Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Report to the Second Congress by the Chairman of the First CC

First Issued: as an internal document, 1981
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba
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1. Four years has passed since the founding Congress of the RCL. Quite a lot has happened in that time, both good and bad. The League has lost some of its earlier confidence and unity. On the other hand, it has ditched a lot of dogmatism and is trying hard to find real answers to the problems of making socialist revolution in Britain, applying Marxism-Leninism in a living way. During the past few years too, the League including the organisations which have united with it, have built up some valuable experience on which to draw in finding those answers. Despite the problems of which we are well aware, there is every reason to be confident about our future as a party-building organization, and every reason to believe in the future victory of socialism.

2. A year ago, the Unity Conference of the CWM and RCL took place, and shortly afterwards, the BCA united with the League. The focus of this report is therefore on the past year, when we have been comrades working in the same organisation, not different ones. It takes up matters before this year mainly where that is necessary to explain developments over the year.

3. In the various areas of our work during the past year, the balance sheet varies considerably. Generally though, for most of this time, there has been a situation of stagnation in the League, only broken in the run-up to the Congress (This is not to deny the real achievements we have to our credit in our mass work). The main responsibility for this lies with the CC.

The Work of the CC

4. The main characteristics of the CC’s work for much of the past year have been a failure to give good, concrete leadership on political line and most mass work, and a strong tendency to drift along without a definite plan of advance. These have been expressions of liberalism in not struggling for unity on major political questions and important matters of principle, and not establishing priorities for the work of the CC.

5. The roots of the problem go back beyond the Unity Conference. Ultimately, they lie in the decaying imperialist society in which we work and live, and which is bound to exert some influence on us. In the shorter term., they lie in the class character of the League. We have striven to grasp Marxism-Leninism, and continuing to do this will be the key to success on all fronts; whether an organization follows a proletarian revolutionary line or not is the main factor determining its class nature, and we do follow such a line. Nevertheless, our membership is still predominantly intellectual in origin, and this situation is only changing slowly; meanwhile, the influence of the petty bourgeois ideology of the intelligentsia makes itself felt, for good and ill.

6. The liberalism which has affected the CC’s work in the last year stems from the idealism which was strong in the League from its foundation (as it was in the CWM). This idealism in large part stems from our unconsolidated class character as a vanguard proletarian organization.

7. The RCL’s idealism was manifested in a number of ways. One example is how, in the Zimbabwe Campaign, the leadership swept aside real practical problems rank and file comrades faced and exhorted and pressured them on to reach extremely ambitious political and financial objectives. The campaign wasn’t properly integrated into an overall plan for developing the League’s party-building work; in particular, it wasn’t linked up to developing ongoing anti-racist work in Britain, even after experience had shown, in some areas, that Zimbabwe solidarity work could help the League to build up ties with black workers in Britain. In retrospect, it seems evident that if Zimbabwe work had been under­taken in conjunction with anti-racist work, they would have given each other a strong impetus, and the latter would have been on a sounder footing by now. This point was not grasped at the time.

8. In the CWM too, especially in its earliest days, idealism was very much in evidence; notions of uniting the ML movement rapidly on the basis of little more than enthusiasm for unity and of making CWM known throughout Britain in a matter of a couple of years were seriously entertained.

9. The RCL’s idealism for a long time expressed itself in the form of dogmatism. It is only necessary to look back at some of our early publications to see the evidence of this, page after page. It was evident in the League’s exclusive concentration on industrial work; it ran through its methods of analysis – analysis tended to start from what had been said in apparently analogous situations by the Marxist teachers, rather than from an actual investigation of the particular features of the matter to be analysed.

10. Coupled with its idealism and dogmatism was ultra-leftism. This is not to say that idealism and dogmatism are necessarily linked to ultra-leftism – the experience of the M-L movement in Britain shows this, particularly that of CPB(M-L). But in the RCL, the main political and ideological errors were predominantly ultra-leftist. This has been shown in the way the RCL leadership has repeatedly tried to get the organization to go for objectives it couldn’t attain. It did this in The Zimbabwe Campaign; in the former exclusive concentration on industrial work, it pushed comrades to work in industry when some simply weren’t suited to do so, and to go out on a limb to such an extent that they damaged their long term base-building work (this happened to a comrade in Bristol, for example).

