Source: Problems of the Indonesia Revolution, D.N. Aidit. Published by DEMOS - 1963
Transcribed to HTML by Ted Sprague (23 December 2011)
We are now gathered together to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of the foundation of the Communist Party of Indonesia, the Party of the working class, the Party of the Indonesian Marxists. On behalf of the Central Committee of the CPI, I thank those of you friends and comrades who are present here tonight, I express thanks for all the letters and telegrams of greetings that we have received from home and abroad, for all the bouquets of flowers, and for all the assistance that has been given in a spirit of complete sympathy, on the occasion of this fortieth anniversary.
On this occasion, I shall not give an extensive period-by-period account of the history of the CPI because I did this on the occasion of the thirty-fifth anniversary of the CPI and too, because as part of these fortieth anniversary celebrations, the Institute of the History of the CPI has written a pamphlet about Forty Years of the CPI. I shall on this occasion draw up the basic conclusions of the struggle waged by the CPI to complete the national-democratic revolution as the "gateway" or the "golden bridge" through which we must pass on the way to Socialism.
But before doing so, I should like to say something first about the national character of the CPI. This is an important matter, not only because the imperialists and their agents here in our country are spreading slanders about the CPI not being national, but also because it is important for the Communists themselves who have for long been making genuine efforts to discover the Indonesian way of applying Marxism-Leninism, to translate or Indonesianise Marxism-Leninism, and to imbue all their work with a combination of the spirit of patriotism and proletarian Internationalism.
The CPI is the Party of the working class, the Party of the Indonesian Marxists. But it is a mistake for people to think that the CPI is something that is separated from the general national movement, the movement for independence and democracy. Neither in theory nor in practice is this so. The CPI is the red thread In the Indonesian national movement.
Right from the very start, the Indonesian national movement although basically united in the struggle against Imperialism, has included two trends. One leads to an independent Indonesia that is capitalist, the independent Indonesia of the bourgeoisie, and the other leads to an independent Indonesia that is socialist, that is, the independent Indonesia of the working people. The former is the right wing and the latter is the left wing of the general national movement. The CPI as the Party of the working class that struggles for an independent Indonesia so as to create a Socialist society, is the vanguard of the left wing, or the vanguard of the entire working people in the general national movement. This means that the CPI is the vanguard of the vast majority of the Indonesian people because there can be no doubt that the working people make up the overwhelming majority by comparison with the bourgeoisie, which comprises an insignificant minority. The bourgeoisie is but a small ship sailing in the mighty ocean of the working people. And since the CPI is the vanguard of this overwhelming majority of the working people, it is, theoretically and in accordance with historical necessity, the vanguard of the general national movement. Experience shows that the struggle of the CPI to make this theoretical truth and historical necessity a reality is a protracted, complex and difficult one. This is what the CPI has done since its foundation and what it will continue to do.
In an article entitled The Awakening of Asia, written in May, 1913, Lenin said among other things that "World capitalism and the movement in Russia in 1905 eventually aroused Asia. Hundreds of millions of them who had been subjugated and had lived in darkness, woke from the rut of the middle ages and took the path towards a new life, they awoke to struggle forelementary human rights mid democracy". This article also says: "An important development is the spreading of the democratic revolutionary movement to the Dutch East Indies, to Java and the other Dutch colonies…." and "that the democratic revolutionary movement in Indonesia is being carried out by the masses of the people". What Lenin wrote is completely true.
Imperialism brought about a new situation in Indonesia. Sugar factories, rubber mills and the like, as well as the construction of harbours, railways, repair-shops, etc., required a lot of labour power from the inhabitants. A growing government apparatus and the development of private enterprises needed people with skills, capable of handling modem forms of labour.
As imperialist enterprises grew it was impossible to prevent the penetration of capitalist influences within society. And it is a fact that the imperialist enterprises gave birth to a working class, a class which would lead the overthrow of imperialism and capitalism.
Ever since its birth, the Indonesian working class has waged a struggle against capitalist oppression and exploitation, but in the early stages this was done without any organisation. It was only in 1905 that the first trade union, the SS-Bond, the trade union of workers of government-owned railways, was established. In 1908 the railway workers organised themselves in a mass, revolutionary trade union, the VSTP (Vereniging van Spoor en Tramwegpersoneel). In the 1910s trade unions appeared like mushrooms in the rainy season; there were the trade unions of general workers, of teachers and assistant teachers, of teachers of technical schools, the trade union of employees at the opium department, of customs officials, and so on. It is very interesting to take note of the fact that it was the workers at government departments that first organised themselves, and that this laid the foundation for the revolutionary tradition of the government workers, a tradition which is still theirs.
A trade union is an economic organisation of the workers for demanding better conditions from the employers, that is it is not an organisation for the abolition of capitalism. The Indonesian workers would not, with trade unions alone, be able to free themselves from capitalist exploitation which is the aim of the workers. This is why it is easy to understand that the Indonesian workers could not possibly be satisfied and that they could not possibly stop at a point where they had only set up a trade union.
In May, 1914, at the Surabaja Marine Centre, the ISDV (Indische Sociaal Democratische Vereniging, the Dutch East India Social-Democratic Union, abbreviated in Indonesian to PSDH) was established, a political organisation of the working class that was set up by progressive Dutchmen and Indonesians. The PSDH was an organisation of Marxists, the aim of which was to spread the ideal of Socialism among the masses of the Indonesian people. The PSDH was not an organisation only for Dutchmen, as can be seen from the fact that not long after its establishment, militant leaders of the Indonesian workers entered this organisation.
With the establishment of the PSDH, preparatory efforts were made to combine Marxism with the actions of the masses of the Indonesian workers. The PSDH was enthusiastically welcomed by the Indonesian workers.
The PSDH worked not only among the workers but also within the movement of the nationalists; for example, it co-operated with the Indische Partij the party of the nationalists. After the Indische Partij was outlawed, members of the PSDH co-operated with the Insulinde, the continuator of the Indisehe Partij, an organisation that raised the slogan of Independent Indonesia.
The PSDH also worked within the state apparatus by, among other things, setting up an organisation, the Council of Sailors and Marines, in 1917 in Surabaja; it was this organisation that led the celebration of May First, the day of workers' victory in 1918. In 1919, the PSDH leveled accusations against the Dutch East Indies Government in connection with suppresive actions against the non-commissioned officers and men of the Dutch East India Army (KNIL), composed mainly of Indonesians. In 1919, there was an uprising of KNIL soldiers against the Dutch East Indies Government in Surabaja.
