addition, Congress organizing is also going on in Los Angeles, San Diego, Mew Mexico, Chicago, Cleveland, Pennsylvania, New, York, and other cities and sections of the country.
In the Bay area a forum was held a few weeks back on questions of Party building and the Congress, Well over 200 people attended, representing many organizations. In Ohio a number of organizations are participating in a “Regular forum on Party building. And in many other areas frequent discussions and study sessions around the Conference resolutions are being held. In all areas, comrades are distributing MARXIST-LENINISTS UNITE!.
A few areas have requested regular national reports on Congress developments. However, in order to enable us to make more complete reports in future newsletters, reports from local areas are vital. We still hear from only a couple organizations and committees. As we suggested in a letter that was sent out after the first Newsletter, reports and articles should be sent in around the 7th of the month so that we can get the Newsletter out around the 15th.
Build a Multi-National, Marxist-Leninist Communist Party to defend and lead the working class of the USNA against the growing fascist offensive and for the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.
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The following is a draft proposal for a Party Program which has been submitted by the Communist League. The proposal has been submitted at this time in order to encourage discussion on it before the Congress Such discussion is necessary because the program will be the fundamental unity for a Party of a New Type in the USNA once it is accepted by the Congress.
The introduction of this proposal begins with a Preamble which briefly explains the nature of the working class struggle in the USNA, and points out that the struggle of Marxists-Leninists to build a Party in the USNA is an integral part of the historical, international Communist movement.
The program itself is broken down into three parts. The first part is a general description of the conditions of USNA capitalism and the role of the working class in defeating it. This is followed by a more concrete description of the present conditions of advancing fascism. The second part is the essence of the program because it sets forth the main tactical weapon that the working class needs at this time to defeat the fascist offensive and by doing so pass over to our own offensive, overthrowing monopoly capitalist rule and establishing the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. This tactical weapon is the United Front Against Fascism. The third part sets forth the concrete demands for democratic rights around which the Party will fight and lead the struggle of the working class.
The demands listed in the draft Program are examples. Comrades are urged to add other demands; these demands should deal with questions that are general to the struggle of the whole working class and its allies, and they should also deal with questions that are particular to specific sections of the class, such as migrant workers, Indians, etc. Two additional demands to those listed might be:
1. A regular increase in the income level of welfare recipients to correspond with each new rise in the cost of living.
2. Equal education for all children.
The Program is the aim of the Party expressed in a brief concise statement. Detailed explanations to support and substantiate the program will be done in separate position papers.
Along with reading the draft proposal, the Communist League suggests the following readings; “Draft and Explanation of a Programme for the Social Democratic Party,” V.I. Lenin, LENIN 0N THE TRADE UNIONS. “Notes on Plekhanov’s Second Draft Programme,” V. I, Lenin, Vol. 6, COLLECTED WORKS. REPORT FROM THE TENTH PARTY CONGRESS OF CHINA.
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The working class of the United States of North America is locked in a life and death struggle with the capitalist class. This struggle is evolving under conditions where the workers have no General Staff – no Marxist-Leninist Communist Party to guide them. In the struggle to form and develop such a party the Marxist-Leninists are carrying out their historic responsibilities. Basing ourselves on the Communist Manifesto and the Program of the Communist International, the Marxists-Leninists of the USNA set out to rally the revolutionary working class around the following program.
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The working class in the United States of North America constitutes the majority of the population. The stranglehold of the big financial capitalists over the countryside has led to a sharp decline in the family farm. The growth of the working class by absorbing the superfluous farmers, through the destruction of the broad strata of the petty bourgeoisie and through immigration has placed the proletariat in an extremely favorable position. As in no other country in the world, the proletariat and the class enemy stand face to face. The historic final conflict is at hand.
Unhampered by the hangovers of feudalism, USNA capitalism, by the end of the 19th century had fully entered into its aggressive, moribund, final stage– imperialism. The USNA multi-national state is the international hangman of revolutions and the enemy of the peoples of the earth.
The trend toward shifting the economic base from mechanics to electronics has not only qualitatively increased a reserve army of unemployed, but also created a huge new army of the permanently unemployed, especially amongst the national minority workers. Every technical advance makes the position of the workers more untenable.
Two inevitable policies of imperialism are bribery of the upper strata of the working class and terror against the more proletarian sections of the class. From the most oppressed and exploited workers there is developing a struggle against the capitalists and especially against the state. This struggle will continue to develop.
The struggle against the capitalist class is a struggle against all who live by the labor of others, and against all exploitation. It can only end in the passing of political power into the hands of the working class, the transferal of all the land, instruments, factories, machines and mines to the whole of society for the organization of social production, under which all that is produced by the workers and all improvements in production must benefit the working people themselves.
The revolutionary working class movement is the gravedigger of USNA monopoly capitalism. It is part of the international movement of the world’s working class for peace, democracy, national liberation and socialism.
The greatest danger facing the working class of this country is the danger of a fascist military dictatorship. Since 1932, the Executive branch of the government has accumulated emergency powers far greater than those granted Hitler or Mussolini.
The military has long ago clamped a stranglehold on the administrative bureaucracy. The military, loyal reactionary servants of imperialism, presents a grave danger to civil liberties and to the labor movement.
The struggle of the workers against the inroads of fascism accelerates the political development of the class and inevitably sharpens the antagonisms that can only end with the Dictatorship of the Proletariat – the only political form that guarantees the emancipation of all the toiling masses.
The struggle of the working class of the USNA for its emancipation is a political struggle. Its aim is to defeat the fascist offensive and by doing so, pass over to the offensive of the working class, overthrowing the monopoly capitalist rule which is the seed bed of fascism. Only through the struggle for democratic rights can the proletariat establish its dictatorship.
The emancipation of the working class is the revolutionary act of self-emancipation.
Our Party declares that its aim is to organize and participate in this struggle of the working class of the USNA, develop the class consciousness of the workers and point out and clarify the aims and objects of the struggle.
Hence, our party will support every national liberation movement, every movement of labor and struggle of the people that is directed against the fascist offensive, for peace, for democracy, for national liberation and socialism.
Taking this program our starting point, our Party demands and sets out to lead the struggle for: (the following demands are examples)
1. An end to compulsory overtime. Strict enforcement of a 35 hour week.
2. An unemployment compensation commensurate with the number of dependents.
3. Prohibition of work by children under 16.
4. Free universal medical care.