11. A strong blow against idealism and ultra-leftism was struck when the anti-League faction was defeated. This provided an excellent opportunity for the RCL to get rid of a lot of its old weaknesses, but the leadership of the organization failed to make the most of its chance. As the document, “On Strengthening Democratic-Centralist Leadership in the League” said of the Rectification Stage which followed the expulsion of the faction:

12. "The following main errors were made: the campaign did not distinguish between the ideological errors of idealism and the ultra-leftism which was it main, but not only possible, political expression; it did not appreciate the need to develop dialectical materialism as a an antidote to idealism; it did not target dogmatism as the main manifestation of idealism in the style of work; it did not make the struggle concrete by linking it effectively with expressions of ultra-leftist political error; either in particular areas of work or in the overall plan of work, and so proceed from idealism while attempting to combat it; in this connection, it did not highlight sectarianism as the main type of leftist political error; it did not distinguish between, and characterise, the main errors in internal organizational work and mass work. The rectification stage was carried through with a heavy emphasis on ideological questions divorced from practice and political line and so did not effectively combat idealism. In particular, it was not conceived and carried out with the specific aim of increasing the ability of the RCL to develop leadership of the actual class struggle in Britain, which is the most crucial priority now in part-building and the most relevant for uniting all RCL comrades.”

13. The Rectification Stage as such failed to tackle some significant rightist errors in the League, most notably its stand on Ireland, which denied the revolutionary character of the struggle waged by the Republican movement, asserted that the British M-L party should be built in northern Ireland as well as Scotland, Wales and England, and was objectively social-chauvinist.

14. The Rectification Stage did have some achievements to its credit: most notably, the League’s old dogmatism was given a serve blow, and this opened the way to further progress – for example, to the opening up of anti-racist work and a less rigid system of democratic-centralism. But overall the Rectification Stage showed important weaknesses of idealism and while some old errors were combatted, the League was not brought to a higher level of unity around a strengthened political line, and the standing of the CC declined, The campaign was thus primarily negative.

15. The legacy of the Rectification Stage is still with us; the liberalism at the centre, continued idealist errors and the demoralisation of some comrades, is in large measure attributable to its failure.

16. But it would be wrong to see weaknesses over the past year as only stemming from the ineffectual character of the Rectification Stage. Other factors are:
a). The growth in the political maturity of the membership of the League in the period of its existence. At one time, when extreme dogmatism prevailed, the centre could give “loads” backed only by minimal education about the politics involved without much questioning taking place. It could act in a commandist way, and got away with it for a while. But members became increasingly dissatisfied with this. They wanted leadership that was concrete, which made itself effective by informing and educating, that strove for conviction within the organization–without this, how could members work well to rally those outside the organization, and be as effective as possible in propagating the League ’s line? The Unity Conference showed clearly that members were rejecting the old style of leadership. The outgoing CC has been slow in finding ways to make the necessary changes, but some progress has been made since the start of the year.
b). The unity of BCA, CWM and RCL. It was absolutely correct for the CWM and BCA to unite with the RCL. With the important exception of the organized Marxist-Leninist comrades from the national minorities working among them, the great majority of communists in Britain were then united into one party-building organization. This has brought a qualitative change to the M-L movement in Britain. Before RCL-CWM-BCA unity, the main way forward in party-building was through uniting the Marxist-Leninists; now, it is through rallying the advanced elements of the proletariat to the League in the course of class struggle. There are still many Marxist-Leninists we have yet to unite with, but the key to unity with them is to make a good job of our mass work.
This new situation has faced us with some serious challenges, which we are still having difficulties with. After the Unity Conference, the CC correctly recognized the need for the League to turn outwards to the masses, to put the accent more on mass work and less on internal work, and members have acted in line with this orientation.
But leadership over the new areas of work has lagged behind comrades involvement in them, their inter-relationship has not been properly established, and some basic political questions, raised because of the stage of party-building we are at, have not been tackled until recently. In particular, those questions concern the implications of our recognition that we are at the first historical stage of party-building – questions about who are the advanced and how do we reach them, where should the emphasis be put in mass work; the relative proportions (and importance) of propaganda and agitation in the paper, etc., are all tried in with this. The Second Congress’ decisions on these matters will be of great importance in establishing clear guidelines for the organization’s work in the period ahead, and will help the new CC to resolve problems which the outgoing one has only partially dealt with.
The problems indicated above have arisen from success, not failure. Other problems have arisen because of failures or weaknesses of the organizations which united last year , some of which have already been touched on, Here, it has to be pointed out that the errors of both CWM and BCA before unity tended to be ones of liberalism, and both had a weak grasp of democratic-centralism. Inevitably something of these tendencies came into the League with unity; as it happened, this occurred at a time when weaknesses of liberalism were growing in the league and its own democratic-centralism was weakening, so it tended to re-in force some negative trends in the RCL.
d). The work of the Unity Committee did to unite the RCL and CWM was important in preparing the way for the unity of the two organisations. The struggle for unity was a major factor in helping the CWM to consolidate itself as a democratic centralist organization, and to get a stronger grasp of certain political and ideological questions, such as the importance of industrial base building. It also played a part in combatting dogmatism and sectarianism in the League, and contributed to the ending of the RCL’s former exclusive concentration on industrial work, and, in particular, to changing the old League line on Ireland. However, on the RCL side, the issues which were being struggled over were not brought to the membership until the very end of the unity process, and, on the CWM side, they were only systematically brought to members up until the organizational integration of CWM and RCL began at the start of 1980. This meant that members were not politically prepared for the Unity Conference and so were not ready to vote on all the things calling for decision there. This made for some weakness in the political basis of the cc, and also contributed to a certain loss of confidence and lack of direction within the CC – it did not want to repeat earlier errors, but was not certain of the way forward.