The PSDH made strenuous efforts so establish contact with the masses of the peasants. This was done through the medium of those members of the PSDH who were leaders of the Sarikat Islam (SI). The PSDH influence within the Sarikat Islam grew and grew. This began to frighten the reformists in the SI and they therefore sharpened their antagonisms with the PSDH people in the SI. This led to a split in the SI, which was broken up into two parts, the Red-SI, under the leadership of the revolutionary PSDH, and the White-SI, under the leadership of reformists. The Red-SI, or the left-wing of the SI subsequently became the mass basis of the PSDH and then later on the mass basis of the CPI among the peasants. The Red-SI subsequently became the Sarikat Rakjat (People's Union). '
The 1917 Revolution in Russia had a very great influence upon the revolutionary movement of the Indonesian people. The PSDH enthusiastically welcomed it and strove to tell the Indonesian people about it. This Revolution helped to inspire the revolutionary struggle of the Indonesian people. It was thanks to the PSDH that the Indonesian people quickly came to know the name Lenin, the teacher of the proletarian revolution.
The Netherlands did not take part in the First World War (1914—1918) but its economy suffered very greatly as a result of the war. The Netherlands therefore tried to get more profits from Indonesia by intensifying the oppression and exploitation of the Indonesian people. In addition to giving rise to workers’ actions under the leadership of the PSDH, this exceptionally severe oppression and exploitation led to resistance among the peasants. Peasant resistance even took on the form of uprisings such as occurred in the Kelambit War in Djambi (1917), the peasants uprising in Tjimaremeh (1917), the 10,000-strong demonstration, known as “Tjaping kropak" in Semarang (1917) and the Serikat Abang uprising in Palembang (1918), Also in Tapanuli (1918), in Kalimantan (1918) and in Ternate (1919) peasant resistance broke out.
The class struggle became sharpened and the influence of the Russian October Revolution on the revolutionary movement of the Indonesian people led to a split In the PSDH between the revolutionaries and the reformists. But the revolutionaries accounted for the overwhelming majority, while the reformists, led by Stokvis and others, made up only an insignificant minority. The reformists eventually exposed themselves further by quitting the PSDH and establishing the Indische Sociaal Democratisch Partij (ISDP) in September 1917. The ISDP became a branch of the Dutch SDAP, that is, it became a branch of the reformist Second International.
At the Seventh Congress of the PSDH, held on May 23rd, 1920 in Semarang, the Congress decided, on the proposal of the Semarang branch, representing the largest number of members, to discuss at the basic point on the agenda, the change in name of the PSDH (ISDV) to the Communist Party of the East Indies (PKH) or the Partij der Communisten in Indie (PCI). After a long and bitter debate, the Congress decided to change the name PSDH (ISDV) to the Perserikatan Komunis di India (PKI) or the Partij der Komunisten In Indie; at the PKI Congress In 1924, the name was changed to the Partij Komunis Indonesia (PKI, or abbreviated in English to CPI).
This in brief is the history of the period of the preparation for the establishment of the CPI. It shows clearly that this preparatory period, the period when the Indonesian Marxists called themselves social democrats and when they called their organisation the PSDH, was a period full of activity aimed at spreading Marxism or scientific socialism to the working class and the working people of Indonesia. For the first time In Indonesian history, Marxism uprooted superstition, mysticism and idealism in this backward agrarian country.
Even though the PSDH was not organisationally extensive, even though it did not have many members, its work was not in vain because the working people received it with enthusiasm; the seeds of socialist consciousness that were sown by the PSDH fructified, and the first fruit was the Communist Party of Indonesia. A good beginning of a good endeavour.
Now the CPI is forty years old. The CPI has passed through its period of infancy and is now adult.
What basic conclusions can be drawn from the experiences of the 40 years struggle of the CPI?
The growth of the CPI can basically be divided into four periods or stages.
The first period is the period of the formation of the Party and the struggle against the first white terror (1920—1926).
The second period is the period of illegality and the anti-fascist front (1926—1945).
The third period is the period of the August 1945 Revolution and the struggle against the second white terror (1945—1951).
The fourth period is the period of the national front and the up-building of the Party (1951 up to the present day).
During the first period, that is, the period of the formation of the Party and the struggle against the first white terror, the CPI took an active part in awakening the national consciousness of the Indonesian people, in giving political consciousness to the working claw and the working people in general, and the CPI even led the first national uprising against Dutch colonial power in 1926-1927. The people had a great sympathy for the CPI because of the activities of the CPI members and their preparedness to make sacrifices in the struggle against colonialism. The lesson that can be drawn from this period is that the great sympathy of the masses for the Party and the Party’s rapid growth do not automatically make the Party strong or make it capable of performing its historic tasks. During this period, the Party did indeed rapidly obtain a great following among the masses of the people, the prestige of the Party and the spirit of struggle of the Party cadres were very high, but since Party members and cadres did not master the necessary Marxist-Leninist theory, the Party was not able to make the active elements in the Party the back-bone of the Party, and under critical circumstances, such as at the time of the provocation and the white terror of the Dutch colonial government in 1926, the Party leadership was not able to lead the entire Party so as to safeguard the Party and the mass movement of the people.
As the leading force during this period, the CPI did not unite those forces that could be united so as to completely isolate the reactionary forces. In addition, the CPI did not strengthen itself in the ideological, political and organisational fields. In brief, the Communists during this first period did not have experiences in the question of the national front and in the question of building the Party. This was in the first place because it was not in possession of a correct theory on the Indonesian revolution, with the result that, of course, it was not able to give correct leadership. This means that so long as it did not possess a correct theory about the Indonesian revolution, the CPI could not lead the Indonesian revolution, it could not fulfill the historic necessity and theoretical truth about the leading role of the working class. High spirits are not enough to lead a revolution. High spirits must be combined with a theory about the revolution to which leadership must be given.
During the second period, that is, the period of illegality and the anti-fascist front, the CPI continued to play a most consistent part in resisting Dutch colonialism, and, later on, resisting Japanese militarism. Although the CPI was underground, the people were conscious of the activities of the Communists both because of the movements that it launched as well as because of the news which was either spread or not in the press, about there being a "Communist danger", a good sign for the people. During this period, the CPI had not yet drawn the conclusions of its experiences during the first period.
The lesson that can be drawn from this second period is that, although the anti-Dutch-and anti-Japanese spirit of the people knew no bounds, although the political prestige of the Party was very high because of its consistent anti-colonial and anti-fascist policy, and although the domestic and international situation was very favourable for a revolution, such as the situation prevailing in Indonesia immediately after the Second World War, the CPI entered the August 1945 Revolution badly prepared because it did not understand the theory of the Indonesian revolution, because it had not drawn the conclusions from its experiences of the national front and the building of the Party, added to which was the fact that it had not yet had any experience of armed struggle.
