Source: Problems of the Indonesia Revolution, D.N. Aidit. Published by DEMOS - 1963
This Seventh National Congress is an Extraordinary Congress which we have had to convene in connection with the necessity to bring the Constitution (the Statutes and the Bye-Laws) and the Programme of the CPI into line with the provisions of Presidential Decree (Penpres) No.7/1959 and Presidential Regulation (Perpres) No.13/1960.
As you know, according to the Decision of the President of the Republic of Indonesia No. 128/1961, the CPI has been accorded recognition as a party that meets the provisions of these regulations. This is a victory for the revolutionary and democratic movement in our country, especially if it is connected with the fact that, based on these same regulations, the diehard parties the Masjumi and the PSI, are prohibited.
We call this Congress an Extraordinary Congress because it is being held before the expiration of the time fixed in the Party Constitution, that is, five years, and because its purpose is limited. The limitations of purpose explains why we have not invited delegations from fraternal Parties, except those Parties that are directly connected with the struggle for the liberation of West Irian. In our midst, there is a delegation of the Communist Party of Japan led by Comrade K. Kurahara and a delegation of the Communist Party of Australia led by Comrade Laurie Aarons. On behalf of all Congress participants, on behalf of all the members of the CPI and on behalf of the Indonesian people who are now engaged in a most bitter struggle for the liberation of West Irian, I welcome and thank these honoured guests of ours, I thank their Parties and their peoples who are genuinely and militantly supporting our just struggle. We also sent an invitation to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Netherlands (CPN) but because of pressure of work in the Netherlands itself, including intense activities in storming the Dutch colonialists in their own den, the CPN has been prevented from sending a delegation. Nevertheless, this in no way lessens our gratitude to the CPN and the workers of the Netherlands for all their assistance to the struggle of the Indonesian people in the fight against the Dutch colonialists. We also express our thanks to all those Communist and Workers Parties which have sent written messages to this Congress. And our deepest thanks
go to all those at home, who have contributed and given assistance and have sent our Congress good wishes.
The period between the Sixth National Congress which was held in September, 1959, and this Seventh Congress, a period of about two-and-a-half years, has been a period full of events, both at home and abroad, both within the Party as well as outside it. We must, of course, review all this and evaluate it. Moreover, we would not be able to understand thoroughly the correctness of the Party’s policy in accepting the provisions of Penpres No.7/1959 and Perpres No.13/1960, we would not be able to understand the significance of the CPI’s recognition on the basis of these regulations, were we not to connect it with the developments that have taken place since this political attitude was adopted.
This General Report is not aimed at giving an account of the implementation of the tasks set by the Sixth National Congress. Neither is it aimed at setting new basic tasks because, as regards this, the decisions of the Sixth National Congress still apply in full. This is why the decisions of the Sixth National Congress must still be continuously studied and implemented doggedly and resolutely by all Party members.
Experiences during the past two-and-a-half years proves. that the more faithfully, resolutely and skillfully we implement the decisions of the Sixth National Congress the greater are the successes won by the Party and the people in the struggle against all their enemies and in strengthening their political position.
This General Report is aimed at making an evaluation where necessary of developments at home and abroad, within and outside .the Party, since the Sixth National Congress and based on this evaluation, to establish some new urgent tasks. Introductions regarding changes in the Constitution and changes in the Party Programme will be given by Comrade M. H. Lukman and Comrade Njoto respectively.
The Sixth National Congress was a historic Congress, a Congress of great significance for Party life and for political life in our country, and it cannot possibly and must not be relegated in importance by this Extraordinary Congress. The beacon for Indonesian Communists in all their activities is the instructions and directives established by the Sixth National Congress. '
Experience during this past two-and-a-half years shows that the Sixth National Congress greatly increased the ability of the Party and that it reinforced the position of initiative of the Party. The confidence of the masses of the people in the Party is continuously increasing, and however difficult and complicated the political situation may be, the masses of working people understand the policy and tactics of the Party,
The progressive forces have developed further and become more consolidated and their role is assuming an ever more decisive influence on the political life of the country. The unity between the progressive forces and the middle-of-the-road forces, and especially with its left-wing, has become stronger. The role of the left-wing of the middle-of-the-road forces and their courage in opposing the diehards have grown. The festering boils of the diehards have become more and more exposed and, within a relatively short period, in only about two years, the new rightists have ceased to be new. They have bared themselves with their deeds which harm the people, their foulness and criminality are already well-known by the broad masses, and they have begun to get very intimate in their unity with the old rightists, including former big-shots of the RGRI-Permesta and DI-TII, though some of them are still very coy about it. But the efforts of the new rightists to unite with the old rightists have given rise to new contradictions within the ranks of the rightists which are becoming deeper with every passing day.
Communist-phobia is not only detested by the working people but is also condemned by President Sukarno as an act of persons who are not in their right minds. The appointment of two Communist leaders and leaders of other NASAKOM parties as Ministers in the new-style Kerdja Cabinet on March 9th, 1962, is a hammer blow at the heads of these mentally-defeated Communist phobs, it demonstrates the obsolescence of the political concepts of the rightists at home and the imperialists, it is a resounding blow against the "cold war" campaigners.
During the period between the Sixth National Congress and this Seventh National Congress, the Central Committee has held four Plenums and one National Conference has been held. These meetings examined the execution of the tasks set by the Sixth National Congress and fixed the, most urgent tasks in connection with the development of the situation.
As part of the implementation of the General Line of the Party, the Second Plenum of the Central Committee decided to raise the "Three Banners of the Party", the banner of the national front, the banner of the building-the-Party, and the banner of the August 1945 Revolution, and it also gave the answer to a number of cadre problems, especially the question of cadre policy and of the way of handling cadres.
The Third Plenum of the CC once again solidified and strengthened
the stand regarding the basic tactics of the Party and solidified the resolve of Indonesian Communists implementing the Tri-Command of the People to seize West Irian, as well as in facing the emergence of a passing phenomenon, a difference of opinion within the world Communist movement. It stressed the necessity to further strengthen national unity and Communist unity. Based on the decisions of the Third Plenum of the CC, our Party has raised high the "Three Banners of the Motion", that is, the banner of democracy, the banner of unity, and the banner of mobilization the three most pressing problems for the Indonesian people in the struggle against imperialism, especially in the struggle to expel colonial power from West Irian and to overcome the food-and-clothing crisis. For this, the Party has also put forward the slogan which expresses the fighting determination of the people, "to hold a rifle in one hand and a spade in the other" or "to struggle with rifle and spade in hand". In fulfilment of this slogan, our Party has encouraged the youth, especially the Communist youth In the Pemuda Rakjat (People's Youth), to enter volunteers’ Training Centres and to launch the "1,001 Movement" for an Increase In the production of foodstuffs.
Experiences during this past two-and-a-half years prove that the four basic slogans raised by the Sixth National Congress have Inspired all Party activities. These slogans are: "With the CPI in the fore, continue the people's struggle for a fully independent and democratic Indonesia", "Improve the work of the national front, further isolate the diehards", "Strengthen the international anti-colonial and peace-loving front" and "Continue to build a Party throughout the country that is closely linked with the masses, that is consolidated ideologically, politically and organisationally". These slogans will continue to Inspire and guide our Party's activities in the future.
This Congress is being held in an extremely favourable international situation which is distinguished by the victories of the new emerging forces over the old established forces, which is distinguished. by the mighty successes of the national independence struggle and by the construction of Socialism in all the Socialist countries crowned by the construction of Communism in the Soviet Union.
This Congress of ours is being held just as the Kerdja Cabinet is about, to complete three years of implementation of its Three-Point Programme. The entire people hope for changes in the political system and in political freedoms for the people, so that this good Three-Point Programme can be fully implemented, and so that the corruptors of State property and the economic and financial difficulties of the country, as well as the sufferings of the people, should not continue to intensify as is the case at the moment.
This Congress of ours is being held in a situation in which Marxist-Leninist unity within our Party is getting more and more steeled, in which out Party is becoming more and more consolidated, politically, organisationally, and ideologically, in which the spirit of service and devotion to the people is becoming higher and higher. Recently, efforts have been made to split our unity from within by sending round anonymous letters which are made to look as if they come from Communists. After we investigated this, it became clear that they came not from Communists but from outsiders, and there were even some that were sent from abroad.
During the period between the Sixth National Congress and the Seventh National Congress, we have lost a number of comrades at home and abroad whose fidelity and staunchness in raising high the banners of independence and Communism have been well tested. At home, we have lost, among others, the Deputy Secretary of the CPI Djakarta Raya Committee, Comrade Hutomo and some other leaders of the CPI and the workers movement. Abroad, we have lost comrades whose names are renown in the ranks of the Communists and the world working class movement, such as Comrade Harry Pollit, Chairman of the Communist Party of Great Britain, Comrade Wilhelm, Pick, foremost leader, of German Communists, Comrade Sean Murray, Chairman of the Communist Party of Northern Ireland, Comrade Farajallah Helou, Secretary of the Communist Party of the Lebanon, Comrade William Z. Foster, Honorary Chairman of the Communist Party of the United States of America, Comrade Ajoy Khumar Ghosh, General Secretary of the Communist Party of India, Comrade Elias Lafferte, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Peru, Comrade Ir. S. J. Rutgers, member of the Communist Party of the Netherlands and expert , on Indonesia and Comrade Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist. Party of the United States of America.
Let us all stand up, bow our heads in mourning and pay tribute to these best sons of their fatherland and people, to those both whose names I have mentioned as well as those whose names I have not mentioned, who gave everything they had for the mighty cause of independence and Communism.
The period we are now reviewing is a period of bitter struggle between the pro-Manipol and the anti-Manipol group. The pro-Manipol group are the Indonesian people, that is, the workers, the peasants, the urban petty bourgeoisie. The intelligentsia and the national bourgeoisie. The anti-ManipoI group are the imperialists, the landlords, the compradores and the bureaucrat capitalists. This struggle is being waged In the political, economic, military, scientific and cultural fields, and one by one, the pro-Manipol side has scored victories. Everywhere the strongholds of the reactionaries have been thrown into disarray by the Manipol offensive.
Victory for the Manipolists means expanding and consolidating the progressive forces and national unity. This struggle will continue just as long as the demands of the August 1945 Revolution have not been implemented in their entirety, just as long as there are still imperialists, landlords, compradores and bureaucrat capitalists as well as their defenders in Indonesia.
1. Continue the Advance for Democracy and for a Gotong Royong Cabinet
The basic demand of the Sixth National Congress of our Party is: Democracy and a Gotong Royong Cabinet. Under the Influence of these demands, the struggle of the people to complete the demands of the August 1945 Revolution has accomplished certain results during the last two-and-a-half years.
The demands which were put forward by the Sixth National Congress, the demand for democracy and a Gotong Royong Cabinet, are in line with the demand for the consistent implementation of the Manipol, of Decisions No.I and II of the Provisional People's Consultative Assembly (MPRS), that is, the Broad Lines of State Policy and the Broad Lines of the Construction Plan. The fact that, at the demand and under the pressure of the people, the people's demands have become the political line and programme of the Government, is an important victory for the revolutionary struggle of the Indonesian people.
But, so long as no democratic changes have taken place In the political system fully reflecting national gotong-royong in keeping with President Sukarno's Concept (his speech of February 21st, 1957), the implementation of which the people have been demanding for more than five years, then, the realisation of all these things so well formulated in laws and in lines of policy as well as in the Government's programme, will not only not proceed smoothly but will definitely meet with failure. State organs, such as the Supreme Advisory Council (DPA), the Gotong Royong People's Legislative Assembly (DPRGR), the National Planning Council (Depernas), the MPRS and some of the Regional Legislative Councils and Regional Administrations, as well as the recent regrouping of the Kerdja Cabinet and the establishment of a Consultative State Leadership (MPN), are indeed efforts aimed at bringing about democratic changes in the political system in conformity with the demands of the masses of the people. But all are efforts which, must be continued because the Government and the State apparatus have not undergone any major changes such as is desired by President Sukarno’s Concept, the Political Manifesto, the Djarek, the President's Message on Construction and the Re-so-pim-speech. The Re-so-pim categorically demands a retooling of the State apparatus. Thus, there is still no guarantee that the Eight-Year development Plan, the Three-Point Programme of the Cabinet, and the Tri-Command of the People will not meet with serious obstructions, both from within and outside the State apparatus, there is still no guarantee that firm and correct steps will be taken against imperialism and feudalism, against those who deviate from and sabotage the implementation of the MPRS Decisions, the Three-Point Programme and the Tri-Command of the People.
Practice has reaffirmed once again what the Sixth Congress pointed out, as follows:
"The people have had the experience that although, since the Round Table Conference agreement, cabinets have changed frequently, there has not yet been a cabinet which has been strong enough to solve the difficulties being borne by the country and the people. The people have had experience of anti-Communist cabinets such as the Hatta, Natsir, Sukiman and Burhanuddin Cabinets. These cabinets were not only incapable of solving the pressing problems of the people but they also dragged Indonesia more deeply into economic crisis and national disruption. The non-Communist cabinets, cabinets in which Communists have not participated but which have been supported by the Communists, such as the Wilopo Cabinet, the first and the second Ali Sastroamidjojo Cabinets and the Djuanda Cabinet, were also incapable of pulling Indonesia out of crisis. Reflecting these experiences and guided by the ideas contained in the President Sukarno Concept, it is correct and just for the people to demand, within the framework of the implementation of the 1945 Constitution, that a Gotong Royong Cabinet be established under the leadership of President Sukarno, in which should be represented all parties and functional groups who genuinely favour the implementation of the ideals of the August 1945 Revolution which is national and democratic in character. Only with a Gotong Royong Cabinet, a Cabinet which includes Communists, can all national forces be aroused and mobilised on a large scale to overcome all the difficulties whatsoever that are being faced by our country and people, including the possibility to overcome the protracted economic crisis”.
The demand for the formation of a Gotong Royong Cabinet is becoming more and more vociferous with every passing day. In the ranks of the middle-of-the-roaders, too, the element agreeing with the formation of a Gotong Royong Cabinet is becoming stronger. Resisting this progressive development, the reactionaries, and in particular the diehards, are striving as hard as they can to split national unity with NASAKOM as its axis, they are striving to implant the spirit of Communist-phobia among the middle-of-the-roaders. The reactionaries are trying hard to draw the middle-of-the-roaders over to their side, and the right-wing is their main target in order to destroy the national forces.
In face of such a situation, the Party is preventing splits and is continuously strengthening NASAKOM co-operation as the axis of national unity. Without the NASAKOM axis, the wheel of national unity cannot go round. In conformity with the Decisions of the MPRS, the Party is continuing to demand a retooling of the State apparatus. President Sukarno's idea expressed In the Re-so-pim speech, calling upon his assistants to step aside or be removed if it becomes apparent that they are no longer capable of implementing the Three-Point Programme of the Cabinet, should be put into practice. Only by doing this and by forming a Gotong Royong Cabinet will it be possible to make efforts to ensure that the sufferings of the people in their everyday living conditions will not drag on endlessly. Having a Gotong Royong Cabinet means uniting the entire potentials from above and this will make unity below easier.
