Source: Problems of the Indonesia Revolution, D.N. Aidit. Published by DEMOS - 1963
Transcribed to HTML by Ted Sprague (22 December 2011)
The CPI Fraternal Delegation to the Twenty-Second Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union has been away from the country for about one and a half months. Some members of the delegation, are still in the Soviet Union on a tour seeing centres of industrial, agricultural, cultural and scientific interest. One member of the delegation, Comrade Anwar Sanusi, had to enter hospital in Moscow, and he has had one operation and will have to have another one. I myself did not go on tour but came home through Peking, Canton and Hongkong.
On the way to Moscow, the CPI delegation stayed in Prague for two days and three days in Warsaw and held fraternal discussions with leaders of the Polish Workers’ Party.
Apart from attending the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, I held talks with Communist Parties from the five continents about West Irian. All Communist Parties with, which I spoke side with the Indonesian people in the struggle for West Irian and in the struggle against imperialism in general. And with the Communist Party of the Netherlands (CPN) which was represented by its General Secretary, Comrade Paul de Groot, discussions were held and a joint statement by the CPI and the CPN was signed. This Joint Statement clearly declares that the CPN and the progressive Dutch people will side with the Indonesian people should a war break out over West Irian between Indonesia and the Netherlands. The CPN would consider such a war as a war of independence for the Indonesian people, that is to say, a just war, and a colonial war for the Netherlands, that is to say an unjust war. In the same spirit, too, discussions were held and a Press Communique Issued by the CPI and the Communist Party of Australia which was represented by its General Secretary, L. Sharkey.
While In Moscow, I also had friendly and cordial talks with the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade N. S. Khrushchev. And while In Peking I had talks with the Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC), Comrade Mao Tse-tung and other leaders of the CPC. These talks were extremely important in arriving at an understanding of what is now happening in the World Communist Movement and in the construction of Communism in the Soviet Union and the construction of Socialism In China. During these meetings I stated my opinion frankly and expressed the hope that all sides would take part in strengthening the unity of the World Communist Movement and the world progressive movement so that all forces can be mobilised to strike the mortal blow against imperialism, the main enemy of the people throughout the world. And we, the Indonesian Communist are not excluded, we too must strive with all our power in this direction. Differences of opinion among Communists must not be allowed to result in a weakening of the struggle against the joint enemy, world imperialism, headed by the United States of America. For Communists first and foremost should be faithful to implementing the classical but ever fresh slogan which Karl Marx raised more than one hundred years ago: "Workers of all countries, unite!"
The Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU was a historic congress because it adopted the Programme for the Construction of Communism, the construction of the most just society in the world. The Programme for the Construction of Communism is a new issue for the World Communist Movement. This is why it should be studied and its implementation followed by Communists and other progressives throughout the world. The targets contained In the Programme are razor-sharp bamboo knives which pierce the hearts of the imperialists. All people who oppose imperialism are benefited by the existence and implementation of this Programme.
During and after the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, the imperialists the revisionists, the Trotskyites and all reactionaries were gleeful over the attacks made against Albania, the renewed attacks made against the late Stalin and against the anti-Party group, etc. As regards Albania, they tried to create the impression as if it was a question of "and now who else is going to quit the Socialist camp". They were just like brothel keepers: from every man leaving they would reap profit. Whereas in fact the question is a totally different one. It is quite a different question from military pacts like SEATO, NATO, CENTO and others which exist by virtue of treaties. The Socialist camp consists of Socialist countries without being bound by any treaty or agreement. As long as a country genuinely has a political, economic and social system that is socialist that country is inside the Socialist camp even though, there is no treaty and even though questions may rise which lead to conflicts between that country and the other Socialist countries. Grouping a country into the Socialist camp is not determined by subjective evaluations but by the objective fact that a country is genuinely building Socialism, a society free from the exploitation of man by man. Albania is a country that is building such a society, a Socialist society. Comrade Khrushchev himself does not deny this.
Thus, if there is any talk of "getting out of” or "entering" the Socialist camp at the present time, the question is not which country is going to get out of the Socialist camp but of which other countries are going to enter the Socialist camp and of which other countries are going to build Socialism. This is the question which our world mow faces because the idea of Socialism is spreading ever farther and the social forces which support the idea of Socialism are continuously growing in countries which are not yet socialist.