As regards armed struggle, it was indeed not possible for the CPI to draw conclusions before it had taken part in the August 1945 Revolution. But if it had drawn the lessons from the two questions mentioned above, namely the question of the national front and the question of building the party, the CPI would have been better prepared to enter the Revolution and possibly to give good leadership to the armed struggle.
The second period taught us the importance of drawing conclusions in time, and because this was not done, mistakes committed previously were repeated and use could not be made of favourable opportunities. How bitter it is for us to realise that a good opportunity was lost because we had not learnt from the many experiences for which the people and good comrades scarified themselves.
The third period, the period of the August 1945 Revolution and the struggle against the second white terror, the terror of the reactionary Hatta Government, taught us very many lessons. It was a brief period, but a period of revolution and counter-revolution and, while going through this period, the CPI was beginning to study Marxist-Leninist theory fairly regularly. Experiences of this period began to be drawn up by the Party Conference of August 1948, which gave birth to the resolution "The New Road for the Republic of Indonesia", which was made more complete by the Fifth National Congress in 1954. These conclusions amongst others are as follows:
As regards building the national front, this period gave us important experience of the wavering attitude of the national bourgeoisie; it taught us that in certain circumstances this class can participate in and firmly side with the revolution, but under other circumstances it can waver and betray. In establishing unity with the national bourgeoisie, the Party must not abandon its independence and it must not neglect its most reliable and most numerous ally, the peasants.
As regards building the Party, this period gave us the important experience that, without Marxist-Leninist theory as the guide to action and not as a dogma, it is not possible to lead the revolution; it gave us the experience that Marxist-Leninist theory must be welded together with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. Thanks to Marxism-Leninism and thanks to their own genuine endeavours, the CPI leaders began to get acquainted with the conditions of Indonesian society, with the peculiar features and laws of the Indonesian revolution.
In addition, the August Revolution taught the CPI that in a revolution, armed struggle is the most important form of struggle. In addition to depending very much upon the national front, the growth of the Party also depends very much upon armed struggle. The ebb and flow of the armed straggle has a great influence upon the ebb and flow of the united front and the Party.
A very important conclusion has been drawn by the Party and that is that, had the Party at that time seen the solution in a combination of the three forms of struggle—guerrilla struggle in the villages (especially involving the peasants), revolutionary actions by the workers (especially the transport workers) in the towns occupied by the enemy, and intensive work within the ranks of the armed forces of the enemy – it would have been possible to spread and consolidate the guerrilla war during the August 1945 Revolution, with the result that the August Revolution could have been completed in its entirety. The method of combining these three forms of struggle is extremely important; it is part of the theory of the Indonesian revolution, the theory of winning victory in a guerrilla war in a country of islands such as Indonesia.
The experiences of the fourth period, the period of the national front and the upbuilding of the Party, were drawn up by the Fifth National Congress (1954). The Fifth National Congress decided that the CPI today has two urgent tasks, the task of establishing the national front and the task of continuing to build the Party.
Concerning the national front, the Party drew the conclusion that two deviations must be resisted, the right deviation and the "left" deviation. The right deviation lies in giving exaggerated significance to unity with the national bourgeoisie while under estimating the significance of the leadership of the working class and the significance of the alliance of workers and peasants. This is the danger of abandoning the independent character of the Party, the danger of merging it with the bourgeoisie. The "left" deviation, which must also be opposed, is sectarianism, the attitude of not placing importance on the united front with the national bourgeoisie and not exerting all efforts to guard this united front.
In a situation where the compradore bourgeoisie relies upon different imperialisms, the Party can sharpen the contradictions within the ranks of the imperialists and their agents by deciding which imperialism is the enemy number one of the people and the Party. It is this enemy number one which must become the main target of the Party and its liquidation demanded.
The establishment of a united front with the national bourgeoisie opens up possibilities for the development and building of the Party and for the most immediate work of the Party, namely, the anti-feudal alliance of the workers and peasants. The building of the Party and the building of the-alliance of the workers and peasants is the guarantee for proletarian leadership of the united national front.
In connection with the building of the Party, the Congress decided that in order for the CPI to become a revolutionary Party of the Lenin type, its members must master Marxist-Leninist theory, it must expand the membership and organisation of the Party, it must wage a merciless struggle against the right and "left" opportunists, it must practise criticism and self-criticism, it must oppose subjectivism and unite closely with the masses by working for their everyday interests.
The Fifth National Congress gave the answer to all the important and basic problems of the Indonesian revolution. All these important and basic problems of the Indonesian revolution were later on explained in the Central Committee decision adopted in July, 1957, prepared in the form of an article entitled Indonesian Society and the Indonesian Revolution. This article, clearly defines the basic targets and the tasks of the Indonesian revolution, the forces impelling it forward, its character and its perspectives.
Concerning the basic targets of the Indonesian revolution, it states that, since Indonesia is still a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country, the targets are imperialism and feudalism. The tasks of the revolution are to carry out a national revolution to get rid of imperialism and to carry out a democratic revolution to put an end to the landlord system. The forces impelling the revolution forward are the workers, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and other democratic elements who are harmed by imperialist and who consistently oppose imperialism. Whereas the national bourgeoisie may take part in the revolution. the character or the nature of the revolution at the present stage is not proletarian socialist but national-democratic or bourgeois-democratic, whereas the perspective of the Indonesian revolution is Socialism and Communism and not capitalism. The article on Indonesian Society and the Indonesian Revolution contains a complete account of the theory of the CPI about the Indonesian revolution.
The Fifth National Congress of the CPI which answered all the important and basic problems of the Indonesian revolution and which formulated the theory of the CPI concerning the Indonesian revolution, is the clearest proof of all that the CPI has attained the period of maturity, a period which commenced with the resolution, The New Road for the Republic of Indonesia, in August, 1948.
The conclusions of the Fifth National Congress were basically strengthened and developed by the Sixth National Congress which was held in September, 1959. . *
What, then, are our basic conclusions about the entire history and struggle of the CPI during these past forty years?