Holding firmly to the line of consolidating the national front and lessening the sufferings of the people, the Party made it clear at the "Harian Rakjat" tenth anniversary meeting on January 10th, 1961, that “the formation of a Gotong Royong Cabinet is not in the first place for the interests of the Communists but for strengthening national unit so as to be able to implement the Three-Point Programme of the Kerdja Cabinet and the First Eight Tear Motional Development Plan. If it depends on the Communists, what is demanded at the present time is only that changes should be made in the structure and personalia of the Cabinet... The question of Communists being included in the Cabinet may of may not be raised at the present moment". It was possible, with this policy, to mobilise greater forces for the introduction of changes in the political system and in political liberties for the people.
At the beginning of March this year, President Sukarno made changes in the Kerdja Cabinet which were in the nature of a regrouping. In connection with this regrouping, not only was the question of Communists not disregarded but in fact they were brought into the Cabinet. The structure of the Cabinet underwent some changes but the persons occupying the important positions remain unchanged. This is why the regrouping does not alter the Kerdja Cabinet in essence.
The Manipol says among other things: “Although the Political Manifesto is extremely important... its realisation depends upon the persons entrusted with the task of its implementation” (last paragraph of the Elucidation of the Manipol). In the last resort it is the man that is decisive, as Bung Karno has frequently said. Thus, the question of personalia is the decisive factor in implementing the Cabinet's programme. The personalia represents groups or classes in society. The progressive Cabinet programme can only be executed by a Cabinet the personalia of which 'is also progressive.
This makes it clear why the regrouping was not enthusiastically welcomed by the people. Naturally, the reactionaries were quick to draw political advantage from this fact, so as to set the people against Bung Karno, to spread cynicisms apathy and defeatism. But is the situation so bad as the reactionaries depict, is it so that the regrouping is politically harmful to the Indonesian people?
No! If the people's welcome for the Cabinet regrouping was not enthusiastic, this was not because the political situation became worse than before the regrouping but because the people saw no sign that with a regrouping of this kind, living conditions would get better.
The political situation did not get worse as a result of the regrouping. And so, it is not like what some rightists depicted in order to arouse the improper fury of the people. Other rightists tried to create the impression that the regrouping was a victory for them, that President Sukarno sided with them, and in this way tried to destroy the dwi-umvirate of Sukarno-and-the-people. But they slipped up here-because, thanks to the shrewdness of the people in drawing lessons from their experiences and because of their increasing sufferings caused by the rightists, their political consciousness is much higher than they reckoned with.
One thing is clear and that is that, with this regrouping, all the nonsense talked in the past by Masjumi and anti-Communist Front leaders about the "sinfulness” and "heresy” for Moslems to be in a cabinet together with Communists, has evaporated, like dew evaporates under the rays of the morning sun. As I explained earlier in this report, this fact is a hammer blow at the hard-heads of the reactionaries who disseminate Communist-phobia in order to split the unity of the Indonesian people. This is a blow for the followers of van der Plas and Co. In this way, an important weapon of the imperialists in the “cold war” campaign, anti-Communism, has been rendered powerless, even though there still are diehards who would like to make use of it. In this connection, the regrouping of the Kerdja Cabinet is positive and should be well received.
It is also clear that the appointment of political party leaders as ministers who sit in the Consultative State Leadership indicates a tendency towards democratisation of the system of government, towards the implementation of an important part of the-Re-so-pim speech — the implementation in practice of the "two elements" of Guided Democracy, the "element of democracy and the element of guidance", the implementation of the fact that Guided Democracy "must also be directed at protecting and increasing the rights of the people..." The participation of Nationalist, Religious and Communist political party leaders signifies the participation of the broad masses, it signifies that there is a trend towards the democratisation of the system of government.
Another thing no less clear is that, in regrouping the Kerdja Cabinet, President Sukarno has not yet pushed aside but has pulled down a step some of his assistants who stubbornly refused to heed the criticism of the people and who are incompetent. It is appropriate for our Congress to express Its appreciation for President Sukarno who did, within limits, heed the people's criticism Including the Communisms criticism, of those of his minister-assistants who are incompetent. This proves yet again that the demand of the people expressed through letters, petitions, statements, delegations and the like will definitely succeed if they are reasonable and are continuously expressed. This time, it was a partial success, another time the success will be complete! A resolute people will definitely be victorious, but the reactionaries, however "resolute" they may be, will definitely fail! This, is a law and we revolutionaries must help make this law operate well.
Some reactionary leaders, after seeing that they were powerless to prevent Communists from becoming ministers, said: ""Now, just see, Communists have become ministers and this means that CPI is partially responsible for all the actions taken by the government, and this includes responsibility for rising prices, for the soaring of the price of rice, for the disappearance of sugar, cooking oil, soap and the like from the market”, or “Now, just see, a NASAKOM Cabinet, a Gotong Royong Cabinet has already been formed because leaders of the Partai Nasional Indonesia, the Nahdlatul Ulama and the CPI are now in the Cabinet”.
Communists are not persons who like to evade responsibility for all matters, involving the interests of the people. The joys and sorrow of the people are the joys and sorrows of the Communists. The fate of the people is the fate of the Communists. Yes, the very fact of becoming a Communist already means courageously taking responsibility for everything which concerns the affairs of the people. This is why, too, it is the duty of Communists to stand in the fore most ranks, regardless of the risks, in defence of the social, economic, political and cultural demands of the people.
But if one is to be considered as being responsible for all the actions taken by the Government, then this question must first be answered: Do the Communists get the opportunity to take part in deciding upon the policy and in implementing the programme of the Government?
There is one principle accepted by all classes and groups and that is that: a class or group cannot be regarded as being responsible, that is to say, too, it cannot be blamed, for measures taken, by a government if that class or group does not hold governmental power. This principle is accepted both by the bourgeoisie and by the proletariat. The bourgeoisie would not want to be considered responsible for measure taken by a government in which they do not govern. And in the same way, too, there is no the slightest grounds for blaming the proletariat for the measures of a government in which the proletariat does not hold government power. On the contrary, the proletariat and the entire working people, as the exploited and oppressed, are entitled to criticise government measures that are harmful to the people.
We Communists have already struggled and, will continue to straggle for an improvement in the living conditions of the people or at the least, in order to prevent their deterioration. If we, in fact and according to our inner-conscience, have done everything within the confines of our ability, and yet the situation fails to mark any improvement for the people, then the people must be given the understanding that the basic cause of all this is that there is not yet a concentration of national forces in which the workers and the peasants are really a basic force of the revolution and must become the pillar of society. (Manipol)
As regards the re-grouped Kerdja Cabinet, President Sukarno has never referred to it as a Gotong Royong Cabinet or a NASAKOM Cabinet. This is very correct, because it is indeed not so. In the "Government Statement on Re-grouping of the Kerdja Cabinet" which was made to the DPRGR on March 19th, 1962, by the First Deputy First Minister, Dr. J. Leirnena, it was stated among other things that:
"Government power is wielded by the President with the assistance of the First Minister and the Deputy First Ministers, in accordance with Article 4, paragraph 1, Article 5 and Article 7 of the Constitution” (Special Publication of Department of Information, No.201, page. 7); “and in the performance of the Governments tasks, the First Minister may hold a “cabinet consultative session”, that is, a meeting with all the Deputy First Ministers, or a "cabinet working session”, that is, a meeting with one or several Deputy Prime Ministers concerned, if necessary, requesting a Minister or Ministers or other persons involved to attend" (cf, page. 8)..-..
This Government Statement mikes it quite clear where State power lies, namely in the cabinet consultative session, and in the cabinet working session, and the Communists and leaders of other political parties are not even included there let alone fittingly and justly represented. It is herein that lies the appropriateness of the term, re-grouping, used by the President, and -not re-tooling. This means that the struggle of the Indonesian. people for the implementation of the President Sukarno Concept (the February 21st, 1957 speech) is no sense over, the struggle for a Gotong Royong Cabinet, a cabinet that has a just composition or, in the words of President Sukarno in his Concept,' "the number of members in Parliament shall determine the number of ministers in the Cabinet.”
A Gotong Royong Cabinet is a cabinet based upon balanced and just representation, in conformity with the confidence which has been placed by the people. The demand for a Gotong Royong Cabinet is. fully in keeping with the MPRS Decision which desires "retooling of the executive, judical and legislative organs, from the top to the bottom, in keeping with the spirit of the “March of our Revolution" (DjarekJ, for the creation of a government, that a) is stable and authoritative; b) reflects the wishes of the people; c) is revolutionary; and d) is Gotong Royong". (MPRS Decision II, Appendix A, Government and Security/Defense Affairs).
In the Government Statement referred to above, it Is also explained that the leaders of the Supreme State Organs, namely the MPRS (empowered to decide upon the broad lines of State policy), the DPRGR (empowered to legislate), the DPA (empowered to advise), and the DEPERNAS (empowered to plan) take part in cabinet consultations "not as representatives of the organs which they lead", but as assistants of the President "to continue, with and safeguard the Government's policy, in the organs which they lead”. The Statement "not as representatives of the organs which they lead" is very important indeed because it means that these organs are not made subordinate to the Cabinet. As regards the statement "to continue and safeguard the Government's policy in the organs which they lead", this will not raise any problems so long as the Government pursues a policy that conforms with the Constitution and the MPRS Decisions. . .
The Consultative State Leadership includes persons who have the strong support of the people, that is to say, in addition to President Sukarno himself, the ministers who are leaders of the CPI, the NU and the PNI who enter this body by virtue of their position as leaders of the MPRS and the DPRGR. It is the President himself who leads this Consultative State Leadership, and the matters to be discussed by it are adequately clear, namely, “questions regarding the national and international policy pursued or regarding the general leadership of the State of the Republic of Indonesia", naturally within the framework of the Implementation of the MPRS Decisions. But the extent to which this Supreme Leading Organ will be effective and useful, to the people depends very much upon the frequency of its meetings, and in particular, upon the extent to which those of its decisions which are beneficial to the people are put into practice by the cabinet consultative session and the cabinet working session, in which, in actual fact, all executive power is concentrated,
Even though the CPI Is not responsible for all the measures taken by the Government, this does not mean that the Communists take a passive and pensive attitude when they see how deterioration and difficulties in economic and financial affairs get worse and worse. No, the Communists actively make friendly criticism together with constructive proposals regarding the entire work of the cabinet or regarding the Departments one by one. Communists who sit in state organs, both at the centre (MPRS, DPRGR, DPA, Depernas) as well as in the regions (Regional Legislative Councils) are the most active in making constructive proposals to overcome the difficulties in economic and financial, affairs. Not only that, the Communists have launched various campaigns including Volunteer Work Brigades and the 1,001 Movement to increase the production of foodstuffs. The trade unions, particularly those led by Communists are very busily pressing for the establishment of Enterprise Councils to ensure that production increases, that thefts of state property, corruption and bureaucracy, are stopped or reduced. The peasants, youth and women's organisations that are led by Communists are actively working to surmount the food and clothing, difficulties and to restore security.
Why is it that the Communists voluntarily take part in the efforts to surmount the difficulties of the people in their living conditions? Firstly, because the Communists cannot stand by and tolerate the mounting sufferings of the people as a result of incompetence, insincerity and corruption. Secondly, because the Indonesian Government, and particularly President Sukarno as the head of the Government, opposes imperialism, that is the enemy number one of the Indonesian Communists and people. Since the Government opposes imperialism, we must help it when it faces difficulties.
But all the efforts undertaken by the Communists as outlined above are limited in possibility since every proposal may or may not be accepted or carried out by the government, and every action taken may or may not be agreed upon, prohibited and obstructed by those in authority. Such prohibitions and obstructions are strange indeed because, if Communists co-operate to build a bridge or plant rice, the result is nothing other than a bridge or rice. And especially now with the State of Emergency still in force, there are great limitations as to what the Communists and people can do, even though these actions may be aimed at assisting and controlling the implementation of the Government's own programme. Volunteer Work Brigades and the 1,001 Movement which are organised by the CPI and which are clearly aimed at increasing the production of foodstuffs meet with not a few obstructions on the part of local authorities though on the other hand, there are local authorities who do not obstruct the initiative taken by the people. And there are even some local authorities who are prepared to help the 1,001 Movement with spades.
2. Hold High the Three Banners of the Nation!
Speaking of the bankruptcy of the system of liberal democracy, the General Report to the Sixth National Congress said among other things that the speed with which liberal democracy became bankrupt in Indonesia was due to two processes: firstly, the process of the consciousness of the Indonesian people themselves based on their own experiences when they saw that liberal democracy is identical with corruption, bureaucracy and inability to solve the basic and important problems .of the Indonesian people; secondly, because of the anti-Parliament agitation, in essence, agitation against democratic life, carried out by promotors of a military junta and other fascist elements".
It is now almost three years, since a. beginning was made to implement the concept of Guided Democracy. But the experiences of the people during these. three years prove that, corruption and bureaucracy have not been overcome; in fact, they have become worse. And we are not yet talking about solving the basic and important problems of the people. All this is understandable because, In fact, it is impossible to overcome corruption and bureaucracy correctly and speedily, to increase the ability to solve the basic and Important problems of the people systematically and successfully, without people's power in which the workers and peasants, hold the leading role.
But, as has also been explained in the General Report to the. Sixth National Congress, "the bankruptcy of the liberal democratic system in the eyes of the Indonesian people has not taken place in a situation in which the balance of forces between the Indonesian people on the one hand and the imperialists and the landlords on the other, is such as to make it possible for the Indonesian people to overcome this crisis in the political system by setting up people's, power, that is, political power in which sovereignty is completely vested in the hands of the people and in which the enemies of the people are completely deprived of their political rights.”
In such a situation, the Party has established a correct political line based on the balance of forces, namely to devlope all positive ideas and aspects of President Sukarno's Concept of Guided Democracy. To win victory for all the positive ideas and aspects of the Guided Democracy concept, first and foremost mobilising all progressive and revolutionary forces for the correct implementation of this concept on the one hand, while on the other hand resisting all reactionary forces that want to distort this concept in the direction of what are in essence fascist methods practised in the name of and in the wrapping of Guided Democracy.
During these three years or so the people have witnessed how the concept of Guided Democracy has developed. At the centre, in so far as the implementation is directly In the hands of the creator of the concept himself, President Sukarno, we see that, despite many obstacles, there is an endeavour to implement democracy, that is guided.