17. It was only at the beginning of this year that the CC really began to get to grips with its own weaknesses and find ways to combat then. The document "On Strengthening Democratic Centralist Leadership in the League” was approved by it at that time. Things had come to a crisis point then. The immediate issue was work on the Programmatic Document, for the study and amendment of which the CC had set widely ambitious targets (especially as the document did a poor job of bringing out the main lines of demarcation). But other, more long-standing problems had to be tackled, in particular, in the publications field, where work on CS was a growing strain. It had been idealist for CS to be turned into a fortnightly paper anyway, but it had been kept going on the basis nevertheless, despite warning signs of troubles to come and Revolution’s irregular appearances had ceased altogether.

18 “On Strengthening...” doesn’t really convey the impression of a document that was struggled over as much as it was, nor does it give a full impression of how the CC’s thinking was changing. In fact, it appeared while a lot of questions were still in the process of being thrashed out, and, even now, some remain to be settled. This explains why, while the document makes many correct points, there are places where it is not very concrete, and does not sum things up well. Nevertheless, its overall correctness should be affirmed.

19. What the CC has seen more clearly since the start of the year has been the need to work hard to sort out the main political questions. Organization, ideology and politics are inter-related in the struggle to build the revolutionary party, but politics is the leading factor, and is the key to handling the others well. When the CC. decided that programmatic work up to the Congress should be focused on Section VII, the aim was to hammer out the major questions involved having a direct and immediate bearing on our mass work, and in particular on our party-building work. More programmatic work will be undertaken between the Second and Third Congresses, but what we have succeeded in doing up to the Second Congress will give us a sounder basis for going forward, integrating theory and practice and strengthening the organization in all-round way.

20. The outgoing CC has tried to strengthen its leadership since the start of the year; it has recognized the necessity for it to be the political headquarters of the League, to be close to the membership, to be an effective working body with a proper division of labour between it and its Standing committee, which should be united on the main political questions and assist the CC to formulate and implement its line, and for it to develop methods of leadership (largely through its sub-committees) which enables it to be more concrete and to simultaneously spread the tasks of leadership and make democratic-centralism stronger. It is confident that the new CC will take up the task of developing better leadership, and carry it through.

21. The outgoing CC has made proposals to this Congress on some major questions of political line in particular, proposals which strengthen our position that we are at the first historical stage of party­building, and which re-affirm the importance for our class and us of resolutely fighting opportunism, the most dangerous enemy within the working class. These proposals have been made because the CC wanted to help ensure that we have stronger Marxist-Leninist lines to guide us after the Congress, and to oppose any tendency to weaken our revolutionary Orientation. The only way we will advance to socialism is by grasping and applying Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought to the conditions of class struggle in Britain, not by throwing it out.

22. Much of what has been said about the work of the CC has been negative, but it was necessary to be self-critical. Our whole organisation, not only the CC, is changing onto a new course, but this process has been rather drawn out. We have broken with quite a number of political, ideological and organizational errors of the past, but not yet fully replaced then with positive things. We should be confident that we will succeed in establishing a new sound orientation which will help take us forward in the period ahead.