The first period (1920 - 1926) and the second period (1926 - 1945) and part of the third period, that is, up to 1948, were periods in which the Party was still at the stage of Infancy. During these periods, the revolutionary activities and the spirit of struggle of the Party were very high, and this is why its standing in the eyes of the people was also very high. But even so, the Party was still at a stage of infancy because it had not had experience in three basic questions, the question of the united front, the question of the building of the Party and the question of armed struggle. The Party did not understand the historic circumstances and the situation of Indonesian society, the peculiarities of the Indonesian revolution and the laws of the Indonesian revolution. It did not yet master Marxist-Leninist theory. Under such circumstances, it was of course impossible for the Party to be able to lead the revolution that broke out In August 1945. The period of infancy came to an end with the New Road resolution in which the CPI drew conclusions, though not complete, of its experiences of the national front, of building the Party and of the armed struggle.
During its period of infancy, the CPI was loved by the people because of its courageous struggle, but the Party was not strengthened, persons entering the Party did not get the Marxist-Leninist education they required. No conclusions were drawn about the fairly good experiences gained. There were many active elements in the Party, but they were not made into the backbone of the Party. This was all because there was not yet enough experience, the revolutionary understanding was not deep enough, they did not master Marxism-Leninism so that, naturally, they were not able to combine the general truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. This, then, was the first and second period, and part of the third period. This, then, was the CPI from 1920 up to the middle of 1948.
In the middle of the second period, that is, in 1948, the CPI began to approach maturity. The 1945-1948 Revolution gave many experiences and lessons to the CPI. The Party began to make some progress in its understanding of the history and conditions of Indonesian society, the peculiarities of the Indonesian revolution and the laws of the Indonesian revolution. All this was because a beginning had been made to the regular study of Marxist-Leninist theory, and a beginning was made in studying how to weld the general truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. But this understanding and consciousness came too late, that is to say, it came at a time when the CPI was no longer in the government, at a time when the government was led by the reactionary leader, Hatta, or in brief, at a time when the revolution was on the downturn; this meant that this understanding and consciousness was no longer able to lift the revolution out of a quagmire of bourgeois treachery. This was above all because the Party did not have a strong basis among the peasants after the national bourgeoisie betrayed the revolution with the Madiun Provocation, paving the way for the Dutch colonialists to occupy the Republic with military forces all of this being a preparation for the treacherous Round Table Conference.
The 1945-1948 Revolution actually opened up great possibilities for the Party to become mature because it provided an opportunity for it to review and draw the conclusions of its experiences during the first and second periods, added to which was the fact that there were already enough theoretical books available by that time. But this did not happen because theoretical work did not get sufficient attention from the Party leadership and because of the complicated internal situation in the Party, there being three Marxist-Leninist parties at the time (the CPI, the Socialist Party and the Indonesian Workers Party), and the illegal CPI still continued to function. Since subjectivist ideology, that is, dogmatism and empiricism, still predominated during this period, the Party committed right and "left" mistakes which greatly harmed the growth of the Party and the revolutionary movement. This erroneous ideology led to the vanguard role of the CPI in the field of organisation being underestimated; the independent character of the Party was lost so that, to put the matter sharply, the Party was in actual fact liquidated at that time. In the political field, the Party’s policy underestimated the strength of the masses and exaggerated the strength of reaction; the working class and other working people did not get the necessary political education from the Party.
The Party Conference in August, 1948, settled account with this subjectivist ideology, with dogmatism and empiricism, with right and “left" opportunism. But, apparently, this was not done completely enough because it became clear that, when the Party was placed in a difficult situation as a result of the blows inflicted on it during the white terror, some members of the CC began to think about making a return to the situation as it had been prior to the New Road resolution. It was only, at the CC plenum in October 1953 that this matter was finally settled, and the decisions of that meeting were endorsed by the Fifth National Congress of the Party in March, 1954. With that Congress, the Party, which had begun to attain maturity following the New Road resolution, became a fully mature Party because it had answered all the important and basic problems of the Indonesian revolution and had a complete understanding of the theory of the Indonesian revolution, a combination of the general truth of Marxism-Leninism With the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution.
In connection with opposing dogmatism and empiricism, the Fifth National Congress of the Party stressed that, in order to strengthen the. Party’s ties with the masses and in order for the Party to be able continuously to develop itself, it was very important to develop a style of work that would distinguish the CPI from the bourgeois parties, that is, a style of work that can briefly be described as: combining theory with practice, close ties with the masses of the people and carrying out self criticism. Only by combining theory with practice is it possible for the Party effectively and creatively to use the general truth of Marxism-Leninism to overcome the deviations of dogmatism and empiricism, and to discover and decide upon the correct way to defeat the enemy. In this connection, the Party raised a slogan of study and work: "Know Marxism-Leninism and know the situation”. Only by having close ties with the masses of the people can the party lead the revolutionary struggle to defeat the enemies of the people. In this connection, the Party established the method, of work: "from the masses, back to the masses". And only by practising self-criticism can the Party learn from past failures and mistakes, can it develop itself and can it always guard and strengthen its ties with the masses. A Party with such a style of work, with such special features, is the guarantee that the Indonesian people will attain final victory for their revolution.
The lesson that can be drawn from the above experiences and conclusions is the importance of revolutionary theory. Without theory, or with erroneous theory, a situation that is favourable for the growth of the Party and the revolutionary movement can become harmful to the Party and the revolutionary movement. But correct theory can save the Party in difficult, circumstances, it can impel the revolutionary movement forward, step by step.
Since its foundation, the CPI has been led by the general principles of Marxism-Leninism. This has kept the Party in a position of superiority in all situations. But our own experiences show that it is not enough to be based upon existing general principles. There must be a combination between the general truth of Marxism-Leninism and the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. This bears out the correctness of the statement to the effect that, without revolutionary theory there can be no revolutionary movement, and without practice, theory is powerless. In order to win further successes, the Indonesian Communists must always think independently on the basis of the general truth of Marxism-Leninism and the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution.
The CPI has put forward the theory, the correctness of which has already been proven, that there are at present three forces in Indonesia, namely, the progressive forces, the middle-of-the-road forces and the diehard forces.
The party's line towards these three forces is: to develop the progressive forces, to unite with the middle-of-the-road forces and to isolate the diehard forces. In uniting with the middle-of-the-road forces, the Party also wages a struggle. The Party unites with the middle-of-the-road forces in the fight against imperialism and feudalism but it also struggles against them if they want to reduce the independence of the Party and of the working people's movement.
Our Party has set forth the theory that in armed struggle as was the case during the 1945-1948 Revolution, the Party should not imitate the theory of armed struggle abroad, but should carry out the method of combining the three forms of struggle. The 1945-1948 Revolution would have taken another course, had the Party carried out this method.
