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From Socialist Appeal, Vol. II No. 51, 26 November 1938, p. 5.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
PITTSBURGH, Pa. – What is Homer Martin going to do at the convention? This was one of the most frequently asked questions. Best answer was that the auto workers’ president was an unpredictable man. It was generally agreed, however, that if anyone would create a stir at the convention, Martin was the man. Perhaps on the war referendum issue.
John Brophy, C.I.O. director, pulled the first boner of the convention. He announced there would be a meeting of the “paper industrial unions” Monday night. Whereupon a newspaperman asked, “did he mean the Stalinist-controlled unions?”
John L. Lewis looked perplexed and tired during his opening remarks. Even his denunciation of the Nazi persecution of Jews was delivered in a mild tone.
The Star-Spangled Banner was played for an introduction to the sessions. Nothing like trying to whip up patriotism before a pro-war policy is announced.
After Lewis’ plea for democracy and the bill of rights a rank and file member of the miners union told some visitors that his union had been trying to get that for fifteen years within the U.M.W.A. Many of the District officers are still appointed by Lewis. The rank and file wants to elect their own.
A little taste of what price the so-called socialists are going to pay for supporting the Stalinist-Lewis bloc in gaining control of the auto workers’ union was given to none other than Walter Reuther, international executive board member, and president of the West Side Local. He was NOT elected a delegate by the executive board. And you can imagine how much sympathy he will get from the rank and file who saw him help the Stalinists in their “rule or ruin” tactics.
Mr. Tucker P. Smith, another bright luminary of the alleged Socialist Party was a visitor to the convention. He, too, has felt the axe, according to reports. He was dismissed from the educational department of the auto workers.
The cut-and-dried character of the convention so far would have been changed and a much more thorough discussion of the question of labor unity would have resulted from the presence of the International Ladies Garment Workers Union. When a convention committee accidentally mentioned David Dubinsky’s name in connection with a report, the delegates laughed. He is viewed by many C.I.O. unionists as a man who was afraid or too uncertain to fight for his position on unity within the C.I.O.
The International Woodworkers paper, passed out to all delegates, carried an interesting story about the charges placed against George H. Arms, treasurer of Harry Bridges’ longshoremen’s union. It was claimed he was a “red-baiter.” The story revealed that Arms was recently re-elected to that post despite Bridges’ opposition.
The official explanation for the 4,000,000 membership figure given in the Lewis report was that “of course, it means both employed and unemployed.”
It was considered very unlikely that the Workers Alliance would be given a C.I.O. charter, despite the frantic under-cover efforts of the Stalinists who want to save themselves from complete exposure and bankruptcy in the unemployed field.
The notable absence of “outside” speakers of the LaGuardia, Murphy, and other “friends of labor” variety was explained by the desire of the C.I.O. top leadership to have less said about the bankruptcy of their “realistic” policy of working with the democratic and republican “progressives.”
Mr. John Strachey, “The big shot from England” (a Stalinist explained) was hanging around the convention autographing copies of his latest piece of Stalinist propaganda. Apparently the Stalinists had to go to England to get a “literary” name to impress their stooges at the C.I.O. convention.
Chief topic around the press table was “will the Stalinists take over the C.I.O.,” and “why don’t they pep this convention up so I have a hot story.”
Only Postal Telegraph messengers were allowed in the convention. Brophy explaining that a C.I.O. contract had been signed with that company while Western Union was fighting the C.I.O.
The importance of this convention was illustrated in one way by the presence of every well-known labor reporter. Over 50 journalists representing the world, labor and radical press were covering the sessions.
There is little direct rank and file representation at the convention. Executive boards of C.I.O. international unions, regional directors, and presidents of C.I.O. councils constitute the overwhelming majority of the delegates, who number 476.
The key men on every important committee are miners, devoted henchmen of the Lewis machine. The C.I.O. is certainly in his control, organizationally speaking, although the place is swarming with Stalinists. Of course, they do not seem to be worrying very much. The Lewis speech on democracy could have been given word for word by Browder. The only difference is that Lewis carries more weight.
In case any opposition should arise from the floor, the Lewis-miners machine alone controls over 2,500,000 votes. Add to that the Hillman votes (and he is an integral part of the Lewis bureaucracy) of 700,000, and the Stalinist votes of 500,000 (a good deal from paper unions) and you can see how much chance any opposition might have.
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Last updated: 14 September 2015