These gratifying developments at the centre were correctly described by President Sukamo in his Resopim speech as evidence of progress in political affairs. He said: "We see growth in the DPRGR. We see growth in the MPRS. We see correctness of the system of consultation in the DPA. We see the extremely valuable results of the Depernas".
In his Re-so-pim speech President Sukarno correctly did not speak appreciatively of the development of Guided Democracy and Gotong Royong In the regions. It Is certain that it was not a case of the President forgetting to mention the regions as gratifying examples.
The intention is to implement Guided Democracy and Gotong Royong in the region through Penpres No. 6, 1959 and Perpres No.5, 1960. In practice it is quite apparent that, as a result of Perpres No.6, 1959, the concept of Guided Democracy has been deprived of the "democracy** part and only the "guided” part is left, with the result that in a number of regions we witness a situation as if power, were in the hands of only one person, and even if there is a Standing Committee (BPH), this Committee is only advisory. As a result of Penpres No.5/1960, most of the Gotong Royong Regional Legislative Councils (DPRDGR) are not in line with the DPRGR that has been established, but are in fact DPRD’s (old style) minus progressive elements with reactionary elements smuggled in. The Chairman is the Chief of District himself, and in cases where this Chief of District is not democratic, where he is a person who likes to rule on his own, the Regional Council is not convened periodically and what meetings there are, are only convened to listen to what the Chief of District has to say fend what decisions he has adopted, after which the meeting may express, its agreement and then go home.
From, the very start, the people bitterly opposed distorted Implementation of Guided Democracy and Gotong Royong attempting to bring about the formation of Regional Administrations and Regional Legislative Councils along unjust and undemocratic lines. Finally, the President was compelled to intervene in order to make alterations in these two Regulations. But even so, the facts up to the present show that both Penpro No.6/1959 (rectified) and Penpres No.5/1960 (rectified) are still implemented in such a way that fails to correct the causes which led. to the campaign waged by the people which was the stimulus for the revisions made at the President's intervention.
These facts cannot but prove that the concept of Guided Democracy and the concept of Gotong Royong are not yet proceeding In the manner they should, particularly In the regions. We frequently experience the fact today in the regions that there is a tendency to utilise the concept of Guided Democracy and the concept of Gotong Royong in a way that not only ignores but in fact deliberately abandons democracy and gotong royong.
In the Re-so-pim, President Sukarno said: "… Our Guided Democracy very clearly contains two elements: the clement of "democracy” and the element of "guidance”. We must not see only one of these elements, just democracy alone or just guidance alone. These elements are inseparable, irrevocably linked together, a two-in-one. Democracy alone can distort to liberalism, guidance alone can distort to fascist dictatorship”. This fact, this clear warning applies fully for the centre, but in particular for the regions.
This warning of the President at one and the same time proves that the reactionaries who have collapsed together with the bankruptcy of the system of liberal democracy, with the outlawing of the Masjumi and the PSI and the smashing of the RGRI-Permesta, are striving to rehabilitate themselves by using progressive slogans, falsifying the contents, with the result that in some places phenomena have appeared that are even worse than the situation before the implementation of the Guided Democracy concept began. Whereas formerly liberal democracy was identical with corruption and bureauracy, now with only the "guidance” part, Guided Democracy, is frequently identical with dictatorship of one man bureaucrat-capitalist who is even more corrupt and shameless than ever.
The reactionaries have to some extent succeeded in misusing the State of Emergency, regarding which a warning was made in the General .Report to the Sixth Congress when it said, discussing the CPI’s attitude, towards the Sukarno-Djuanda Cabinet: "Military power has displayed positive elements, particularly in the regions of unrest. But there are not a few negative dements, and if these are not speedily stopped, they can go on endlessly and can smother the positive dements of military power".
Formerly, the State of Emergency' was needed in order to deal with the RGRl-Permesta counter-revolutionary rebellion. The President in his message of December 16th, 1959, stated quite clearly that implementation of the State of War must not ignore the consultative element as one of the foremost principles and characteristics of Guided Democracy, that it is not the intention to place power over the situation in the hands of the military, and that with the simplification of the party system and the improvements made in the Regional Military Commands, this State of War would eventually operate in such a way as to interfere as little as possible in democracy and to hurt as little as possible the inner most feelings of the common people.
Due to the good co-operation between the people and the Armed Forces, and due also, to the wisdom of President Sukarno, it is already some time now that the RGRI-Permesta rebellion was basically smashed, and that today the remnants have almost all surrendered. This point of the Government’s Three-Point Programme has been implemented succesfully not as a result of this fellow here or that fellow there; it is the collective success of the entire people and the entire Armed Forces under, the leadership of President Sukarno.
But we cannot sit back and relax now that the RGRI-Permesta have surrendered. In the Re-so-pim speech, President Sukarno clearly stated that "when they launched their rebellions the rebels had a basic outlook that was very different, indeed from our basic outlook, very different indeed from the original purpose and strivings of our Revolution, ... they rebelled, among other things, precisely in order to oppose the re-ordering that we were at that time setting forth and are now busily putting into practice, developing, consolidating.”
It is thus clear that, if, in one or several regions the State of Emergency is utilised to paralyse the implementation of Guided Democracy and Gotong Royong, to foster one-man dictatorship and bureaucrat capitalism, to persecute the progressives and outlaw the activities of the CPI and the revolutionary mass organisations, this Is completely out of keeping with the purpose for which the State of Emergency was declared. To borrow the words of President Sukarno: this is solely because the "gun" wants to lead the "Manipol", and not the "Manipol" lead the "gun". .
Regional governments should be established in line with the MPRS Decisions which states: that only one Basic Law on Regional Government should speedily be introduced repealing and replacing Law No.1-1957, Penpres No.6-1959 and Penpres No.5-1960; that the law on Proportional Division of Finances should be revised; that autonomy must be made as broad and real as possible; that the entire territory of the Republic of Indonesia should be divided up into three stages of Regional Governments, stage I, stage II and stage III; that village administration should be renovated and democratic village governments formed, abolishing all colonial laws and regulations such as the IGO and the IGOB; that all special districts should be abolished; that Pamongpradja (local government officials operating directly under, the central Government, Tr.) system should be liquidated and the system of Residents and Residencies abolished, and the provisions of Penpres No.6-1959 which gives over general government authority to the regions be strictly implemented; that the demarcation of regions should be reviewed; that general elections for the MPR (Consultative People's Assembly), the DPR (People's Legislative Assembly) and the DPRD (Regional Legislative Councils) should be held simultaneously, and so on. All this conforms with. the demands of the people for a broadening of democratic rights as required by Guided Democracy.
The success in implementing the lines correctly laid down by the MPRS depends of course also upon the struggle of the people and the development in the balance of forces. And even if a rather progressive law as desired by the MPRS is indeed introduced the implementation will still depend on the ministers in question and also on the people's struggle and the balance of forces in society.
But however that may be, the introduction of a progressive law can, if skillfully used, if used to the maximum, help to facilitate actions by the people and' co-operation between the people and the state apparatus. We must wage a hard struggle for the implementation of progressive laws.
As regards general elections, the Government - has promised to hold them at the end of 1962. Today, the end of 1962 gets nearer and nearer but, there is still no sign yet of preparations for these general elections. And yet, according to the MPRS, the elections for the member of the MPR, the DPR and the DPRD should be held simultaneously. The only thing there so far is a Draft Law which has evoked opposition from the majority of the Indonesian
people because it provides that only one-third of the members of the DPR to be elected while the other two-thirds are to be appointed.
There is still up to the present day no law on general elections to replace the existing General Election Law which, it is said, no longer conforms with the spirit of Guided Democracy. This is the result of the efforts of anti-democratic groups who fear the voice of the people like the plague. They realise only too well that the people know them well enough and therefore do not like them. And this is also the basic reason why the majority of the members of the MPR, the DPR and the DPRD are not to be elected but appointed and, as usual, they are hiding behind President Sukarno.
Another extremely vital condition for general elections is the existence of broad democratic liberties or rights instead of the extremely limited rights as at present with the continuance in force of the State of Emergency.
The people hope for the realisation of Re-so-pim in which President Sukarno stated: "But nevertheless, with the good results, achieved in restoring security in a number of regions, it is no longer necessary to preserve in its entirety the state of war as declared on March 14th, 1957, at the time of the rebellion, for the entire territory, of the Republic of Indonesia", It is sufficient for "the state of war" to remain in force only in those regions where there are still large number of remnant bandits, but for other regions it should be lifted altogether. Only in conditions of democracy can the concept of Guided Democracy possibly proceed normally. Without democracy, the concept of Guided Democracy cannot proceed normally. In their efforts "to reach this state of normalcy, the people of Jogjakarta, led by the NASAKOM parties, have demanded that the state of war in that region be withdrawn. This demand has been approved and welcomed by Sultan Hamengku Buwono,' Chief of District of the Special District of Jogjakarta. This demand is also the demand of the people in other regions although for certain reasons, it has not been expressed as is the case in Jogjakarta.
Today the struggle for the liberation of West Irian from the stranglehold of Dutch imperialism is rising to new peaks. The Tri-Command of the People was already issued by President-Supreme Commander Sukarno on December 19th, 1961, volunteer troops have already begun to be sent to the frontier regions, armed fighting has already taken place and lives have already' been lost as happened in the battle of the Aru Isles, But Dutch capital, in the mixed companies is still safely able to exploit the people, to drain off Indonesia's national resources and is carrying out economic sabotage and cheating the Government. The CPI holds the opinion that a firm attitude must also mean putting an end once and for all to Dutch capital in mixed companies such as BPM-SHELL, Unilever and the like, by confiscating the Dutch capital in these companies. The status of Dutch companies which have been taken over and nationalized must be changed into confiscation. Having made a declaration of confiscation, it will mean that there will be no more question of any payment to the Dutch.
The indispensable condition for success in the struggle for the liberation of West Irian is the guarantee of democracy for the people. Anti-Monopol people need not be given democracy, but people who struggle for the Manipol must be given democracy. If there is democracy for the people and not for the enemies of the people, it will be possible to further strengthen anti-imperialist national unity with NASAKOM as the axis, will it be possible to mobilise all the national potentials. This is why the entire nation must raise high these three banners and must wage a resolute struggle: a rifle in one hand and a spade in the other, which means: ready to fight and ready also to strengthen the home front.
Our national unity which, is growing stronger day by day has basically three forms: 1)" political co-operation which takes the form of NASAKOM; 2) political co-operation between (political parties, mass organisations and individuals within the organisation of the .National Front; and 3) the alliance of the workers and peasants which is the basis of national unity. We must continuously strengthen these three forms of national unity, with the emphasis upon strengthening the alliance of workers and peasants.
The experiences of our revolutionary Struggle show that a national front our national unity can only be consolidated by means of mobilising the people. And the people can only be mobilised on a large scale if there is democracy. This is why the paramount political question in our country today is to raise the Three-Banners of the Nation, democracy, unity and mobilisation, to lead to consistent democratic changes in the political system and in the field of political freedoms for the people. Concretely, to lead to: the information of a Gotong Royong Cabinet and the lifting of the state of emergency, together with a review of the Law on the State of Emergency now in force.
Regarding negotiations with the Dutch, this can only possibly be justified if the basis is the surrender of power in West Irian to the Republic of Indonesia without granting any special rights in economic affairs to the Dutch or to the United States which is trying, in the course of the Indonesian-Dutch dispute, to replace the Dutch, economic position in Indonesia. Negotiations between Indonesia and the Dutch must be bilateral without any third party, they must be open negotiations, and during the negotiations, the implementation of the Tri-Command of the People must go on.
It is a fact that, in the straggle to incorporate West Irian into the sovereign territory of the Republic of Indonesia, our Party has succeeded in. drawing the attention and support of Communist and Workers' Parties in the five continents. In the same way, too, our people's revolutionary organisations have succeeded in drawing the sympathy and support of the progressive international mass organisations for the struggle to liberate West Irian. It is appropriate for this Congress of ours to express our most fervent tribute to the Communist Party and workers of the Netherlands, the Communist Party and workers of Japan, the Communist Party and workers of Australia as well as- the Communist Parties and workers of other countries that have sincerely and militantly expressed their solidarity with and help for the Indonesian people in the struggle to expel Dutch colonialism from West Irian. Especially to the Communists and workers of the Netherlands we express our gratitude for demonstrations that have been held in the Netherlands to oppose the sending of Dutch soldiers to West Irian. Especially to the Communists and workers of Japan we express our gratitude for having protested against the visit of the warship Karel Doorman to Japan and for opposition to the Haneda Aerodrome being utilised by the KLM for the transportation of soldiers to West Irian. Especially to the Communists and workers of Australia we express our gratitude in connection with their attitude of firmly rejecting the entry of the Dutch warship. "Karel Doorman” into the port of Freemantle. All this is a manifestation of the unity of the struggle of the Indonesian people with the struggle of the people in other countries, in conformity with what President Sukarno declared at the Council Meeting of Asian-African People's Solidarity on April 10tht 1961, in Bandung, that, "imperialism can be smashed by united inter national solidarity”.
3. Continue the Struggle for Economic Independence
The stand taken by the Sixth Congress to the effect that economic crisis still strangulates Indonesia, is still valid and is now becoming more serious. The deterioration in almost all vital sectors of the economy is having worse and worse consequences for the everyday living conditions of the people. The prices of essential food and clothing are soaring day by day and, by comparison with the time when the Sixth Congress was held, the prices of consumer goods in January 1982 had risen by 248 per cent. This is clear from the index price figures of the Central Bureau of Statistics which are as follows:
(19 foodstuffs in Djakarta)
1953 = 100
1959 = 311
December, 1960 = 388
December, 1961 = 760
January, 1962 = 1,083
This continuous increase in prices which has resulted in the cost of living going up from day to day and has let to a decline in the purchasing power of the working people, has aroused movements by the masses to defend themselves from the difficulties which are becoming more insurmountable with every passing day.
Demands for wage increases and for the implementation of the Law on the Division of the Product have achieved certain successes. But even though there have been some victories in the struggle for increase in earnings, the purchasing power of the working people is still declining.
The productive sector cannot operate at full capacity for a number of reasons. As fas as the supply of materials and fuels for domestic production is concerned, the capacity of production, low as it was, fell in 1960 by 45% compared with 1959 and in 1961, this trend downwards became more and more apparent. This is clear from the supply of fuel and materials which have become less and less. The Government's statistics regarding this are as follows:
Imports of fuels/materials:
1959 = 3.2 million tons
1960 = 1.7 million tons
up to May 1961 = 1.2 million tons
As a result of the squandering of a large amount of foreign exchange in 1961 for the import of non-productive goods, it is estimated that in 1962, the import of fuels and materials for productive purposes will be at the most 30 per cent of indispensable requirements for a normalisation of domestic production, that is, if there is no change in the orientation and motive of foreign trade.