Our Party has put forward the theory that, in order to win victory for the Indonesian revolution, Party members and the masses of the working people must be inspired by a combination of patriotism and proletarian internationalism. The Indonesian Communists must wage war against national nihilism and bourgeois chauvinism. The Indonesian revolution is not separated from the world proletarian revolution which was commenced by the Great Socialist October Revolution of 1917. The Indonesian revolution is part of the progressive forces of the world, part of the struggle of the peoples of the world for national independence, democracy and. Socialism.
The Party has put forward the theory that, in order to lead political developments, the Party must pursue the general line: continue to build the national front and continue to build the Party in order to complete the August 1945 Revolution in its entirety. The Party's general line for building the national front is: establish the anti-imperialist unity between the workers, the peasants, the petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie, based upon the anti-feudal alliance of the workers and peasants and led by the working class. The Party's general line on the building of the Party is: one that has a broad mass character mid is spread out throughout the entire country, fully consolidated ideologically, politically and organisationally.
These theories, drawn up by the Party, are based on the general truth of Marxism-Leninism and the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. We arrived at these basic conclusions as a result of the Party’s lengthy experience obtained from the struggle of its heroic members, as a result of sacrifice of lives made by thousands of our comrades, and as a result of our perseverance of Marxism-Leninism. Let us go forward on this correct path of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution.
Under all circumstances, the CPI must be able to translate Marxism-Leninism, it must be able to indonesianise Marxism-Leninism, it must be able to discover the Indonesian style of applying Marxism-Leninism. This is indeed difficult work, it requires perseverance and hard work and we still have much to do in this connection, but it must without fail be done by the Indonesian Communists.
Let us continue to implement our tasks as theoreticians and practicians of the Indonesian revolution.
Having drawn the basic conclusions from the experiences of the CPI's struggle to complete the national-democratic revolution, it does not mean that the CPI’s tasks for the revolution have been completed. This is not the case at all. The conclusions that have been drawn and the theories we have evolved about the Indonesian revolution must be practiced, they must be developed in the course of implementation. It is in this connection that I shall now proceed to deal in my speech with some burning issues being faced by the Indonesian people today, issues that are related to the basic problems of the Indonesian revolution.
At the present time, the, word "socialism" sells like hot cakes in our country. From government officials to national capitalists, from civilians to military persons, from school-children to former colonial officials, from the money-lenders to the landlords, in brief, everyone is talking with great facility about "socialism" or "socialism a la Indonesia". This is a sign of times that the victory of Socialism throughout the world is not only certain but that it is already very close. If government authorities in non-socialist countries, if former colonial officials, money-lenders and landlords have become bold enough to express agreement, is this not legalization of and a moral victory for Socialism, the great aspiration of the workers?
History teaches us that before Socialism had become a reality in the world, there were very few people who were bold enough to state their agreement with it. But after one Socialist country, the Soviet Union, had been established, proof that Socialism could not be held back, many capitalists in western countries began to call themselves "socialists" and to say that they wanted to see "socialism" implemented. They tried to conceal their piles of capital with the cloak of socialism. And today, since the end of the Second World War, now that Socialism has been victorious in many countries, both in Europe and Asia, now that the Socialist system is proving itself day by day to be superior, we need not be surprised if even kings want to be friends with Socialism and if the share holding politicians have to pay courtesy visits to the Socialist countries so as to win the votes of their backward workers in parliamentary or senate elections. We need not therefore be surprised, then, if in Indonesia the word "socialism" sells like hot cakes, especially now when, the Indonesian people have themselves seen that, after fifteen years of our country being independent, the capitalist political and economic system has more and more been exposed as being quite unable to solve the basic problems being faced by the large majority of the Indonesian people.
Do we Communist object if many people talk about "socialism" or "socialism à la Indonesia"? Of course not. If people are bold enough to talk about Socialism this is an advance by comparison with not talking about it at all or abusing it. Should we not be afraid that some of these people are carrying out deceptions? The answer is again no, because today, Socialism is so concrete and so much a living force that deceptions can very easily be spotted. Socialism is no longer an abstract theory, it is something that is living vigorously and for the masses of the Indonesian people, too. Large numbers of the Indonesian people already know what Socialism means for having read about that in the newspapers and from reports of journeys made abroad. So the people can not be deceived, especially now that there are already sufficiently large numbers of those who can explain Socialism to the people. As a matter of fact, we Communists feel that we should salute those leaders and intellectuals who have genuinely helped to spread the ideals of Socialism. To those who aim to deceive the people with socialism so as to divert the attention of the people from current difficulties and win the sympathy of the workers for an anti-workers policy, we must say that you are too late, because the consciousness of the working class and the other working people of Indonesia is today advanced enough to distinguish between Socialism and “socialism".
Today, there are some people who think that the CPI does not agree with socialism “à la Indonesia". They say that the CPI does indeed struggle for Socialism but not for "à la Indonesia". They say that the CPI has become panicky now that "à la Indonesia" has been stuck on to the end of "socialism". Have a taste of that, you CPI fellows, they say. To those gentlemen who want to see the CPI in a panic I should like to say that probably, even before you were born, and certainly before you were bold enough to talk about Socialism, the CPI and even the Marxist organisation that existed before the CPI, the PSDH, was courageously raising the banners of Socialism on Indonesian soil. It is the Communists who first raised the banner of Socialism on Indonesian soil, and it is the Communists who have combined the Indonesian working class movement with Socialism.
Yes, you gentlemen say that the CPI agrees with Socialism but does not agree to the addition "à la Indonesia". Before replying to this, I should first like to ask: what do you mean by "à la Indonesia"? Do you mean "feudalism", "bourgeoisie" or "petty bourgeoisie"? Does "socialism à la Indonesia” mean "feudal socialism", or "bourgeois socialism" or "petty bourgeois socialism"? If this is what you mean' by "à la Indonesia", then we, who are faithful to the teachings of Marx, not only do not agree but we oppose it, as Marx and Engels opposed it more than one hundred years ago in the Communist Party Manifesto. And moreover this is in contradiction with Bung Karno’s aim "to establish a society without nobility, without bourgeoisie, without classes and capitalism” (Ir. Sukarno in "To Achieve an Independent Indonesia", 1933).
But if by "socialism à la Indonesia" you mean Socialism, real Socialism, that is a society free from the exploitation of man by man, established in accordance with the conditions that exist in Indonesia, as is stated in the Political Manifesto of the Republic of Indonesia, 1959, then we not only have no objection but we categorically agree and, in fact, this is what we are fighting for, and for which many Communists have already given their lives. We Indonesian Communists, who are now making strenuous efforts to translate Marxism-Leninism, to indonesianise Marxism-Leninism to discover the Indonesian style in applying Marxism-Leninism on Indonesian soil, do indeed want to see Socialism established in conformity with Indonesian conditions. Were we not to do this, then we would be like the village idiot who cut his toes to make shoes that are too small for him fit.