23. Some particular points need to be added, outside the main body of the report, which is pretty well restricted to the work of the CC as such.

24. The problems the League faces should be seen in context. First of all, there is a world imperialist crisis, and, of the major capitalist countries, Britain is more acutely affected than most. The British bourgeoisie is on the offensive against the working class, which has been weakened by unemployment, and is still mainly under reformist and social-democratic influence. As the present crisis continues, the working class will increasingly realize that it cannot secure its demands through economic struggle, and will turn more and more to the political field, including to more conscious struggles against the bourgeoisie and its state machine, as sections of black youth have already done. But at the present time, we and the class we stand for are faced with the problems brought on by the crisis, while the opportunities are just starting to appear. It is inevitable, in the circumstances, that some of the demoralisation affecting the working class should also affect us.

25. Soviet social-imperialism is on the offensive world-wide; this, and the use to which the western imperialists put it (i.e. lumping together communism and Soviet social-imperialism and anti-communism with various sorts of resistance to Soviet expansionism) has brought pressure to bear on the international communist movement. It is understandable that changes in socialist China will give rise to some disagreements among Marxist-Leninists, but the western imperialist powers, and the Soviet Union in particular, have tried to whip up anti-China trends, split Marxist-Leninists and progressive forces and sow confusion everywhere in the camp of revolution. This has not affected us much internally, but it has had some influence on the M-L movement internationally, and in Britain has had some influence on people who we would hope to win over in the not too distant future. Again, there is another side to this; as the Soviet offensive intensifies, the various forces in the “left“ in Britain are sorting themselves out. Most of those organizations (trotskyites mainly) who formerly vacillated in their stand towards the Soviet Union are now settling down to a more consistently pro-Soviet line, but there are people in most such organizations who have a more accurate perception of the nature of the Soviet Union. As the question of organizations’ attitudes towards Soviet social-imperialism becomes more and more important, the chances of the League winning over these people will grow. No-one who strives to be a consistent anti-imperialist can be one if they defend the Soviet Union.

26. Membership of the League
Gossip is a bad thing in a political organization such as ours – it’s bad for security, and usually bad for morale. We don’t go around giving details of membership for security reasons, but this has been the subject of some talk, with wild statements even being made that “we’re losing members all the time.” In fact, we have had some losses which have occurred for a mixture of reasons, not any single one. A rough count gives the loss of 7 members in the past year (including one candidate member) and gains of 3 (two through industrial work), with the likelihood of several more just after the Congress. But that doesn’t really give an accurate picture of the situation. While our membership has contracted very slightly, our influence, through our mass work, has grown steadily. This will gradually win more members to the League, expand our range of contacts more widely, and help to build a broad anti-imperialist and progressive trend in Britain.