With the exception of oil, the export of major products fell by about 20 per cent by comparison with 1961, according to Government statistics. The result of this decline inevitably means that the ability to import goods vital to domestic production and to meet the basic requirements of society for the most essential food and clothing which cannot be supplied by domestic production, is getting less and less. Domestic enterprises will on an average be able to work at a capacity of something less than 40 per cent. This means that many national businessmen especially in the field of production, have already closed down or will have to close down, and the danger of unemployment is becoming greater and more widespread.
The task of maintaining the existing vital sectors of the economy and of carrying out national overall planned construction will meet with even greater difficulties if important changes are not a rapidly made in the economic field. At the present time, the conclusion drawn by the Sixth Congress regarding the economic crisis in Indonesia is still valid and it should receive greater attention. The Sixth Congress stated:
"Our economic crisis has its source in the colonial nature of the economy, an economy that is still greatly dependent upon the world capitalist economy".
From the developments since the Sixth Congress it can be said that the unfavourable consequences of the capitalist economic crisis for Indonesia have become more widespread. This is because no fundamental changes have been made in the economy in the direction of Indonesia’s economic independence, because there still are responsible people in the government apparatus who are not acting in conformity with the demands of the August 1945 Revolution, with the Manipol. So long as the economic measures taken are only in the nature of patchwork as is the case at present, confined for example to measures of a purely financial-monetary nature—what's more, if they are incorrect" financial-monetary measures—then of course Indonesia's economy will continue to be caught up in serious economic crisis.
The patchwork financial-monetary measures token so far are measures based only upon a view of economic problems which is limited to filling the state coffers in the easiest way possible, that is by increasing direct and indirect taxes, by pulling down the value of the rupiah through various devaluations, by raising official prices and the price ceiling in the free market, by the mere introduction of regulations without following them up with consistent and positive action. These measures preserve the Indonesian economy's dependence upon the imperialist states.
The state budget still depends for more than 60 per cent directly or indirectly upon the ups and downs of foreign trade which rises and fall with the market fluctuations in the capitalist world. Even though there have recently been some improvements In trade with the Socialist countries—an increase from 10 per cent to 13 per cent—the possibilities opened by the Socialist countries have not been used to the maximum and have only been used under compulsion of circumstances when relations with the capitalist countries have become too difficult. The pretext utilised by certain officials is that "the traditional markets should not be destroyed", it is this colonial tradition that they want to continue, whereas what we must be developing are good national traditions. The traditional market today is essentially the world capitalist market which has long been in a state of disruption and which is getting worse and worse as a result of continual economic and financial crises. Even the Government, in its statement before the DPRGR on July 5, 1961, recognised that the continuous fall in the prices of Indonesia's exports and in transportation costs, was due mainly to the influence of fluctuations in the United States and West Europe which were faced with economic recession.
Thus, the question of economic independence in foreign trade is a question of whether there is sincerity or not, of whether or not deeds are in conformity with the Manipol, with the Government's independent and active foreign policy. Preserving the onesided nature of foreign trade, that is, dependence upon the markets of the capitalist countries, means allowing the Indonesian economy to remain in the mesh of the world monopoly capitalists, with all the great harm it does to Indonesia. Every Indonesian patriot who wants economic independence for his country must struggle against this one-sidedness in foreign trade.
In the question of international payments, too, and Indonesia's own financial system, Indonesia is still under the control of the world monopoly capitalists, particularly the United States. As is known as a consequence of Dutch membership of the IMF, Indonesia was compelled, by virtue of the Round Table Conference agreement, to practise a financial system based on the Bretton Woods system. Bretton Woods is the name of a place in the United States where a conference of countries allied in the Second World War took place In May, 1944, and at which the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (World Bank) were established.
As a financing organ side by side with the IMF, the World Bank pursues a definite policy. The basis of the World Bank's policy Is that countries with under-developed economies should construct such projects as will guarantee facilities for the investment of private capital, particularly foreign private capital.
In view of this, it is not surprising if the World Bank has refused a request from Indonesia for a loan and the President insulted a high personage of the Republic of Indonesia, as indeed happened recently. This happened not only because they side with the Dutch on the question of West Irian but also as a result of the general policy of the American monopoly capitalists who control the World Bank. The correct and fitting attitude for Indonesia is to protest against this insulting treatment of the President Director, of the World Bank and to withdraw from the Bank. The World Bank’s policy of encouraging foreign capital investment is contrary to the Broad Lines of the State Policy of Indonesia, that is, the Manipol and the various guidances of its implementation, based on the economic power of the state sector. Since the World Bank is at one with the policy of the IMF in accordance with the spirit of the Bretton Woods Conference, an end should be put to Indonesia's membership of the IMF.
The contradictions in economic and financial affairs between Indonesia and the imperialists are becoming more and more extensive and open. But, too, the contradictions between the people and the survivals of feudalism in agrarian relations are becoming more and more apparent and are impelling the peasant's movement forward. Even though what we have so far is only a limited land-reform which is not the land-reform as demanded by the CPI in its General Programme regarding agrarian affairs, it does within limits undermine landlords’ power and can be of benefit to the peasants.
But, as was pointed out by the CPI Second National Peasants’ Conference in July,1961, the even development of-the peasants’ movement is more and more drawing the attention of all classes and groups on the peasants question, with each putting forward its own programme for the peasants. Some years ago it was only the Communists who spoke about land-reform, but now virtually everyone speaks about land-reform. This is good. This variety of programmes can open the eyes of the peasants as to who m the enemy that must be the target of their actions and who is the friend who must be drawn over to their side. This is why, for every CPI cadre, the task of working harder and more systematically among the peasants must also mean continuously explaining why the CPI can support the limited land-reform and, together with this, explaining the CPPs General Programme in agrarian affairs to the masses of the peasants. If these two things are not explained, the peasants will not be able to understand the CPPs attitude.
As is the case with the implementation of the Law on the Division of the Harvest, so too with the Basic Agrarian Law, Implementation will not proceed smoothly and deviations will appear which conflict with the provisions of the Law itself, to the detriment of the peasants. Only a powerful and militant peasants’ mass movement can prevent and stamp, out these distortions.
The thing to which attention must be paid at the present in the implementation of land-reform is the distribution of land to the agricultural labourers and poor peasants in a way that is simple and not burdensome for them. ln view of the financial position of the State, government payments to the landlords should not be made at one go and it should be made in the form of a loan to the State by compelling the landlords to purchase government tends. In this way, the installments paid in by the peasants can be utilised by the Government for the construction fund, to raise the productivity of the peasants. An Increase in the productivity of the peasants will directly help the efforts towards attaining self-sufficiency in food and clothing.
The efforts towards self-sufficiency in food and clothing, especially rice, cannot possibly be successful just by flinging around commands in the field of production and distribution. Flinging commands around, which in practice means playing at compulsion, in the field of rice production, has already led to deviations, such as we have encountered in the practices of the Komando Operas Gerakan Makmur (KOGM-Operation Command for Prosperity Campaign) which have not had the result of facilitating efforts towards self-sufficiency in rice. The padi centra (rice central) and other bodies dealing with the peasants in connection with rice such as the Pamongpradja, the Rice Purchasing Bodies and the KOGM for self-sufficiency in rice, the Co-operative, Peasants’ and Fishermen's Bank, the Food Council and the like, are not the way to increase rice production. The key to raising rice production lies in arousing the enthusiasm and creativeness of the peasants as the productive force. It is the peasants who plant the rice but they are frequently ignored. The peasants have problems which must be solved in order to be able to increase their productive powers. They encounter various obstacles as a result of the continuation of feudal exploitation and the way some local official order them about with regard to the purchasing of rice and the cultivation of food crops, with the result that the peasants do not have the freedom to till their land in accordance with their own requirements and to control the products they produce. So, the key is: free the peasants from the survival of feudal exploitation, distribute the landlords’ land to the agricultural labourers and poor peasants and, in connection with the campaign to raise agricultural production, invite them to join in negotiations in their position as masters in this country. I emphasise this because there are people who do not want to negotiate but want to exert compulsion on the peasant Such people can get a good beating from the peasants.
It is clear that there are still a number of economic phenomena indicative of colonial economy and of the continued prevalence of survivals of feudalism, and many serious barriers are still being encountered in the process of breaking this up.
The task of achieving Indonesian economic independence is an important basic task today. The bases for freeing Indonesia's economy in fact already exist if only the State really holds a position that accords with the demands of the people today, in keeping with the decisions of the MPRS.
The foundations for breaking up the colonial economy and for giving the state economic sector a commanding position are already powerful following the nationalisation of the majority of enterprises which were owned by the Dutch colonialists. The state economic sector in Indonesia can in fact today play a progressive role in the struggle for the economic independence of the country. But the state economic sector can also play a role which is not progressive, it can in fact be reactionary in its practices if the state enterprises and the state apparatus are not cleansed of bureaucrat-capitalists or the corruptors of state property in the state enterprises and the state apparatus.
The bureaucrat-capitalists will continue to have a basis in the state economic sector as long as the economic policy pursued by the Government continues to be the same as was inherited from the foreign imperialists, The follow-up of nationalisation of the Dutch enterprises is not merely a matter of establishing status, but it must be a retooling of personalia and the establishment of a new orientation in management inspired by the Manipol, the March of the Revolution, and the Re-so-pim, and bureaucracy, waste and corruption must be stamped out indiscriminately.
There must be good management. The leadership of enterprises must consist of persons who are patriotic, capable, democratic and believers in Socialism. '.
Following the take-over of the Dutch enterprises, practically the whole vital sector of the economy is in the hands of the state, such as land, sea and air transportation, estate and agricultural production, a rather large part of the industrial sector and mining, the wholesale domestic and foreign trade sector. "But why is it that these foundations which are so favourable for controlling the entire economic life of the country have not succeeded in overcoming the stagnation as is the case today? The reason is the shortcomings in management, the failure, to draw the workers and other working people into the control, and the actions of the bureaucrat-capitalists who corrupt state property, who spread phobia against the trade unions, against the Communists, against the NASAKOM, and so on. So far it has become clear that it is indeed so that bureaucracy is at one with and inseparable from the bureaucrat-capitalist, who are squandering rather than managing state wealth, who are giving greater importance to their own shadow enterprises, to their relatives and cronies. It is not only the state enterprises that suffer as a result of these conspiracies of the bureaucrat-capitalists, but, in addition, the national businessman are finding their development obstructed.
President Sukarno was very correct when he said in his Re-so-pim speech:
“Therefore, I repeat again,—-resolve all problem on the basis of a social concept leading towards Socialism, a social concept which is consciously directed towards a Socialist Society!
“First: Draw all workers into sharing the responsibility for production and means of production. Do not behave like bosses! The participation of the workers will facilitate and increase production. Land-reform and the division of the product between tenant-farmers and landlords must really and truly be put into practice. Land-reform and the division of the product will also facilitate and increase production. Please, remember, production, economy, this is the 'stomach of the State’. It is therefore quite natural for the reactionaries to concentrate their sabotage on this 'stomach of the State’. Besides this, the people newly put in charge are often not capable enough, or they know nothing a tout the Concept; or some of these people are afflicted by the 'three si's—tjari promosi, birokrasi, korupsi’ (seeking promotion, bureaucracy, and corruption). You may say: ‘Pak, why on earth do we use such people?' Yes, that's right, it would be better as a matter of fact if such people got out of the way, or to be firmer, it would be better to push such people aside!
"Second: Carry out continuously—frappez, frappez toujours—mental retooling and organisational retooling in line with Manipol-USDEK.
“Third: Let the principle of RIL or Re-so-pim penetrate into the farthest corners of the country, into the villages, into the mountain regions. Socialism must become the flesh and blood-of all the Indonesian people, Manipol-USDEK must become the nerves and marrow of all Indonesian,, citizens, the leaders and the civil servants, the young people and they old people, the workers and the farmers, the common people and their excellencies,, the cabinet ministers’, the civilians and the military people. Yes, the military people, too! The State, and the people have accepted Manipol together with the MPRS decision on it; therefore, all citizens must now be guided by Manipol. The people are guided by the Manipol. It is not the military or the weapons which. guide the Manipol, but the Manipol which guides the military and the weapons!”
Socialism and the Manipol must, become the flesh and blood of the entire people. In order to fulfil this hope of Bung Karno’s, there must be democracy so as to be able to make clarification to the people.
This warning made by President Sukarno in his Re-so-pim speech proves clearly that there are still many-obstacles to the realisation of the Manipol in practice. Even though the basis already exists for the development of a state economic sector leading to economic independence for the country, the bureaucrat-capitalists constitute a major barrier in converting the colonial, economy into a national economy and in facilitating the food-and-clothing programme. The state sector of the economy, which must hold a commanding position in the entire economy of the country, can be completely destroyed as a result of the domination of the bureaucrat-capitalists.
Based upon the experiences during the past few years, the conclusion can be drawn that the bureaucrat capitalists are those who have become capitalists by utilising their position in the controlling apparatus or in state enterprises or thanks to their connections with high officials in the controlling apparatus or in the state enterprises. They utilise bureaucracy and today in particular, they utilise the state of emergency as a shield to attain mid strengthen their position as capitalists, in the same way as capitalists. In the same way as the compradores (agents of foreign capital), they are anti-democracy, anti-people’s, organisations, anti-national unity (anti-NASAKOM, anti-Gotong Royong, anti-Communist), they are striving to strengthen the economic, political and military ties with imperialist countries and they collaborate with the landlords to oppress the peasants.
In a situation in which they are quite powerless to oppose the principle of strengthening the state economic sector, the bureaucrat-capitalists are cunningly not opposing it, in fact they are utilising their positions In the Government to throw away money extravagantly so as to build up the state enterprises, the purpose being to make them bankrupt at some time in the future and, on the pretext of "unprofitableness”, to hand, them over private enterprises and give them to their cronies according to prearranged schemes. This is why mm must strongly resist the handing over of state enterprises to private enterprises because if this becomes a general thing it will open the door wide to the bureaucrat-capitalists and the subversive elements to paralyse the state economy. If the state enterprises are not running properly, they should not be handed to private Interests but the people managing them must be asked to answer for this and they must be retooled.
In the present situation there are also bureaucrat-capitalists who are still in a state of growth, and who do not yet visibly possess all the basic features as described above,
4. Democratise the Implementation of the Eight-Year Plan!
In keeping with the conclusion drawn by the Second Plenum of the CC at the end of December 1960, the Party adopted the stand of supporting the MPRS Decisions and called for the MPRS Decisions become a programme of unity of the entire people and which should be made successful through mass actions.