But you gentlemen should not run away with the idea that we want to practice the theory of "grafting, the foreign Marxist-Leninist tree" onto "Indonesian soil". A tree that could only grow in Europe's cold climate, for example, would definitely die if grafted and planted in Indonesia's tropical climate. What we are trying to do now is not to graft Marxism-Leninism but to combine the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete practice of the Indonesian revolution. It is a universal tree, one that can grow everywhere in the world, that we want to combine with the Indonesian climate. So you see, gentlemen, something that is universal and again adjusted to the climate of our country. How could such a tree not grow, flourish, take root and bear fruit in Indonesia?
There may be some people who doubt the universality of Marxism-Leninism. There are no grounds whatsoever for these doubts because it has been proven in all the Socialist countries, where more than one-third of mankind are living, that Marxism-Leninism can be applied. And so will you gentlemen wait for the whole world to become Socialist before, you accept the universality of Marxism-Leninism? If so, once again, you will be too late.
The Communists would never plant something that could not grow in Indonesia. If we liken the CPI to a tree, then this tree that Is now already forty years old, has not only grown but it has taken root, flourished and borne fruit. As a matter of fact, during these forty years, not a few trees, said to have been more "native” than the CPI, have died off, or are in a state of not wanting to live yet not wanting to die, or drifting along aimlessly but not yet completely submerged. People can shout "native" a thousand times but if that thing cannot flourish in Indonesian climate, it is as "native" as imitation gold. On the contrary, people may shout "not native" or "not national" a thousand times, but in actual fact, the CPI could flourish as a many rooted banyan tree, reaching deep down into the earth, with strong and shady branches, a very good place for the people to take shelter. The CPI is more native than many things that claim to be "native” and "national" but yet cannot grow on Indonesian soil. It is not the "jabbering monkeys", the graduates from foreign espionage schools, trained as part of SEATO activities, that have the right to say whether something is native or not, whether it is national or not, but it is the Indonesian people, and in particular the creative working people.
Thus, If by "Socialism a la Indonesia" is meant genuine Socialism, that is, a society free from the exploitation of man by man, then this is what the CPI has been struggling for ever, since its foundation forty years ago. The CPI Interprets "Socialism a la Indonesia" thus, and this is why the CPI has agreed with It right from the start. Therefore, to those who have the same understanding the Communists make the call: Come, let us fight for these great Ideals of mankind together.
There may be some persons who say: Yes, but the CPI wants a Socialist society that is led by the working class. This is not something that we want, gentlemen, it is a historical necessity if we really want to create a Socialist society. No class struggles more consistently for a Socialist society than the working class because it is the working class that is most directly interested in a Socialist society to rid itself from the exploitation and oppression by capital. Apart from this, there is as yet no Socialist society in theory, or what's more in practice, that is led by the bourgeoisie or the feudal class. If so, then the CPI rejects President Sukarno’s leadership of the Indonesian people at the present time, they accuse. In the first place, we reject this. In the second place, we speak not of the leadership of an individual but of class leadership. The individual that leads a Socialist society may originate from a class other than the working class but may accept the ideology of the working class and consistently recognize the leadership of the working class in creating a society in which exploitation of man by man no longer exists. Karl Marx did not originate from the working class, the more so Friedrich Engels, but they are the creators of the theory that Socialist society must be under the leadership of the working class and for this reason they are the most outstanding leaders of the working class. Once again, we are talking not of the individual leadership but of class leadership, the working class.
But, gentlemen, we should like to take you to more practical things. Since "Socialism, à la Indonesia" is a social system free from the exploitation of man by man, we think that it is not consistent for its followers not to direct all their attention in the first place to getting rid of the domination of the big foreign capitalists and the domination of the landlords that still hold sway in the villages. And it is even worse if there is a desire to strengthen the position of the big foreign capitalists and preserve the landlord system within the framework of implementing "Socialism à la Indonesia". If this is what is done, then this is demagogy, deception, because while pronouncing Socialism it is capitalism and feudalism that is being practiced. Since we Communists oppose demagogy and deception, we have to say calmly but firmly: Socialism is indeed what we want, but real Socialism cannot be united with the power of big foreign capitalists and the power of the landlords, still holding sway in the villages of our country.
This is why, precisely in order to attain Socialism at some time in the future, we must spearhead our struggle today against the most immediate and the most criminal enemies; firstly, against imperialism, of which the big foreign capitalists are the concrete realisation, and secondly, against feudalism, of which the landlords who are exploiting millions of our peasants are the concrete realisation. In other words, we must thoroughly complete the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolution, complete the national and democratic revolution, as the "gateway" to enter into a Socialist society.
If we know that there is a gateway leading into Socialist society, we must open that gateway. If we already know that we must go through the gateway, it is a mistake for persons who want to achieve a Socialist society to break down the walls, to break through the roofs or to get in through the windows. 'This is the same mistake as is being made by those who take up a position of hostility toward the workers because the workers fight for better conditions, who take up a position of hostility toward the peasants because, so they say, the peasants "seize other people's lands", who take strong measures against the small and middle merchants and industrialists while at the same time leaving the Unilever, the BPM, Caltex, Stanvac and the other big capitalist enterprises in full power, and keeping the peasants at the same time in a state of mediaeval backwardness, oppressed and exploited by the landlords. The workers, the peasants, the small and middle merchants and industrialists are revolutionary forces that have to be united to oppose the enemies of the revolution, the big foreign capitalists and landlords, and to open up the gateway to Socialism.
In short, we must complete our revolution, a revolution that is national and democratic character. Only by doing this can we mobilise the national forces as many and as large as possible, and can we bring the enemies of the revolution to their knees and open up the gateway and straighten out the road leading to Socialism in our country. But on the other hand, if this is not done, don't be angry if the people call it deception. And what other conclusion can they be expected to come to? People shout and scream about Socialism but the real intention is only to divert the attention of the people from the current difficulties, difficulties that are brought about by the big foreign capitalists and the landlords together with their agents who spread disorder in the field of economic affairs, who poison the morals of the people, who carry out counterrevolutionary rebellions and subversive activities. Having big foreign capitalist enterprises in our country means that the country of origin of this capital intervenes in our internal affairs. In order to facilitate exploitation, it is in their interest to increase the reactionary forces in our country. There is no need to debate all this; anyone who can think clearly will understand.