Following the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, the imperialists have repeatedly been jabbering about "the imminent collapse of the Communist movement and the Socialist camp" in the same way as they did during and immediately after the Twentieth Congress of the CPSU which condemned Stalin for the cult of the individual. But the facts show that, following the Twentieth Congress, the Communist movement has not become weaker, and far from, collapsing it has on the contrary become much stronger. The Communist movement will never collapse just as the skies have never and will never collapse. Thus it is not the same question as with imperialism which is already old and becoming more and more rotten. Just like an old house, imperialism becomes more and more dilapidated and it will finally collapse. The Communist movement which was started more than a hundred years ago by Marx and Engels in one spot in the world has now spread throughout the whole world and there are about 90 Parties organised with 40 million members.
In the midst of the fog which has deliberately been spread by the imperialists and their agents about Albania, Stalin, the anti-Party group, etc, in connection, with the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, many honest people, including Communists, have been led astray and have lost sight of the fact that the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU adopted the Programme for the Construction of Communism. According to this Programme, within twenty years, Soviet industrial production will increase by no less than six times, agricultural production will increase, by three and half times, the national income of the Soviet State will increase by five times. These are blows for the imperialists and that is why they deliberately divert people's attention from the real problem of the Twenty-Second Congress. They are very much afraid that the working people of the world will know, with concrete and convincing figures, that there will be a society in the Soviet Union in 20 years, time in which the people will be able to get many of their basic necessities such as care of children, and old people unable to work, education, doctor's treatment, housing, transport, rest-homes, lunches, etc. free of charge. Naturally, the Soviet people must work for all this but they will not have to work as hard as people have to work in imperialist plantations for wages next to nothing and not enough to buy decent food and clothing.
Regarding Albania, the CPI was one of the Communist Parties which did not criticise Albania in Its statement at the Twenty-Second Congress. I must explain this and give account to the Communists and working people of Indonesia. The reasons are as follows:
Firstly, the CPI Fraternal Delegation to the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU went to the Congress with a message which had been drawn up by the Political Bureau of the CC of the CPI. When that message was drawn up, the basis for it was the Draft Programme of the CPSU and nothing whatever was known about any criticism being made against Albania at the Congress.
Secondly, I myself, as the leader of the Delegation, was not convinced that criticising one Communist Party at the Congress of another Communist Party would make it any easier to settle any differences of opinion and contradictions existing between them. In this settlement of differences I stand by the principle of "consultation and the reaching of accord", not only between Communists, but also between Parties, groups and forces which oppose the basic enemy, imperialism.
Thirdly, had I taken part in criticising Albania, the CPI members who have been educated in the spirit of the Declaration (1957) and the Communist Statement (1960) would not have understood what I was doing. The Declaration and the Statement say among other things that if any Party wants to clarify questions relating to the activities of other fraternal Parties, its leadership must place the matter before the leadership of that other Party, and if necessary a meeting and consultations should be held. From the time the Statement of 81 Communist Parties and Workers’ Parties was signed in November 1960 up to the time I delivered my speech at the Twenty-Second Congress of the CPSU, that is, on October 21st, 1961, no meeting and consultation had, to my knowledge, been held between the CPSU and the Albanian Workers’ Party.
I hope that, since this matter has now become public, the members of the CPI will carefully study the material of the CPSU, the Albanian Workers' Party and other Communist Parties regarding the matters at present concerning the World Communist Movement.
I must declare once again that, as long as the question is one between Communists and as long as the Communist Parties stand by the Communist Declaration (1957) and the Communist Statement (1960), all differences of opinion, however great they may be, shall be resolved.
The CPI, as I have stated repeatedly,—and this is in accord with the contents and spirit of the 1960 Communist Statement—is an independent Marxist-Leninist Party which has equal rights with other Communist Parties, which is not led by any other Party. Guided by Marxism-Leninism the CPI determines its policies itself. The CPI is responsible to the working class and working people of Indonesia. But together with this, the CPI is also responsible to the world working class movement. This is why the Indonesian Communists must not be passive in face of the fact that there are differences among Communist and Workers Parties of the world.