All good decisions of state organs as well as good laws which are beneficial to the people must immediately be welcomed by the people and their implementation demanded. They must not be allowed to remain on paper. Mass action is the way indicated by the Broad Lines of State Policy as was declared by President Sukarno in the Manipol, in which he said:
"Yes, whether we like it or not, we must participate! And participate on a mass scale! In this twentieth century, with its high level of technique of communications, every revolution is a people's revolution, a revolution of the masses, not as in past centuries, when the revolutions were very often of the small upper-class only—the revolution of the ruling few. In the booklet ‘Mentjapai Indonesia Merdeka’—almost thirty years ago, I said: "in the recent history of this world there has been no great change which has not been brought through mass action. Mass action always becomes the forerunner at the time when an old 'society is transformed into a new society. Mass action has always been the midwife at the moment when the pregnant old society gives birth to a new society". And so, those peoples, who don't agree to mass action, are wrong.
The MPRS decisions No.I and No.II together with the appendices cater for many of the demands of the people in social, economic, political and cultural affairs, demands for which the masses of the people are straggling through revolutionary mass actions. Thus, the present mass actions are nothing more nor less than the implementation of the Broad Lines of State Policy (Manipol) and the Broad Lines of the Development Plan, within the framework of strengthening the efforts to complete the demands of the August 1945 Revolution.
The mass actions of the workers, peasants, women, youth and students during the recent period are mass actions which are more in the nature of self defence against the terror of rising prices and rata, against dismissals and the decline in real wages, to preserve the right of the peasants to live on a piece of land in face of the threat of being tractored down by the reactionaries, and so on. These actions not only don’t conflict with, but in fact are completely in line with the political and military struggle for the liberation of West Irian. These actions are reasonable if considered from the point of view of the working people themselves and if considered from the point of view of national interests, to create and maintain the enthusiasm of the working people. These actions can be prevented if the Government strives to fulfil the just demands of the working people, before the actions take place. By means of economic pressures and disturbances, the reactionaries wound the feeling of the people and it becomes Impossible to create and preserve the enthusiasm of the working people in all national affairs.
The first year of the Eight-Year Plan has already elapsed. Economic and financial trends are still on the decline. Without serious efforts to rectify all the causes for stagnation, it will not be possible to overcome the present economic .crisis, and the Eight-Year Plan will fail. It now depends upon all the progressive forces to frustrate the schemes of the reactionaries who are striving to sabotage the implementation of the Eight-Year Plan.
Why is it, in the interests, of the reactionaries to frustrate the Eight-Year Plan? Firstly, because the Eight-Year Plan is a joint programme of national unity with NASAKOM as the axis, with the Manipol and the President's anti-imperialist and anti-feudal Message on Construction as the foundations. Secondly, because the success of the Eight-Year Plan will mean attaining self-sufficiency in food and clothing and the commencement of industrial construction. This means very much reducing the dependence of Indonesians economy upon the Imperialist states, it means weakening imperialism, the prop of' the compradore bourgeoisie.
The stand, of the Party towards the Eight-Year Plan is clear: support it because It is a joint programme of the entire nation for the consolidation of all progressive forces in order to improve the material conditions of the working people and complete the demands of the August 1945 Revolution. Though the Party’s stand towards the MPRS decisions is a positive one, we must not close our eyes to the weaknesses, deviations and obstructions encountered in its implementation.
The chief obstacle, according to experience so far, is the continued prevalence of reactionary elements, especially bureaucrat-capitalists, in the state apparatus. To use President Sukarno’s expression, it is first and foremost because there still are officials, both civil and military, who corrupt state property, who don't devote themselves to the Message of the Sufferings of the People.
One of the weaknesses of our Eight-Year Plan at the present is that the Plan, is not drawn up on the basis of concrete plans from below in accordance with the capacities of the apparatus, the forces and the capital available. Therefore it is very necessary to have a detailed annual plan based on definite priorities and the organisation of implementation. The nature of planning is not yet possessed right down to the lowest units, both enterprises and- regions. There are still many responsible persons who are not working in accordance with the directives of the Eight-Year Plan. There are even people who talk about MPRS Decision No.II whereas it should be No.II.
Another big problem of development which has not yet been solved is the problem of effective coordination between various sectors with the result that there is a very great deal of working at cross-purposes in the distribution of authority among government bodies. To this is added the continuance of military authority under the state of emergency which has penetrated deeply into the economic sectors.
Control ought to be exerted through a system that guarantees democracy in the implementation of development, in accord with the Presidents Message on Construction. Democratisation in the implementation of development has not been put into practice, with the result that intensive control from below, that is, front the masses, and from above, that is, from the competent government bodies, is not guaranteed. Without democratisation of the implementation of the Eight-Year Plan the way will be open for the bureaucrat-capitalists to carry out various manipulations to the detriment of the State and people.
Another important condition for success of national construction is enthusiasm of the working people for construction by meeting the necessary material conditions. Today the working people must wage a life and death struggle to be able to buy rice, sugar and other everyday essentials. Whether they like it or not, the workers and peasants must turn their thoughts more to household problems rather than thinking about and paying attention to construction.
It is only possible to raise the production, of rice at home within the framework of the plan to attain self-sufficiency in rice, in keeping with the MPRS Decision, if the orientation is towards the peasants and towards prodding the material conditions for raising the productive powers of the peasants. In the present difficult economic and financial situation it is a mistake, to consider that the way out of the rice crisis is to raise the prices of essential goods, or even worse, to increase official government prices and increase direct and indirect taxes. Doing such a thing is a foolish as "slaying, the hen that lays the golden egg": the source of the gold is destroyed and the only gained thing is the chicken meat which does not amount so much. The question is how to make the peasants very productive so that production is high.
Practices that are hostile to the peasants, by adopting an attitude of hostility to their organisations, and by continuing to intensify the burdens being borne by the peasants, will not only frustrate the programme for self-sufficiency in rice but will also frustrate the Eight-Year Plan. This is really so, because we hold the opinion that the Eight-Year Plan can only be successful if the people are active in its implementation. Peasants who are continually antagonised and whose burdens are continuously been intensified while the landlords and the bureaucrat-capitalists wallow in luxury cannot possibly be active in the implementation of the Eight-Year Plan. This means a major part of the people not being active.
And it's not only so with the peasants. The workers at the enterprises too are, in contravention of the State Policy, being antagonised by means of hostility towards and attempts to liquidate the representative trade unions which have been established by the workers themselves. The just struggle of the workers through trade union activities to defend their living rights by defending wages and social facilities that have already been won, or by demanding higher wages, against dismissals and in defence of the independence of trade unions, are being suppressed by force with the arrest of trade union activists.
When the trade unions and peasant unions offer to enter into negotiations, the bureaucrat-capitalists or their agents reject these offers. The reactionaries are quick to accuse the workers and the peasants of disturbing the food-and-clothing programme without in the slightest degree speaking of the obstinacy of the employers and the landlords in face of the offers made by the workers, and peasants to negotiate. They close their eyes to the sufferings of the workers and the peasants as a result of the ever heavier economic pressures.
Many victims have already fallen in the peasants struggle to reduce the burdens in their-lives or to defend the tiny plot of land they till which they obtained as a result of the Revolution. This has also happened in the struggle of the workers against the terror of rising prices, in protecting the level of real wages from continuous decline, and in the struggle for rather decent social facilities. Women and young girls are taking an active part in the struggles of the workers and peasants. The youth and students are not standing back either Victims, have fallen not only because some of them have been imprisoned, bet some of them have even lost their lives. Within the framework of struggle against feudal taxes, a prominent Party member in Nusatenggara Timur, Comrade Isak Tufu, died on September 15th, 1961. But thanks to their struggle, the feudal taxes have been abolished. To these courageous persons, especially to those who have given up their lives, the Seventh National Congress of the CP1 expresses Its most fervent salutations and regards them as models for all genuine revolutionaries.
The problem of population density, which is often alleged to be the cause of impoverishment, cannot be solved by means of the old type of re-settlement programme. In order to prevent re-settlement from being merely a removal of poverty from a densely populated region to a sparsely populated region, it must be combined with industrial construction, with the opening up- of agricultural, fishing and cattle-breeding projects, mining projects 'with guaranteed land property rights in accordance with the Basic Agrarian Law, with the implementation of the Law on the Division of the Product and other regulations beneficial to the peasants who till, especially the agricultural labourers and poor peasants, in order to be able to combine re-settlement with economic construction activities, there must be conditions regarding the location of projects in regions taking into account the question of urgency of the project, the natural conditions, communications and the supply of labour.
In face of the present economic difficulties, especially in view of the constantly intensifying food difficulties, our Party has launched the 1,001 Movement, that is, a movement of a thousand-and-one-ways to strive to raise the production of food, in order to lessee the sufferings of the people at the present time. In addition to carrying out actions to struggle for pressing demands, our Party is, with this movement, encouraging its members and the people to do something, to undertake something which is reasonable and practical in order to lessen the burdens and sufferings with which they themselves are now afflicted.
One other important question as regards the Implementation of the Eight-Year Plan is the question of financing. The Manipol points to the need to mobilise all funds and forces to surmount the present financing problem. This mobilisation of funds and forces must be achieved by revolutionary means, that is, based upon the development of the existing state economic sectors, developing labour productivity in a way which is not burdensome to the working people, that is, by improving living conditions and the means of production, by processing our own natural resources without foreign capital in any form whatsoever, by mobilising the capital of the national capitalists and domestic capital, that is, foreign capital that is already resident and that possesses no transfer rights. All foreign monopoly capital still remaining here, especially in oil, plantations and industry, must be continually undermined up to a point where it ceases to exist altogether in Indonesia.
It is thus clear that without relieving the burdens of living of the people which are becoming worse and worse, that without firm measures being taken against bureaucrat-capitalists or against swindlers of state property, without effective co-ordination and social control and without fighting imperialism in the economic field, it will not be possible to arouse the enthusiasm of the people, and to win social support for the Eight-Year Plan. In essence, all the source of stagnation in the implementation of the Eight-Year Plan lies in the political power at the centre and in the regions. Retooling In political .and economic affairs, democratisation in the implementation of construction by the establishment of Enterprise Councils, Agricultural Production Councils, Councils for the Control of Distribution, and Regional Construction Councils by drawing In representatives of the people's organisations, stabilisation of the economy by preventing declines In production and increases in prices as well as improving the purchasing power of the people, these are the basic conditions for achieving success in the implementation of the Eight-Year Plan. All obstacles to construction, including misuse of powers because of the continuance in force of the state of emergency, must seriously be removed. In fact, the most urgent thing for creating a climate favourable to construction, a climate that is free from force and pressure, is the restoration of security and the lifting of the state of emergency. Without doing all this, the key to solving all the difficulties we are facing In economic, social and political affairs will not be obtained. Doing all this will at the same time mean strengthening the home front within the framework of the liberation of West Irian and the struggle against imperialism in general.
1. The Further Decay of Imperialism
Every time we make an overall review of the international situation we clearly see the process of disintegration which holds, the body of capitalism in its grip, both its economic as well as its state system, both its politics as well as its ideology. The development of the history of man, its contents, direction and basic features, is determined by Socialism, by the forces that oppose imperialism and that are aimed at the creation of a new world that is independent, a new world free from the exploitation of man by man. The process of the development of this era is taking place at a high and concentrated speed. All this shows that imperialism is decaying more and more and that the struggle against imperialism is becoming sharper and more bitter.
The basic political task. at the present time is to defeat the opposition of imperialism, now in a process of disintegration, to the development and progress of Socialism. This opposition comes in the first place from US imperialism, the most powerful imperialist country but the country which has the most enemies in the world. In this struggle to defeat imperialism, Socialism, which has already become a world system today, will be able to grow rapidly. And the same is true as regards the struggle for complete national independence of the peoples, the struggle for security and world peace.
Colonial policy and war policy is the foremost manifestation of imperialism, the policy being pursued by the old established forces, which are in disintegration and which are unsuccessfully opposing the march of history.
Anti-colonial policy and the policy of friendship and peace is the foremost manifestation of the Socialist countries and the anti-imperialist non-bloc countries together with the masses of democratic and peace-loving people in all countries of the world. This is the policy which is pursued by the new emerging forces that are awakening and developing in keeping with the march of history.
The failure of the imperialists to prevent the collapse of colonialism and to obstruct the expansion of Socialism throughout the world and also to hold back the ever intensifying independence movement, convinces the people even more than ever of the correctness of the law of history that the liberation of the nations and the victory of Socialism cannot be evaded.
The Statement of the representatives of 81 Communist and Workers' Parties in Moscow in November 1960, which is an extremely important historic document for the world Communist movement, already made it clear that "The time has now come for the Socialist countries, having formed a world system, to become an international force that, has a mighty influence upon world developments". International, events and the international situation at the present time clearly prove that there is no international problem that can be solved without the participation of the Socialist camp. The question of the threat of nuclear war or the question of nuclear weapon tots, the question of South Vietnam or the question of Algeria, the question of Laos or the question of Cuba, the question of Germany or the question of West Irian as well as other international questions cannot be solved by ignoring the role of the Socialist camp. We would encounter greater difficulties if there was no concrete .assistance from the Socialist states in the West Irian question.
The construction of Communism which is now taking place in the Soviet Union is having an extremely wide international influence. No trick of the imperialists can succeed in concealing the astounding facts about the results of the construction of a new world in the Soviet Union. The feats performed by spacemen Yuri Gagarin and German Titov are a symbol of the superiority of science and technology under the Socialist system.
The US war economy is the main source of the imperialist policy to unleash nuclear war and local wars. The US Government's programme today lays it down that, in order for the US economy to find a way out of the ever deepening crisis, the production of conventional weapons must be increased and must go on together with the expansion in the production of guided missiles and other non-conventional weapons. For this purpose, US policy must be directed towards the extension of local ware in order, subsequently, to bring about the threat of a nuclear war. President Kennedy frankly stated that US re-armament "must not be bound by limitations" and that the US "must be able to pay, whatever the cost". No less than $72,800 million, or 80 per cent of the total US budget for 1962, is allocated to direct or indirect military expenditures. This is the highest war budget ever in a time of peace.
It is quite clear that, the US imperialist policy today not only does not differ front that of the time of Eisenhower, bet it is even more aggressive and .more criminal. The anti-democratic Eisenhower government did not go to the extent of outlawing the Communist Party of the United States as the present US Government has done. The cunningness of the US Government under the Democratic Party is that, side by side with the aggressive policy of war, it also pursues a so-called "strategy of peace” with the aim of gaining more time and opportunity to restore America's prestige which had declined as a result of the Eisenhower-Dulles policy. Perhaps the-new US regime did at first succeed in deceiving certain circles in the newly independent countries, but now more and more people can see the real face of the present US Government. Experience has proven that, in face of this cunningness of the US and the other imperialiscs, the most correct policy is to answer all their actions in the same language: negotiation should be answered by negotiation and force should be answered by force. Only in this way can the reactionary nature of imperialism be exposed. This means strengthening the position of the new emerging forces.