To talk about Socialism is a joke and deception of the people if action is not taken to completely eliminate the influences of imperialism and feudalism in economic, political, social and cultural affairs. To talk about Socialism is a joke and deception of the people if bitter resistance is not put up against the leader of world imperialism, the US imperialists, who are today the most dangerous enemy of the people throughout the world, including the Indonesian people. To talk about Socialism is a joke and deception of the people if the insolence of the Dutch colonialists, who are now continuously strengthening themselves in West Irian, is not bitterly resisted. To talk about Socialism is a joke and deception of the people if resistance is not put up against the "Democratic League", which is constantly attacking President Sukarno's policy, a policy that is advantageous to the people, which is disseminating a policy of splitting the national potentials, which is creating conflicts and provocations. The "Democratic League", the league of the Masjumi and the PSI who have been kicked out of Parliament is only two months old, but the people can already see quite clearly that their policy is quite the same as the policy of the American and Dutch imperialists.
This is why all patriotic forces, and in particular those forces that agree with Socialism, must work harmoniously together and wage a militant struggle to defeat the Dutch and the policy of the Americans, to defeat their agents who are spreading disorder in our country, and must, further, destroy everything that provides the basis for these reactionary political forces, that is, the big foreign capitalists and the landlord system. This is the only correct way to Socialism, in conformity with conditions In Indonesia.
The forty years of the CPI are the clearest evidence of the correctness of the party system for the Indonesian people. This is further borne out by the fact the nationalist parties and parties based on religion have been in existence for tens of years. Were the party system not an objective need of the people, were it not supported by the people, parties would not live for such a long time.
According to the present-day structure of Indonesian society, the Indonesian people are divided up into classes and groups, such as the working class, the peasants, the urban petty bourgeoisie and the national bourgeoisie. And, too, there are some Indonesian inhabitants who cannot generally be properly referred to as people, namely, the compradores and the landlord class. In addition, the Indonesian people are divided up into various religions and political convictions.
In addition to economic organisations, each class and group also requires a political organisation, a party to struggle for its interests.
As long as the structure of society remains as it is today, that is, as long as it is still divided into classes and groups, it will be essential to have political parties for each class or group. Collaboration and conflicts between the parties reflect the collaboration and conflicts between the various classes and groups in society. This is the conclusion we arrive at if we think according to history and science. The Indonesian working class has established the fact, in accordance with theory and in accordance with fact, that its economic organisation is the trade unions and that its political organization is the CPI. The CPI has been guided and defended by the working class, and the other working people during the last forty years. The other classes and groups have formed their own economic and political organisations. The compradores and the landlords also have their own economic organisation and political organisation. As long as a thorough-going people's power has not yet been established, the compradore and landlord parties will continue to exist. This means that the compradore and landlord parties, such as the Masjumi and the PSI, will continue to exist so long as the compradore class and the landlord class continue to exist and are regarded as legal.
The Indonesian people's struggle during the last fifty years or so shows that the political parties are a very effective weapon. Through these parties, and through the collaboration between the parties, the people of various classes and groups have united themselves and strengthened their political position. Scared of the people's unity and the growing strength of their political position, all reactionary forces, from the Dutch colonialists and the Japanese militarists, to the Indonesian fascist elements, have desired above all else to dissolve the parties, to disarm the people.
It would not have been possible for Indonesia to achieve independence in 1945 if during the Dutch colonial times there had been no political parties and if, during the Japanese occupation, party activities had not continued, though underground. Only shameless individuals, the ignoramuses and diehards, refuse to recognise the extremely positive role of the parties during the colonial era. Only those individuals who do not understand the essence of the struggle of the Indonesian people believe that party activities ceased with the ban of the Dutch colonial government and the ban of the Japanese militarists. Those individuals who refuse to recognise the extremely positive role played by the parties in former colonial times are the very same persons as those who do not want to recognise the sacrifices made by party members and followers who were murdered on the gallows, who were shot, exiled to Digul, to Flores, who were forced to go abroad, imprisoned, and who suffered poverty and hardship because they were being hunted down by the colonialists. No less a person than President Sukarno himself, when describing the sufferings of the people frequently reminds the people and in particular the youth of Indonesia of the sacrifices made and the sufferings borne by people of the various parties that struggled for national independence and for a just and prosperous society.
There are some persons who would like to cut history off and say: Yes Iindeed, formerly, the parties had a positive role to plays but today this is not the case. Today, the parties are centres of corruption, of "position-seekers", they say. Were the persons who say such things not themselves corrupt and not themselves "position-seekers", there might be some point in considering this opinion. But those who say so are generally just the very persons who are corrupt and who are "position-seekers". The people who are not corrupt and do not seek position never say such things. The individuals try to create the impression that "non-party" persons are not corrupt, that they are not "position-seekers". It is just as if, prior to the time that the present-day parties existed, there was no corruption, no position-seeking. In actual fact, it is precisely the "non-party" individuals who began with corruption and "position-seeking" long before the history of the parties began.
It is not correct to say that, since Indonesia became independent, the parties have had no positive role to play. The parties reflecting the people's interests are centres of activity to raise the political consciousness of the people against imperialism, to give democratic education to the people, to raise the national consciousness of the people to increase their consciousness of' the unity of the nation and of the Republic of Indonesia. Were it not for the parties that have long standing traditions with central leaderships that are respected by their members who are read throughout the length and breadth of the country, parties that defend the unified Republic, who knows how many republics our Indonesia would now be divided into, at the time criminal attacks were launched a few years ago by the "private councils" separatist movement which subsequently became the RGRI Permesta. Hundreds of party members and followers have been tortured, murdered and burned alive by the counter-revolutionary rebels. Is this what is meant by having no positive role to play? I should only like to ask: what, gentlemen, has become of your brains and feelings if you ever had any in the first place? No one can deny that the parties which have followers throughout the country and that defend the unified Republic are the cement of the unitarian Republic of Indonesia.
Of course, there will be some persons who say: yes, but the Masjumi and the PSI were the forces behind the "RGRI-Permesta". This is quite true. But it is also true that they became daring enough to carry out a rebellion because there were such "non-party" individuals as Ahmad Husein, M. Simbolon, V. Sumual and others. Had there not been such persons, in control of armed forces, they would never have dared to rebel; they could not possibly have done such a thing with their bare fists. It is therefore incorrect to blame the party system for this.