Regarding Stalin: On the one hand, Stalin is one of the foremost late leaders of the CPSU. It is the right of the Soviet Communists to do what they like with their former leader, Stalin (condemn him, put his body into the mausoleum and then take it out again, change the name of the town of Stalingrad to Volgograd, and so on). From this point of view, everything the CPSU has done against Stalin can be regarded as the internal affair of the CPSU and other Communist Parties have no right to and may not interfere. Other Communist Parties cannot possibly know the innermost internal life of the CPSU just as the CPSU cannot possibly know the innermost internal life of other Communist Parties.
On the other hand, Stalin is a former international leader who led the continuation of Lenin’s effort to build Socialism in the Soviet Union and who played an important part in the defeat of fascism. Stalin not only has moral ties with the Communists of the world but also with anti-fascist fighters who are not Communists. Every Communist and democrat can talk about Stalin as an international leader.
The Indonesian Communists support the CPSU in its criticism of Stalin in connection with the cult of the individual. Together with this, the Indonesian Communists continue to appreciate Stalin since much of his speeches and articles—such as those about the revolutions in the countries of the East, including, the Indonesian revolution—is still useful today,
I've not been caught in the trap of the imperialists trying to make people believe that the Soviet Communists at their Twenty-Second Congress have "thrown out" Stalin. This is not in accordance with the facts. The Soviet Communists have not "thrown out" Stalin. What has happened is that Stalin is not placed on the same level as Lenin but he is placed together with foremost leaders of the CPSU and the Soviet Union such as Kalinin, Sverdlov, Ordjonikidze, Dzherzhinsky, Zdhanov, Frunze and others.
And too, the way of opposing the anti-Party group in the CPSU is the internal affair of the CPSU. Other Parties have no right to interfere, because they cannot possibly understand thoroughly the situation and the problem. I only draw the conclusion that the method of solving contradictions within a Party depends very much upon the history, traditions, situation and the leadership of the Party in question. This means that each Party can have its own style in solving internal contradictions, Indonesian Communists do not interfere in the internal affairs of other Parties just as the CPI does not want others to interfere in its internal affairs. This does not mean that Indonesian Communists do not like to hear anything from other Parties about its internal affairs but the adoption of decisions about internal affairs is the absolute right of the Communist Party in question. Only in this way can the friendship between the CPI and other Communist Parties and the friendship between Communist Parties in general be guarded and made closer. The interference of one Party in the internal affairs of another Party will only lead to splits and unnecessary difficulties in the Party concerned.
Regarding the Communist movement: Ever since the Communist Movement was first created by Marx and Engels, since the First International (1864-1876), there have been differences of opinion within this movement. In fact, the Second International (1889-1914) which was established by Engels (Marx had died in 1885) was distorted by Bernstein, Kautsky and others with the result that it became an opportunist and reformist movement. At that time, many people thought that the Communist movement, the Marxist movement, had collapsed. But the facts were otherwise. There was Lenin who hot only held high the banner of Marxism but who also won victory for the first Socialist Revolution and established the revolutionary Third International (1919-1943). Marxism won victory in one-sixth of the world, in the Soviet Union, and Communist Parties have spread throughout the whole world.
In Indonesia, many people thought that the CPI would break up when its political and organisational mistakes were sharply criticised in the Resolution "A New Road for the Republic of Indonesia", and even more so after the CPI has been struck by the white terror in the second half of 1948. But the facts are otherwise. The CPI did not become weaker. On the contrary.
In brief, the Communist movement, the revolutionary movement and progressive movement in general will not collapse, just as the skies will never collapse. Of course there is a reason for this! The reason is that the working class, the working people and the colonised peoples want to free themselves from exploitation, want the revolution. This desire to carry out the revolution will never be extinguished and this is why the Communist movement, the revolutionary movement and the progressive movement will never stop whatever may happen.
Differences of opinion among Communists have never stopped because Communists are carrying out revolutionary practice. But there is no difference of opinion which cannot be resolved as long as these are questions among Communists, as long as the banner of Marxism-Leninism are held high among the people and Parties. The Communist Declaration of 1957 and the Communist Statement of 1960 are brilliant results of resolving differences of opinion among Communists. In the course of resolving differences of opinion among Communists in one Party, and between Communist Parties, the thinking of Communists becomes sharper and their ability and power to struggle become greater.