Everywhere the US Government is confronted by the peace policy of the Socialist camp and the national independence movement of the nations. The US imperialists are being more and more openly unmasked, and their prestige is declining further, a prestige that had already reached a low point at the time of the Eisenhower-Dulles Government. Now it is not Hagerthy but three Kennedys that must directly face demonstrations, of the people wherever they go, John Kennedy, the US President, has had to face it in America itself; Robert Kennedy, the US Attorney General, had to experience it in Japan and Indonesia; and another of John Kennedy's younger brothers,- Edward Kennedy, had bad eggs thrown at him on a trip to the Middle East and Europe.
Kennedy's rejection of the proposal of the Soviet Union that the 18-Nations Disarmament Conference at Geneva held at a Foreign Ministers level should be converted into a Summit Conference shows what the US "strategy of peace" is in reality.
And long before all these events, at the Non-Bloc Summit Conference held in September 1961, the failure of this "strategy of peace" was demonstrated. The US not only failed to split the independence movement and the non-bloc countries from the Socialist camp, but it also failed to isolate the Soviet Union by slanders because it re-commenced nuclear testing. It is quite clear that the anti-imperialist spirit cannot be slackened by US "strategy' of peace" lyrics. In this connection, respects and tribute must be paid to President Sukarno, who, in his speech at the Non-Bloc Summit Conference, gave the Conference a correct, political line and in this, way turned the Conference into an international anti-imperialist and peace-loving manifestation. The Non-Bloc Summit Conference ended in conformity with what President Sukarno had stated in his speech, namely, "our Conference is not in competition with the Asian-African Conference, but must supplement it".
In the framework of the policy of uniting all revolutionary forces that oppose this oppression and exploitation by imperialism, thought must be given to the convening of a Second Asian-African Conference which should be extended to Include tic countries of Latin America. Indonesia, which has a good international name at the present time, possesses the necessary conditions to act as the initiator for the convening of an Asian-African-Latin American Conference.
2. The Struggle Against Neo-Colonialism in Asia, Africa and Latin America
Some events in Asia, especially in our neighbouring countries, need to have the special attention of the Government and people of Indonesia, in particular since there are various forms of neocolonialism that have to be opposed.
"The United States is the mainstay of colonialism today", declared the- Moscow Statement in 1960. "The imperialists, headed by the USA make desperate efforts to preserve colonial exploitation of the peoples of the former colonies by new methods and in new forms. The monopolies try to retain their hold on the levers of economic control and political influence in Asian, African and Latin American countries. These efforts are aimed at preserving their position in the economy of the countries which have gained freedom, and at capturing new positions under the guise of economic “aid", drawing them into military blocs, implanting military dictatorships and setting up war bases there".
The Conference on the Question of Neo-Colonialism held at Leipzig in 1961 described neocolonialism as "the typical and principal form of the colonial policy of imperialism in the historical conditions of the period of transition from capitalism to Socialism, especially the period of the open collapse and destruction of the direct colonial system". The Asian-African People's Solidarity Council which held a-session in Bandung in April, 1961, said among other things that "neo-colonialism is a new form of imperialism, especially American imperialism" and that neocolonialism "is a form of indirect power which must proceed ma political, economic, social, military, and technical affairs". As distinct from “Classical" colonialism, neo-colonialism is not a sign of strength; it is a sign of the weakness and disintegration of the imperialist system, both economically and practically.
These observations are fully borne out by the events taking place in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.
It is a fact that in the struggle against neo-colonialism, an important role is played by the organisations of the peoples of Asia-Africa-Latin America, in various international. conferences such as the sessions of the Asian-African People's Solidarity Council in Bandung and Gaza, the Conference of the Peoples of Latin America for National Sovereignty, Economic Emancipation and Peace in Mexico, the Conference of Asian-African Writers in Cairo and other conferences, it has become very clearly, apparent that the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America are very much aware of how great the danger of neo-colonialism is, particularly US, British, West German and French neo-colonialism. The spirit of opposition to neo-colonialism is constantly increasing in these three continents.
In 1961, 29 colonial countries achieved political independence in the African continent, the last bastion of colonialism. This fact shows just how impossible it is to prevent the destruction of imperialism. However, these 29 states do not all have the same measure of independence, there are still many who get caught up in the trap of "French Community" neo-colonialism. Nevertheless, the African people themselves will certainly be able to use this initial independence to continue the struggle to completely expel the colonialists as we see happening in Mali and Guinea.
The most blatant example of US neo-colonialism can be seen clearly in the Congo, the country of the great hero Patrice Lumumba. Making use of the worse dregs of Congolese society such as Tsombe, Mobutu and Kasavubu and utilising the name of UNO, the US neo-colonialists are endeavouring to thrust aside their competitors, the Belgian and the British imperialists, in order to grab the extraordinarily rich natural resources of the Congo. This neo-colonialism is very criminal indeed because it masks its filthy play with sweet words and conceals its crimes by making champions of the native "heroes of separatism".
Patrice Lumunba, the Prime Minister of the Congo, rose up courageously and opposed the neo-colonialism which was being forced upon his country. This struggle, waged together with the people of his country, a staunch-hearted and unwavering struggle in face of despotism of the neo-colonialists and their paid slaves, has made Patrice Lumumba a symbol of the awakening of Africa. The poet Anantaguna very correctly expressed the resolve and sentiments of the entire Indonesian people, yes, of all the peoples of Asia, Africa and Latin America, when he said: We all are Lumumba! Patrice Lumumba is the clearest proof that neo-colonialism is no less criminal than classical colonialism, that neocolonialism too is also a murderer. In the person of Patrice Lumumba is reflected the finest aspirations of the oppressed peoples, the aspirations for independence and peace. Let us for a moment stand in remembrance to honour this great hero, the beloved son of the African people and beloved by all progressive mankind.
Patrice Lumumba is not the only victim of US neo-colonialism. In their efforts to re-inforce their infiltration and their aspirations, the neo-colonialists have been working hard to suppress the democratic and patriotic groups and to unite the rebels and the separatists with the rightists who came to power after Lumumba was murdered. Moise Tsombe and Mobutu have been closely co-operating with the Leopoldsville Government which is headed by Adoula and Joseph Ileo, an important servant of the neo-colonialists. Antoine Gizenga, the Deputy Prime Minister of the Congo, loyal supporter of Patrice Lumumba's policy of national unity, is now facing the same fate as was experienced by Patrice Lumumba. Together with progressive mankind throughout the world, we demand that Antoine Gizenga who is now in prison and being tortured be released and restored to office.
The events in the Congo during the course of last year and at the present prove just how the US imperialists can still misuse the United Nations Organisation for its neo-colonial purposes, as it did in Korea some years ago. This should constantly have our full attention and vigilance in foes of the offers of "good offices" being made by the US and the UNO to settle the West Irian question.
In connection with the opposition to neo-colonialism in Africa the Party is happy, and proud to send its most fervent salutations to the courageous people of Algeria; thanks to their struggle, thanks to the moral and material assistance and support of all progressive mankind the Algerian patriots have been able to force the de Gaulle Government to conclude a cease-fire. This is a great victory for the entire people of Asia and Africa and proves once again that imperialism must be opposed by every means, both by war as well as by negotiations. The cease-fire indeed does not yet signify peace , and the Algerian people must still wage a bitter and difficult struggle to consolidate the victories they have scored so far in their struggle for national independence. It is fitting for our Republic to establish diplomatic relations with the Republic of Algeria. This will strengthen the position of the Algerian representatives in the negotiations still to be held with France and it will also strengthen the position of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Algeria on the international arena.
The Syrian independence movement, basing itself on broad national unity, was rapidly able to liberate Syria from "Egyptian-isation". Besides succeeding in overthrowing the corrupt Farouk regime, the Egyptian military junta also succeeded in militarising practically all state Apolitical organs and economic organs in Egypt. The army officers who were placed in the economic bodies emerged eventually as bureaucrat-capitalists and only, add consumptive and parasitical burdens to the Egyptian economy, in order to overcome these burdens, a "way out" was found by incorporating Syria into the territory under Egyptian rule. But events have proved that this could not last long because the Syrian people waged bitter resistance against Egypt which clung like a leech to the body of Syria. The Syrian people rose up in revolt and kicked the Egyptians out.
In our neighbouring countries, attention should be paid to the role of the compradores who are being pushed to the fore by the imperialists,, dressed up and offered as "national" leaders.
Prime Minister Tengku Abdulrahman of Malaya is now busily working for the formation of Malaysia, a federation that will include Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei. By means of this federation, Britain not only feels that it will be in a better position to continue its colonial domination over the peoples of these- countries, but it also hopes to play an influential role in South-East Asia, such as being attempted through the ASA (Association of South-East Asia) project. They even cherish the dream that Indonesia eventually will become a member of ASA.
The Statement of the Party and the Resolution of the Third Plenum, of the CC exposing the rottenness of the Malaysian scheme and warning of the danger of this scheme, also for Indonesia, put the neo-colonialists and their supporters into a panic, like a thief caught red-handed. They are frantic and desperately busy over, the righteous opposition of the peoples of these live countries who are demanding independence, not the continuance of colonialism—even of the new variety as is intended by this Malaysian scheme.
The Indonesian people too must pay close attention to the tricks of the imperialists who are trying to practice neo-colonialism by making use of native hands, as is the case in Malaya, and must be very vigilant of this because it is clearly aimed at defending the position of the old established forces in South-East Asia.
Total defeat for Ngo Dinh Diem is approaching in South Vietnam even though he gets the assistance of all sorts of generals from the Pentagon (US Department of Defence). The present, situation in South Vietnam and Laos proves very clearly just how dangerous are the old established forces headed by the US in their desperation to suppress the liberation struggle of the peoples of South East Asia. The US imperialists have shamelessly torn to shreds and flouted the 1954 Geneva Agreement in which the US itself participated. The US imperialists are inundating the puppet Ngo Dinh Diem with weapons, military planes, "military advisers", military pilots and paratroopers who are already actively taking part in the attacks against the people's guerillas. The United States are taking an active part in the “undeclared war" against the people of South Vietnam who want democracy, national peace, a neutral policy and the re-unification of their country. In this way the US has created a grave situation there and is placing the situation in South-East Asia in jeopardy. In fact, thirsting for a continuation of Ngo Dinh Diem's despotic, regime, Robert' Kennedy once, said that "the US will remain in South Vietnam until the victory". The US imperialists are repeating the crimes which they perpetrated in the Korean War and are beginning to use chemical weapons to crush the partisans and people of South Vietnam who are gaining day by day in the struggle to liberate their country from the dictator, Ngo Dinh Diem. The anti-Ngo Dinh Diem and the anti-US national front is getting broader and broader. The French daily "Aux Ecoutes*' wrote on March 2nd, 1962, that the people participating in this anti-Ngo Dinh Diem movement include intellectuals, workers and military officers, anti-Communists from the upper strata of society, persons who once helped Diem to come to power but who were subsequently disillusioned by his filthy practices.
The conflict between the old established forces and the new emerging forces is raging in Laos. There too, once again, it is the US imperialists who are supporting and upholding the most reactionary and conservative forces, the Boun Oum-Nosavan clique, in order to break the straggle of the Laotian people who oppose the attempts to drag their country into the SEATO pact and who want to see the Zurich and Hin Hop agreement realised.
The Indonesian people still retain fresh memories of how the SEATO officials in Bangkok, South Vietnam and Laos jumped with joy when their agents in Indonesia launched the anti-Republic rebellion in 1958. For this reason, it is not correct for Indonesia, the country which correctly formulated the political concept about the struggle between the old established forces and the new emerging forces and who is renown for its opposition to SEATO, to have remained passively "neutral" over the question of South Vietnam and Laos which are in fact problems, for Indonesia.
A "good-neighbour policy" does not only mean that Indonesia must adopt a good attitude towards its neighbours but also that its neighbours must adopt a good attitude towards Indonesia. If there is a neighbour who adopts, a bad attitude towards Indonesia. If it is Indonesia's responsibility to adopt a similar and corrective attitude. Passive neutrality is even more incorrect at the present time when the old established forces are openly supporting with all their power all the subversive forces in South-East Asia in order to prevent Indonesia from liberating West Irian. The US policy in South Vietnam and in Laos is aimed at nothing other than intensifying the pressures being exerted upon Indonesia whose territory, West Irian, has been declared by the Admiral of the US Seventh Fleet, Kroech, as being within the "SEATO region". The time has come for the executors of Indonesia's foreign policy to abandon this passive "neutrality" and assist the newly torn forces inside these two countries which are our neighbours, in the interests of our own struggle to liberate West Irian. Our foreign policy is active and independent, not neutral and passive.
The Indonesian Government must display the utmost vigilance against Japan which, together with the US and other imperialists, is conniving with the Dutch to preserve colonial power in West Irian. The Indonesian people have expressed their protests against the hostile attitude adopted by Japan and the US in the question of West Irian. It has been proven that Japan and the US are not only delivering weapons to the colonialists in South Vietnam and Laos, but that they are also providing services and assistance for Dutch army logistics in West Irian.
The Japanese people are now developing a struggle against the remilitarisation and re-fascistisation of their country which the US imperialists and domestic monopolists are trying to force upon them. We express our full and fervent solidarity with the heroic Japanese people who are now waging a struggle for a People’s Japan.
The people of South-East Asia know well and have experienced themselves just how SEATO is the centre of attraction for all the most reactionary forces in the countries of South-East Asia, including Indonesia. The failure of SEATO in engineering the RGRI-Permesta rebellion and other subversive activities in Indonesia does not mean that SEATO will not continue with its subversive activities. As the representative of the imperialists in this part of the world, SEATO cannot but be a force of attraction and the main pillar for all reactionary policies and forces in Indonesia and the other countries of South-East Asia. It is not impossible that SEATO will go on creating new clowns and players in order to carry out its subversive tricks, even though these clowns are fit for nothing but dustbin, such as Chiang Kai-shek, Ngo Dinh Diem, Pak Jung Heui and their ilk. Even the journalist Anton Zischa wrote that the US has "a unique talent for always backing the wrong horse". The problem, I think, is that they cannot make use of the other "horses", the good ones* That which remains is that "wrong horse", "that hopeless horse*
SEATO is not compact as is evidenced by the fact that 4 out of its 8 members, that is the US, Thailand, the Philippines, and Australia, decided to "wage war against Communist aggression without waiting for unanimous agreement of all the members of the alliance". This new aspect shows that there is no unanimity among the SEATO members and it is the beginning of further splits. Even so SEATO still remains a danger. SEATO must continuously be opposed and it must be defeated and forced to dissolve. This in the first place means to fight with might and main against SEATO subversive activities In our country.