Does this mean that the CPI is defending the Masjumi and the PSI? We have no interest in defending those two parties: what we are defending is the party system. If the Government is courageous enough to withdraw the rights of these parties to exist, we would, not only not obstruct such a measure; we would agree to it and support it. There are strong grounds for doing so because these parties support the anti-Republic rebellion, and in those regions where they are in power, not only are republicans prohibited from having parties, but not a few of them are even murdered.
But besides banning these parties that support the counterrevolutionary rebellion, what is even more important is to destroy the source of these parties, to destroy their social basis, namely the imperialists, the concrete form of which is the large foreign capitalists operating In Indonesia, and the landlords. As long as these sources, imperialism and feudalism, have not disappeared, the Masjumi and PSI will continue to exist, perhaps with different names or perhaps the compradores and landlords or their agents will join legal parties and make them the centre of their activities which would mean in essence these parties becoming the new Masjumi and PSI. Therefore, the most important thing is to destroy the sources of these parties, imperialism and feudalism. Once this has been done, there will no longer be any basis for the existence of reactionary parties. And this explains, too, why the reactionary parties oppose the struggle against imperialist and feudalism. The success of this struggle will mean that they will have lost their basis, that they will have lost their right to live.
Political developments in our country during the recent period, especially since the Tampaksiring negotiations in last March have been marked by two forms of bankruptcy:
Firstly, the further bankruptcy of the diehards who are now more isolated because of their consistent support for the counterrevolutionaries. The establishment of the completely undemocratic "Democratic League" is not something that will save them from bankruptcy and this is because their activities are not directed towards strengthening the unity of the people in the struggle against imperialism. The "Democratic League" is a "private council" in new clothing. As was the case with the "Banteng council” the "Garada council", the "Permesta", and so on, the "Democratic League" wants above all to wipe out the Communists, to wipe out the forces that consistently oppose imperialism. The practices of the "Democratic League" which consist of never-ending attacks upon the policies being pursued by President Sukarno, in particular, the Gotong Royong Parliament and the National Front, testify to the fact that they can no longer control themselves.
The "Democratic League" has only needed two months to expose itself completely as the continuator of the "private councils", in preparation for a second wave of counter-revolutionary "RGRl – PERMESTA” activity. They say that the danger comes not from Paris (the failure of the summit meeting) nor from West Irian, but from Kramat (the office of the Central Committee of r the CPI). This is a cunning trick of theirs, the aim being to make the Indonesian people relax their watch, to make them cease to be vigilant, of the American imperialists who were the cause of the Allure of the Summit Conference and of the Dutch imperialists who are today strengthening their positions in West Irian. They have torn off their mask, and their fangs are now visible for all to see, even though these fangs are not strong as those of a wild boar. It is not the "Democratic League" that is democratic but the struggle against the "Democratic League". To resist the "Democratic League"" is to resist the imperialist forces and their compradores who wear the mask of anti-Communism; and this is the foremost form of the struggle for democracy in our country.
The diehards want to repeat what happened in 1948—that is, smashing the Communists by means of a provocation—so as to open the door for the Dutch army to attack the Republic; the Dutch are indeed ready with larger forces than normal in West Irian, the idea of course being to end the matter with another Round Table Conference. In all seriousness, I must warn the Indonesian people not to stop heightening their vigilance for a single moment. If the diehards want to go bankrupt, let them; but the Republic of Indonesia must not be allowed to go bankrupt because of what they do.
Secondly, the bankruptcy of the outlook of those who oppose the party system. The Tampaksiring negotiations strengthened the party, system, a thing which the Indonesian people did indeed need. But I should also like to warn the Indonesian people in all seriousness that the ideas about eliminating the party system are still by no means dead. Some antidemocratic and anti-people’s political adventurers are still thinking first and foremost about utilising the National Front now in preparation to "put an end to the parties and groups". It is the responsibility of the entire Indonesian people to support and strengthen the National Front, but it is also their responsibility to make sure that the National Front continues to be a meeting place, a place for collaboration between the various classes and groups, between the various parties, organisations and individuals that are anti-imperialist and anti-feudal, and that are for a fully independent and democratic Indonesia as the gateway to a Socialist society, in harmony with the conditions existing in Indonesia.
The National Front is not a political party, it is not a class organisation; it is a co-operation body of various classes, various group and various revolutionary and democratic political trends. Every lover of national unity must become resolute fighter for the broadening of democratic rights because it is only possible to unite the people if, they are given the broadest possible rights to organise and assemble and to carry out various kinds of manifestations. To talk about people's unity and yet to prohibit the people from organising and assembling and from carrying out manifestations is the same thing as telling a small child to grow up but not giving it anything to eat.
The idea of "putting an end to the parties and groups" by means of the National Front is a deviation from the real purpose of the National Front and, because of this, if an attempt is made to force this through, it will definitely meet with the opposition of the people just in the same way as the people oppose everything the adventurers do. The people will not allow this to happen, because if the adventurers were to succeed, then the aims of the "non-party" person to make a party by means of trampling upon and in essence putting an end to the National Front, would be achieved. The fascists and adventurers may indeed succeed in putting an end to the National Front, but modem Indonesian history has proved that it is not possible to put an end to the parties so long as Indonesian society is still class society.
The bankruptcy of the diehards and the bankruptcy of their idea to oppose the party system is not something to be bemoaned. Only those individuals whose way of thinking is bankrupt will bemoan the bankruptcy of something that should indeed be bankrupt.
However difficult is the road which the Indonesian people have to take, it is a road that leads to victory. This is proven by the fact that the reactionaries are resorting more and more to intrigues and intimidation, unable as they are to prevent the growth of the progressive forces, unable as they are to prevent the growing unity of the progressive forces with the middle-of-the-road forces, and unable as they are to prevent the growing isolation of the diehard forces. The process of growth of the progressive forces, their growing unity with the middle-of-the-road forces, and the deteriorating position of the diehard forces continues. This is a process that is favourable to the Indonesian people. And therefore it is the responsibility of the CPI to speed up this process by means of more faithfully and more actively implementing the general line of the Party, namely: continuously to build the national front and to continue to build the Party so as to complete the demands of the August 1945 Revolution in. their entirety.
There can no longer be any doubt that political developments and the path of modem Indonesian history will be determined to a great extent by this brilliant general line.
Long live the general line of the Party, the line leading to the victory of the Indonesian people over imperialism and feudalism!
Long live the national unity of the Indonesian people, the guarantee of victory over the anti-unity and anti-democratic diehards!
Long live the CPI, the tireless fighter against the enemies of the people. In defence of the Republic of Indonesia, for complete national independence, democracy, peace and Socialism!
Long live Marxism-Leninism, the invincible banners of truth that go on winning one victory after another!