27. Mass Work of the League
CC leadership over the different areas of mass work has been weak in the past year, but comrades have nevertheless achieved quite a bit. The three major areas of work for the League as a whole in the past year have been a) industrial work, b) anti-racist work, c) Ireland solidarity work.
a). Industrial work is necessarily long-term. It takes some time for any comrade going into industry to establish themselves there as part of the workforce, and longer to make a political impact. But industrial work has been our priority area of mass work for a few years now, and the results are starting to come in faster as the result of what our comrades have put in over some tine.
Our industrial comrades generally have a high standing among their workmates, often reflected in the latter’s election of them as their representatives. They have a good style of work, take a strong stand against opportunism without being sectarian, and don’t go in for wheeling and dealing behind their colleagues’ backs. This helps then get a hearing for their politics.
While industrial work has its specific characteristics, it is not an area of work in the same sense as anti-racist or Ireland solidarity work; it is simply the best way to reach the industrial proletariat and organize among them. Our comrades pay attention to issues of the workplace, the unions, etc., but they argue communist politics, taking up a whole range of questions. We have always recognized theoretically that this was the correct approach, and have avoided the economism of groups like CPB(M-L), but practice has demonstrated the correctness of this.
Our industrial work has been affected by unemployment and the general downturn in the class struggle in Britain to some extent; there is a lot of demoralization in large parts of the working class. A longer term problem, which we are beginning to find some answers to is how to develop those who have cone to support much of what we stand for and who are good contacts) but who are not yet ready to join the League (not that we would expect all those to do so. It’s clear that there needs to be a level of commitment and involvement below that of membership. “Class Struggle” groups have been one way of tackling this, but others need to be developed. The experience of comrades in one factory in organizing an anti-racist group shows one way forward. Basically, what seems to be needed is a better integration of the different areas of work. So that they give each other support, inside and outside workplaces. We need to do a better job of mobilizing contacts and winning then through working with them; otherwise, they’ll just reach a certain point with us and then cone no further.
It should be said in connection with any broader, non-League Organization we support or even help establish, that they should be built up in their own right, and given support in accomplishing their own aims. While we wish to win people participating in then to membership of the League, it would be quite sectarian to treat then simply as recruiting grounds. Our record on this has been good and sets us apart from most of the “left” in Britain.
b). Anti-racist work. This has been the second priority area of mass work since the League broke with its exclusive concentration on industrial work. Comrades went into this with enthusiasm and determination to work well, but it has suffered from weak leadership. The establishment of the Anti-Racist, Anti-Fascist Sub-Committee was an attempt to deal with this, but after quite a good start, it ceased to function effectively. After the Second Congress, it must be re-organized and got back on course. It should lead anti-racist work/work against national minority oppression in the way the ISC has led industrial work.
The consequence of weak leadership in this area of work (as in Ireland solidarity work) has been that comrades in different branches have tended to go off in different directions, and take lots of decisions themselves without overall guidance. Despite this, they have done some fine work. In several northern branches comrades have worked hard in campaigns against deportations, and applied the mass line well. This will be of great value in building up wider activities against racist laws. In Birmingham our comrades have good relations with national minority comrades, participate in CARF, and do some other anti-racist work. In Bristol, the branch works in one of the better CARLs. In London, our comrades played an important part in launching Working People Against Racism and are at present, among other things, working in a defence campaign.
In general in our anti-racist work, comrades are fighting state racism and state violence. They have kept the wider picture in view when engaged in particular campaigns, and combined agitation around each particular case with good propaganda against the racist state. In the particular defence campaigns, they have tried to work with those the campaigns have backed, and not relegated then to a backseat role. They have also sought to co-operate well with local national minority people, as well as independent anti-racists. Last but not least, they have shouldered a lot of the hard work in campaigns, and this demonstrated a commitment and seriousness which most "leftists” do not have. All this is serving to build a broad anti-racist movement, with a good anti-imperialist trend within it, and is increasing the League’s influence.
c). Ireland solidarity work has only been taken up within the last year, following changes in the League’s line on the Irish struggle. In this time, most branches have taken on some regular Ireland solidarity work, while the rest have taken Ireland up as part of other ongoing work.
A coordinator for Irish work was appointed by the centre, and this has at least helped, but leadership on this has been weaker than on anti-racist work. One step towards hammering out some of the problem that had arisen was taken the recent meeting of Ireland solidarity activists, but the key to getting this work on a sound basis is the hammering out of the political foundations for it.
We will get on with that job after the Congress. In the past year, the Ireland Commission has worked to, clarify the lines of demarcation on Ireland, and this will be a big help to us in the coming months .A proposal will go forward to the new CC that the commission is replaced by a Sub-Committee, responsible for leading Ireland solidarity work under the CC’s overall guidance. If this is accepted, we can strengthen leadership over this work organizationally simultaneously with putting it on a sound political basis.
d) Other mass work of the League. This generally involves particular branches or a few members in different places; some has been sustained over quite a while (more or less) – for example, participation in SACU and Kampuchean Solidarity; some is new Azania solidarity activity, or the work among the unemployed which Liverpool branch has initiated. The comrades involved have done their best to make a good job of this work, but, given other priorities, the leadership and rest of the organization has not been able to give much back-up to them.