In Latin America, the US has launched its neo-colonialist scheme called the "Alliance for Progress" (Allianza Para Progresso) aimed at subordinating Latin America to the interests of US monopolies. This plan which, it is alleged, will give aid in various fields to Latin American countries and "their entire populations", is in essence nothing but an attempt to agree out large-scale US capital investments in Latin America. The US Government has requested Congress to agree to a sum of $500 million to begin with the implementation of this plan. This US plan is meeting with fierce resistance from the side of the Latin American people and never has the struggle against Yankee imperialism been so fierce as at present since the plan has been put into practice. The defeat of the shameless landing of US mercenaries on Giran Beach in Cuba one year ago has further encouraged the armed struggle of the peoples of Venezuela, Guatemala, Bolivia, and other Latin American countries.
The failure of the US to draw the Latin American countries over to its side at the Punta del Este Conference in facing heroic Cuba, the first liberated state in Latin America. which is now embarking on the road of Socialist construction, dearly shows that the position of the USA in its own "backyard" is far from being solid and stable.
3. Sharpening of Contradictions Among the Imperialist's
The growing weakness of the imperialist camp is not only marked by its failure in Asia, Africa and Latin America but also from the sharpening of contradictions within the imperialist camp itself. These contradictions hasten the process of the disintegration of imperialism.
The most recent example of how far this process of contradictions has gone is Canada. Canada is normally considered by the US imperialists as being "their own property”, as a full partner about whose loyalty there, can be no doubt. And now this very Canada is beginning openly to oppose the domination of its elder brother.
Despite the US prohibition, Canada has not stopped its trade with Cuba. Prime Minister Diefenbaker's rejection of the US request to store US nuclear warheads in Canada means that the position of the US in its own "front garden" is not so sound as the Pentagon thought.
In West Europe, the US imperialists are facing sharpening resistance from the imperialist countries there.
Britain, who has for centuries played the "leading role in Europe, is becoming less and less happy over US policies which champion the West German imperialist-militarists. Even though Great Britain has succumbed to US pressure to enter the European Common. Market, the British imperialists are not stopping their activities against the US within NATO in order to preserve their position of leadership in Europe. This resistance has also become apparent over the question of West Berlin where, on the one hand, Britain is carrying out the US line while on the other hand they are inclined towards a settlement of the West Berlin question through negotiations with the Soviet Union.
De Gaulle, who is also yearning for a return to France's "greatness" of bygone days, is striving hard to seize the leading position in West Europe. Having forgotten the two German imperialist attacks against France in a period of less than half a century, de Gaulle, in an attempt to satisfy his passions, does not hesitate to work in co-operation with the West German militarists in order to push the British out. Despite opposition from the USA, de Gaulle is continuing with his plans to manufacture his own nuclear "weapons in order to stregthen France's position which, he hopes, he will be able to utilise in his bargaining with the USA.
On the other hand, West Germany is striving hard to make NATO the "fourth nuclear power" which in everyday language means forcing Britain and France to abandon their supervision over nuclear weapons and surrender them to the NATO leadership which consists for the large part of former Nazi generals. On the other hand, Britain wants to preserve joint US-British control but is also prepared to recognise France as an atomic power, calculating that it can break the de Gaulle-Adenauer co-operation and keep West Germany in the position of a second class nuclear power.
Such is the international situation at the present time, a situation that is very favourable to the people's movement, to the democratic movement, the movement for national independence, peace and progress.
This situation shows that everywhere the position of the world imperialists, headed by the US, is on the decline and becoming weaker while the revolutionary people's movement and the Communists Parties are making continual progress and occupying a position of growing political importance. In general elections held recently, both in Asia—in India and Japan, as well as in West Wurope—the Netherlands, in Northern Europe—Finland, and also in Latin America—in Chile and Argentina, the Communist Parties have made progress.
This does not mean that imperialism is already powerless. The truth is that the imperialists, who are fast approaching their doom, can become even more desperate and cunning in their efforts to prolong their life. But it is also equally true, as the events and developments described above prove, that if resisted the imperialists also retreat. This is why the new emerging forces in this country, while intensifying their blows against imperialism, must also redouble their national vigilance so as not to be lulled by the flatteries and coaxings of the imperialists. This is why, above all, we must safeguard, anti-imperialist unity as the apple of our eyes.
4. There Must Be No Dualism!
It's quite clear that Indonesia is experiencing an international situation that is favourable to its national struggle.
If Indonesia is now respected by other nations, this is because of its anti-imperialist and peace-loving policy, not non-committed and not anti-Socialist camp, but together with the Socialist camp against imperialism and colonialism.
The concept regarding the straggle between the new emerging forces and the old established forces which was born by the Republic of Indonesia is an extremely important achievement and accomplishment in the development of the foreign policy of-the Republic of Indonesia since our Sixth National Congress.
In view of the progressiveness of Indonesia's foreign policy today, it is quite proper for Indonesia and various Socialist countries to have reached common agreement regarding a number of international problems such as is expressed in the Joint Statement of President Sukarno and President Zavadsky of Poland which was signed in Djakarta on October 10th, 1961. The two Presidents reached agreement and a common stand regarding imperialism a! the basic source of all International tensions, regarding the question of Germany and West Berlin, regarding West Irian, regarding the United Nations and China's membership in that body and regarding other important international questions.
This foreign policy has placed Indonesia on the international arena in a position of sufficient influence among the non-bloc countries. The developments in Indonesia’s foreign policy at the present time bear out the correctness of what the Sixth National Party Congress held two-and-a-half years ago said to the effect that "co-operation with the Socialist countries in the international front for peace and anti-colonialism guarantee safety, progress and a better future for the Republic of Indonesia" and that "Indonesia should place Itself as an active participant in this front", that is, the international anti-colonial and peace-loving front.
In keeping with the true foreign policy, the Foreign Minister, Dr. Subandrio, has expressed his approval for the expanded formation of Indonesian Peace Committees and has already stated his sympathy for and. assistance to conferences of progressive international mass organisations held in Indonesia. This attitude is in keeping with Indonesia's anti-imperialist and peace-loving active and independent foreign policy, its foreign policy which sides with and aims at strengthening the new emerging forces. The strange thing is that in all parts of Indonesia with the exception of a few towns, there is still a ban on the establishments of Leagues of Friendship and Leagues of Cultural Relations with foreign countries. This is an obstacle to the development of the political consciousness of the people in support of Indonesia's foreign policy, in strengthening the friendship between the Indonesian people and other peoples. This prohibition, which aims at shutting the Indonesian people up-in a shell, should be lifted immediately and the feelings of friendship of the Indonesian people for the peoples of other countries should be allowed to grow and develop, to beautify and strengthen the international tree of friendship that has already grown up on fertile Indonesian soil.
Indonesia's foreign policy today is clear enough and has been objectively formulated by President Sukarno, particularly in his speech To Build the World Anew and the speech at the Conference of Non-Bloc Countries. The question now is the implementation or more concretely the apparatus of implementation. Experience shows that as long as President Sukarno himself directly and actively leads the activities of the Republic of Indonesia in international politics, there is unity, there is no dualism, between concept and implementation.
The fact that, up to the present, an ambassador to Cuba has not yet been established that diplomatic relations have not yet-been established with the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, with the Korean People's Democratic Republic and with the German Democratic Republic, while in the field of sport, Indonesia still maintains normal relations with Taiwan, as well as other facts show that, in Its implementation, Indonesians foreign policy is not yet fully in accord with and at one in spirit with the line that has been laid down. It is very keenly felt that the persons implementing Indonesia's foreign policy, in particular Indonesia's diplomats, not only require indoctrination regarding the lines of policy of the State, the Manipol, but they also need, in the first place, thorough indoctrination about the implementation of this line of state policy in the sphere of foreign affairs, about the essence and the spirit of President Sukarno's foreign policy, especially about the struggle of the new emerging forces in the world today against the old established forces.
It is the responsibility of every Indonesian patriot to make sure that there is unity between the formulation and the implementation of foreign policy, to prevent dualism from appearing between the political concept drawn up and the implementation in practice, so that the Manipol is fully practiced in the field of our Republic's foreign policy.
5. The CPI and the International Communist Movement
While speaking about the international situation, I feel that it is necessary to speak about the CPI’s relations with the Communist and Workers' Parties of the world, the CPI’s relations with the international workers’ movement and the international Communist movement.
The Sixth National Congress stated among other things that "Our Party's relations with fraternal parties is getting closer everyday, both through studying the experiences of the fraternal Parties as well as through attending their congresses or through personal contacts between the leaders of our Party and the leaders of fraternal Parties". Our Party continues to strive to strengthen further its relations with fraternal Parties. The difference of opinion that has arisen in the international Communist movement, particularly since the Twenty-Second Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union at the end of last year, has not only not led to a slackening of these relations with fraternal Parties but has made us work harder to-strengthen these relations. This is in the interests of the international working class and in the interests of the Indonesian people themselves because there can be no doubt that the kernel of the new emerging forces in each country is the working class and its Party.
The difference of opinion in the international Communist movement is only a passing phenomenon. All Marxist-Leninist Parties pursue the same final objective, that is, by revolutionary means to put an end to the exploitation of man by man, to create a new world, a world of Socialism and Communism, in which all men live in peace and happiness. Only we must not forget that there are now about 90 Marxist-Leninist Parties in the world and more than 42 million Communists led by thousands of Central Committee members not all of whom possess or fully possess the characteristics of Marx, Engels and Lenin, This is why we should not be surprised if there still are people among the Communist leaders who like to exaggerate the difference of opinion rather than stressing the unity of opinion, who do not give prime place to primary things, who cannot restrain themselves if there is another Communist Party that holds a different view regarding non-basic or less basic problems, or problems which are basic but the solution of which can be postponed.
As has been the case throughout, our Party has, in face of the phenomenon that has appeared during and since the Twenty-Second Congress of the -Communist Party of the Soviet Union, continued to place prime importance upon the unity of the world Communist movement giving prime place to the primary thing. This was stated in the decision of the Plenum of the CC which was held during the last days of last year. The basis for world Communist unity is very strong indeed because, in addition to the theory of Marxism-Leninism, we also have the 1957 “Declaration” which was made complete by the 1960 "Statement".
The Statement of the 81 Parties in Moscow in November 1960 was proclaimed in a situation which, according to the words of the "Statement" itself, "demands the further consolidation of all me revolutionary forces in the struggle against imperialism, for national independence and for Socialism”.
In the history of the international Communist movement, we have known the First Internationale which was founded and led by Marx and Engels, the Comintern which was founded and led by Lenin and the friendly meetings without any form of organisational ties, such as the Moscow meetings of 1957 and 1960. The First Internationale had its documents, the Comintern had its documents, while the 1957 meeting gave birth to the "Declaration" and the 1960 meeting gave birth to the "Statement”. These documents alone are valid as international documents, as the platform, for all Communist Parties.
As was stated by the Third Plenum of the CC of our Party, we have earned out widespread and intensive propaganda to popularise the "Statement”, to make it the possession of the masses.
What are the basic content of the 1960 "Statement"?
* That the foremost feature of our present era is that the Socialist world system m becoming the decisive factor in the .development of society;
* That US imperialism has become the greatest international exploiter, the foremost bulwark of reaction and the international gendarmerie as well as the main force of aggression and war, that US imperialism is the enemy of the peoples of the whole world;
* That a new stage has begun in the development of the general crisis of capitalism and that the conflict between the productive forces and the relations of production in the capitalist countries has never been so acute;
* That a new stage has also begun in the development of the world Socialist system, that Albania, Bulgaria, Hungary, the German Democratic Republic, the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the People's Republic of China, the Korean people's Democratic Republic, Mongolia, Poland, Rumania, Czechoslovakia, together with the great Soviet Union, form the mighty Socialist camp and have made out-standing advances, that this camp has proven its unflagging strength;
* That today the restoration of capitalism has been rendered impossible socially and economically, not only in the Soviet Union but also in the other Socialist countries;
* That the inviolable law of mutual relations between the Socialist countries is to abide firmly by the principles of Marxism-Leninism and Socialist internationalism, that every country in the Socialist camp is guaranteed equal rights and genuine independence;
* That the question of peace and war is the most burning question of our times, that imperialism brings serious dangers for all mankind, that the peoples must now be more vigilant than ever before, that as long as imperialism exists, there is fertile soil for aggressive war;
* That the implementation of the programme of general and complete disarmament put forward by the Soviet Union will be of historic importance for mankind; that the realisation of this programme is not an easy matter because of the stubborn resistance of the imperialists, and that therefore it is absolutely necessary for an active and bitter struggle to be waged to oppose the aggressive imperialist forces;
* That the five principles put forward jointly by the Chinese People's Republic and the Republic of India and the principles adopted by the Bandung Conference are in conformity with the interests of peace and the peace-loving people;
* That the aggressive nature of imperialism has not changed, that real, forces have been created which are capable of foiling their aggressive schemes, that world war can be prevented by the joint efforts of the world Socialist camp, the international working class, the national independence movement all countries that oppose war and all peace-loving forces;
* That the broadest possible united front of the supporters of peace, fighters, against the policy of aggression and war inspired by US imperialism is indispensably necessary for the preservation of peace, that the intrigues of the war-mongers must be untiringly exposed, that this struggle must be strengthened with every passing day, that if any crazy imperialist were to unleash war the peoples would smash and bury capitalism;
* That the destruction of colonialism is absolutely unavoidable, that from the point of view of its historic significance, the disintegration of the colonial system of slavery as a result of the blows of the national liberation movement is the second most important development after the formation of the world Socialist system;
* That the Great October Socialist Revolution awakened the East, draw the colonial peoples into the general tide of the world revolutionary movement. The victory of the Soviet Onion in the Second World War, the establishment of the system of People’s Democracy in some countries of Europe and Asia, the victory of the Socialist revolution in China, the formation of the world Socialist system, have greatly speeded up this process;
* That the face of Asia has changed radically, that in Africa the colonial system is in the process of disintegration, that a front of active struggle against imperialism has opened up in Latin America;
* That the bulwark of modem colonialism is the USA, that the imperialists headed by the US are striving desperately by new methods and new forms to preserve the colonial exploitation of the peoples of the former colonial countries;
* That colonial oppression can only be defeated by a resolute struggle against imperialism and the survivals of feudalism, by means of uniting all the patriotic forces of the nation in a democratic national united front;
* That it is the working class that plays an especial role in this struggle that without radical agrarian reforms it is not possible to solve the problem of food, to destroy all the survivals of the middle ages; that the alliance of workers and peasants is the most important and basic force in the national front; that the extent to which the national bourgeoisie participates in this front depends to a considerable degree upon the strength and might of this alliance;
* That reactionary groups, under-the banner of "anti-Communism", strive to destroy the national front, to isolate the Communists as the vanguard of the liberation movement, that anti-people and antidemocratic actions must be actively opposed;
* That the Communist Parties actively struggle for the consistent completion of the democratic anti-feudal and anti-imperialist revolution, that is to say, for the consistent completion of the national democratic revolution; that Communists will always recognize the revolutionary and progressive significance of wars of national liberation and they are the most active fighters for national independence;
* That the favourable conditions exist for rallying, the forces that can be rallied, that unity can be achieved on the basis of the struggle for national independence, peace and democracy, including radical agrarian reforms, and that the most important responsibility of the working class is to lead the economic and political struggle of the people for democratic reforms;
* That the Communists regard the struggle for democracy as a part of the struggle for Socialism, that above all else, everything must be done to eliminate splits in the national front, that united actions must be developed for the growth of democracy and resistance to the danger of fascism;
* That the behest of the great Lenin—to go deeper among the masses, to work wherever there are masses, to strengthen the ties with the masses in order to lead them—must become the major task of every Communist Party;
* That the Socialist revolution cannot be imported, and it cannot be forced upon people from outside, that the Communists always oppose the export of revolution bet that they also resolutely struggle to oppose the-export of counter-revolution by the imperialists, and that it is the international duty of the people everywhere firmly to prevent or beat back imperialist interference in the affaire of any people who have risen in revolution;
* That in every country, the actual possibilities of the one or, the other way of transition to Socialism depend on the concrete historical conditions and that whatever the transition, this will only be possible by broad and ceaseless development of the class struggle by the workers, the peasant masses and the urban middle strata against reaction;
* That the world Communist movement has become the most influential political force-of our times, a most important factor for the progress of mankind;
* That International opportunistic of the Yugoslav type, modern revisionism, in addition to betraying Marxism-Leninism, also wages subversive activities against the Socialist camp and the world Communist movement, and that therefore further exposure, the active struggle against the Yugoslav revisionism which is now in a position of dependence upon US imperialist "aid", remains an essential task of Marxist-Leninist Parties;
* That a determined struggle must be waged, both against revisionism which remains the main danger as well as against dogmatism and, sectarianism;
* That under conditions in which imperialist reaction is joining forces to fight Communism, it is particularly necessary to unite the world Communist movement with all our strength, to continuously consolidate this unity as the indispensable condition for victory, that all Marxist-Leninist Parties are independent and have equal rights, that they shape their policies themselves in keeping with Marxism-Leninism and support each others that violations of these principles would impair the forces of Communism, that if questions arise between Communist Parties that have to be cleared up they, hold meetings and consultations as the effective form and collective effort to elaborate a common attitude in the struggle for common objectives;
* That, the CPSU has been and remains the universally-recognised vanguard of the world Communist movement and that its Twentieth Congress is of great significance not only for the CPSU and for Communist construction in the USSR;
* That ideological issues are of especial significance, that it is the task of all Communists to struggle to free the people from all forms of bourgeois spiritual bondage, to develop Party work on a very broad and varied scale, to undertake Communist education of the masses, and
* That Communist and Workers' Parties contribute to the great theory of Marxism-Leninism; that mutual assistance and support in relations between all the fraternal Marxist-Leninist Parties is the application in practice of the revolutionary principles of proletarian internationalism; that the further consolidation of the Communist and Workers' Parties on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism is the primary condition for the unification of all working class, democratic and progressive forces, as a guarantee for new victories of the world Communist and working class movement.