28. Publications
Not much will be said about publications here, as this would involve going into a lot of matters which cannot be discussed very deeply at the Congress. There was some useful discussion of publications work at the recent CS Conference, at which there was broad representation from branches, and right now is not the time to take this further; more summing up is needed first. A few points should be noted in passing:
a). We have taken a necessary step back with CS during the last year.
The original delusion that it should go fortnightly was an idealist one, as the material basis for a fortnightly had not been built, internally or externally. The present circulation is round about 400 plus with a third of that accounted for by sales of one small branch ( Incidentally, if we could achieve a sales rate like theirs throughout Britain, the circulation would be over 3000.). We are in the process of summing up what resources we can put into publications overall, and the results of work done so far will be passed on to the competent bodies as reconstituted after the Congress.
b). There was a period recently when the paper made leftist errors and did not properly express the line of the League; strong criticism has have been made of the cdes. Responsible – both of the CC (responsible for overall guidance) and of the Editorial Committee (more immediately responsible). The orientation of the paper will be firmly established by the decisions of Congress; it will be for the new CC to supervise the paper politically and ensure that it stays on course.
c). Our failure to bring out “Revolution“ over a long period of time has been recognized by the outgoing CC as a major weakness affecting our theoretical progress. When earlier this year, the CC decided to launch an interim journal to help in the struggle over political ,line leading up to the Second Congress, it was also with a view to preparing; the basis for the re-launching of the theoretical journal. The new CC will consider proposals for re-launching the journal at an early date, proposals which involve shifting the bulk of the work on it out of London and establishing responsibility for it separate from that for CS.

29. Finance
The organization’s finances have, up to now, stayed in reasonably good health, but that shouldn’t make comrades complacent; the picture is deceptive. The number of comrades unemployed has tended to rise, while things are harder for a lot of those in work, we are facing the same problems as other working people in these respects and cannot expect any improvement in the near future. If we go on as we are, we should probably find, therefore, that our income stays steady or drops. But our mass work is expanding and that will require more money for leaflets, travel, donations to campaigns, etc. Under present conditions, we could make better use of comrades who are unemployed if we could cover their expenses for increased mass work they might undertake"
There are no easy answers to this problem. Recognising comrades’ own financial problems, and the demands placed on their financial resources if they are to live like other working people (as opposed to living like revolutionary monks and nuns!), the centre drafted a new dues scale which should leave comrades with more disposable income, but comrades should still voluntarily give what they can. More importance will need to be given to fund­raising activities which will draw in money from non-members. As with so much of our work, applying the mass line is going to play a key part in determining how good a job we do of fundraising.
Activities which serve to help educate people politically and show why a communist organization is needed, why a revolution is necessary, etc., will also help to motivate them to contribute financially and in other ways to the League. But even advanced elements outside the League will be more ready to contribute to particular campaigns and struggle the RCL supports, rather than just to the League itself. We should therefore continue and build up the good work comrades have been doing in fundraising to build popular struggles and step up solidarity work. One specific suggestion to be considered after the Congress will be the establishment of a general solidarity fund which anyone can contribute to, and from which we can make contributions to things like the deportation campaigns, Ireland solidarity work, Kampuchea solidarity, etc.
To give some indication of our present financial position, here are a few figures:
Average monthly income–£540. Average monthly expenditure–£415.
Balance–£125. Overall balance–£2900.

Main expenses recently have been:
Publications–about £3000 since January 1980; Wages–£198 monthly;
Congress hall–£120.

Large expenses in the near future:
OB debt repayment–£2,200+ to be paid over a year or so.
Extra ones if we decided to print the paper externally, etc.
There will be a fall in expenses involved in CC meetings because of the reduction in size of the CC.

30. The Period Ahead
The outgoing CC has said that we should aim to have the Third Congress within 12-18 months of the Second. The new CC should start making plans for it as soon as it meets following Congress. Programmatic work will be an on­going task of the organization; the focus of this should shift to the international situation after Congress (this will include Ireland as a major question). But this mustn’t mean that we just pigeon-hole the decisions taken on policy by the Second Congress. The lines determined by Congress should be used; they should guide our work and be tested in practice. There will need to be further work done so that we grasp the content of the policy decisions of the Second Congress, while we put the emphasis of our study very much on the international scene.
We should find ways to realize the objective put forward by the outgoing CC of training ,more working class, national minority and women comrades to take up leadership responsibilities on the Third CC. Branch committees, as an intermediate level of leadership, will play an important role in this, but the whole organization should consider what can be done to realize this aim.
The new CC will have the job of leading the organization in implementing the 2nd Congress, decisions; it will be in a better position than the out­going one to give good leadership. In the period ahead, the whole organization should unite around the line of the 2nd Congress, apply it in our mass work, give full scope to our strengths so as to overcome our weaknesses, and take the work of building the party forward in an all-round way.