Such are some of the basic-points in the Statement of 81 Parties. This is our guide in our efforts unceasingly and unflaggingly to strengthen the relations with fraternal Parties. We Are convinced that, guided by the Declaration and the Statement, the divergencies in the world Communist movement will be overcome within a very short period. This conviction of ours is reinforced by …… that all the signatories of the Declaration and the Statement have …… that they remain loyal to these documents.
We are Indonesian Marxist-Leninists, we are Indonesian Communists. We hold high the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and together with this we have to creatively shape the policy, tactics, forms of struggle and organization of our Party based on the concrete situation obtaining in our country. Our Marxism-Leninism is Marxism-Leninism applied to Indonesia. Indonesianized Marxism-Leninism is not dogmatic but creative.
As the Statement points out, our Party is independent and has equal rights, shapes its own policy according to the concrete conditions in our country and supports other Marxist-Leninist Parties, while enjoying their support. Our Party is responsible to the Indonesian working class and working people, to the world working class and Communist movement.
That is why it is our duty to continuously work to strengthen the world Communist movement. This means that we strengthen the movement for independence, democracy, peace, Socialism and Communism. We don't want the enemies of the people and the enemies of the working class to gain advantage from any split however small in the world Communist movement.
1. Ever forward to Fulfil the Target of the Second Three Year Plan
Our glorious Sixth National Congress issued clear directives greatly inspired and helped to mobilise us in carrying out the task to continue to build the Party. These directives were among other things that in order to strengthen. Party unity, evenly disseminated Party education must be undertaken, that a constant fight against subjectivism should be waged, that every Party member must know Marxism-Leninism and know the situation, that the entire work of the Party should be guided by a realistically drawn up Plan, that the Party must be strengthened, expanded and renewed uninterruptedly and that we should incessantly strengthen the unity with the masses and lead the masses in a correct and bold way.
We have elaborated these tasks in detail in the Second Three-Year Plan for Education and Organisation while putting the emphasis on education.
As was the case with the implementation of the First Three-Year Plan this Second Three-Year Plan too is meeting with many obstacles, especially from the side of those inflicted with Communist-phobia, both- at the centre as well as in the regions.
As we all know, the-reactionary diehards at first wanted to dissolve all political parties since; they looked upon political parties as obstacles to their arbitrary actions. However, in spite of all their efforts to have the parties dissolved, the people continue to have confidence in and stand behind the parties which, throughout the struggle for national independence, democracy and improved living standards, have demonstrated the positive role they play. The people reject those political adventures who sided more with the colonialists than with the revolutionary struggle of the people during the colonial era. The harder they tried to press the parties the stronger the parties resisted and the more closely united the parties became with the people. This cannot be otherwise since blows aimed at revolutionary parties are blows against the revolutionary people themselves, in particular against the political rights and liberties of the people.
The people know full well who their leaders are. The ability to lead cannot be bought, it cannot be imposed and there is no school for it. It can be acquired only In the very straggle for the people's interests. That is why self-styled leaders appear on the scene one after the other but then one by one they leave it again without so much as a by-your-leave.
The main target in dealing blows against political parties is of course the Communist Party since they calculate that after having crashed the CPI it will not be too difficult anymore to dissolve the other parties.
After having failed to dissolve the parties by slandering and attacking the patties simultaneously, they changed their tactics, that is, they themselves are now reinforcing one of the parties in which the bureaucrat-capitalists have settled down and are concentrating their attacks against the CPI. Their "theory" Is as follows: "first destroy the CPI, the other parties are an easy affair, it Is quite easy to break their necks". Yet it is difficult to put this theory into practice. Firstly because of the resistance put up by the Communists and the working people, and secondly because the other democratic parties and their followers feel that what is being done against the CPI is but an initial step to cut the throat of all parties in some places success was achieved in compelling some of the other parties to join in backing a ban on the CPI, but in general those parties which have democratic traditions have refused to become tools with which to beat the CPI.
In concentrating their attacks against the CPI, the reactionaries also make use of the Pantja Sila, alleging that the foundations of the state do not accord with the CPI and that therefore the CPI must be eliminated. By so doing, they seek to separate the CPI from the other parties so as then to be able to get their hands on it. However this attempt also failed, the people put up stiff resistance, the other parties did not respond and President Sukarno termed this attempt as being the action of madmen. In his Re-so-pim speech President Sukarno said among other things: "The Pantja Sila is an instrument of unity. It is not a splitter. With the Pantja Sila we also unite the three great trends we call NASAKOM… Don't use the Pantja Sila to split NASAKOM, to set the Nationalists against the Religious people, to set the Religious people against the Communists, the Nationalists against the Communists. Whoever plays around with the Pantja Sila with the intention of instigating one against the other—is one who does not understand the Pantja Sila at all, is a traitor to the Pantja Silas, is a … madman". The CPI accepts the Pantja Sila as the state foundation of the Republic of Indonesia since it is an instrument to unite the people in the struggle for a democratic New Indonesia with Socialism as its future. Hence there is nothing unclear as to why the CPI accepts the Pantja Sila as the foundation of the state.
In the framework of the efforts to smash the CPI, the "experiment of the 3 Souths”—South Sumatera? South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi—was carried out with the intention, if successful, of spreading it to other regions. Various provocations were launched against the CPI in these three regions. It is necessary to note here that President Sukarno who understands the function of parties, in particular the function of the CPI in pushing forward developments in the political life in our country, particularly in implementing the idea of Guided Democracy, directly interfered in putting an end to the "experiment of the 3 Souths".
After this attempt at dissolving the CPI had also failed and the "experiment of the 3 Souths" only further exposed the diehard attitude of "the reactionaries, they still wanted to abolish the role of parties by attempting to convert the National Front organization into a state party. But this, too, failed.
In short, ever since the Sixth National Congress, blows have been directed against our Party. And if there is such a thing as the, greatest achievement of the revolutionary and democratic movement during the period under review, then this is: The CPI stands ever erect and has become ……! The Indonesian proletariat and working people put up an all-out defence of their Party and continued to expand it!
Of course, as long as there are reactionaries, the CPI will meet with obstructions and blows. That is why we Communists must be prepared at any moment to face up to the obstructions and blows of the reactionaries. At times these obstructions and blows are light and at times they are heavy.
Communists who think that the Party and that they themselves will not be disturbed by the reactionaries, are unrealistic Communists who do not know what they are, and such Communist will complain, despair and-retreat, get-startled and panicky when they encounter obstacles. Yet these obstructions are in the way of things since, according to both our own Party, programme as well as the Political Manifesto and all the guides to its implementation, we as revolutionaries have the duty to fight the imperialists, feudalists and the other reactionaries. That is why we have done something praiseworthy; we did riot complain and did not retreat in face of the obstruction and blows of the reactionaries. We have put up fierce resistance.
All obstructions have failed to slacken Party activities. The reverse is true; they have steeled us. In Indonesia there are still imperialists and their agents and that is why we must always be ready to face them, warded off their blows and strike back at them. It is fitting for me to salute from this rostrum the cadres and Party members in South Sumatera, South Kalimantan and South Sulawesi who struggled against and succeeded, in foiling the "experiment of the 3 Souths". Their experiences as well as the experiences of comrades in Sumatera and Sulawesi in general in combating the RGRI-Permesta, of comrades in West Java against the Kartosuwirjo gangs; and our other experiences, teach us that the reactionaries will definitely retreat if resisted. And this demands courage and once more courage, demands skill and once again skill!
Defeat the reactionaries; this is the way to win victory for the Manipol. We must fight for Manipol, we must make sacrifices for Manipol. Those who shout hurrah for the Manipol but who don't fight the reactionaries, or even take the reactionaries to-their bosoms, are fake Manipolists. As Communists we are genuine Manipolists, revolutionary Manipolists. This is the reason why the reactionaries and these fake Manipolists don’t like us, obstruct and attack us. This is an honour for us; we are on the right road. What will happen if the reactionaries don’t beat us. This is only possible if we do nothing or if we follow on the trail of the reactionaries.
And now too the reactionaries are still obstructing us, aimed both directly against the CPI as well as indirectly by prohibiting the activities and arresting cadres of the mass organizations.
Up till now 7 magazines published under the guidance of the CC and some Party publications in the regions are not allowed to appear since the responsible authorities have not yet issued a permit, whereas the Harian Rakjat has been suspended many times during the period under review and is still prohibited from circulation in South Sumatra and Djambi. The Central Committee will continue to fight for the publication of these, magazines because we recognise the truth of Marx's words that the struggle for the freedom of the press forms a most important part of the struggle for Socialism. Of course, it is freedom for the revolutionary press that Marx had in mind. The struggle for the freedom of the press must be constantly intensified since this is in conformity with Article 28 of the 1945 Constitution which guarantees "freedom to organise and to. assemble, to express opinions orally and in written form, etc.", and with the Manipol which guarantees "freedom to express opinions” or "those rights which are usually called democracy".
In short, in facing the diehard reactionaries we must fight in a bolder way, more skillfully, more vigilantly, more tenaciously and more painstakingly. We must carry out the "Five More’s more courageously, more skillfully, more vigilantly, more tenaciously and more painstakingly";
In spite of many difficulties, the Second Three-Year Plan is in the main proceeding well. We have given pride of place to the upbuilding of ideology, to the education of Marxism-Leninism in the Second Three-Year Plan, without, of course, for a moment forgetting the work to. continue the upbuilding of the Party such as increasing Party membership and expanding the revolutionary mass organisations, promoting candidate-members to full members, intensifying collection of Party dues and intensively looking after Party-Committees, sections, fractions and groups.
The further intensification of Marxist-Leninist education in the Party and the even dissemination of the study of philosophy have led to Party ideology being greatly strengthened.
With the increasing strength of Party ideology, Party discipline has strengthened too, it has become possible to avoid deviations from the mass line in the political fields, to resists the tendency to put one's own interest above the interests of the people and the Party. And the national front policy, too, has become more deeply understood by the Party cadres, there has been greater flexibility in fighting for revolutionary outlooks and opinions and in guarding the independence of the Party.
This increased strength in Party ideology is also apparent from the fact that Party unity has gained in strength and that contradictions within Party Committees, resulting from differences in views on policy, have been reduced. Every political line and tactic decided upon by the Central Committee, after having been explained, immediately understood by Party cadres both at the centre and the regions.
One can feel throughout the Party that the cadres are enthusiastically studying theory. Not only at the centre but also in many regions we have a corps of cadres possessing theory. Such a corps, of theoretically-educated cadres is important equipment for the Committees, both the Central Committee and the Major District Committees, so that Party Committees, in this case their Standing Committees, have two greatly needed hands, the Committee's Secretariat and corps of theoretically-educated cadres. In this way the daily work of the Party is continuously being illumined by Marxist-Leninist theory, while theoretical work develops because it is' being fertilized by practice.
The things requiring .early solution in our efforts to intensify Marxist-Leninist education in the Party are in the first place : the question of tutors by holding more Schools at all Committee levels concerned; and the. continued shortage of textbooks by solving the question of compiling and printing them. It may be more effective for various regions if textbooks for Political Schools were printed in the local language.
There are some comrades who think that the difficulties encountered in fulfilling the targets of the plan are due mainly to two factors; democratic rights are too limited and I life is too difficult. Though they don’t say so, the conclusion can be drawn that plan, targets can be realised only if democratic rights are broader and conditions of life better. Of course there is connection between implementing the plan, and democratic rights and living conditions. But it should not be forgotten that if the Party is weak no one else will give us democracy, and nobody will come and bring us food to our house. A life-and-death struggle must be waged both for democracy and improvements in living conditions, and this can only be successful if the Party and the masses of the people are a mighty political force.
So, don't put the cart before the horse, it is not a question of democracy and improvements in living conditions first, and only then will it be possible for the implementation of the Plan to run smoothly. The contrary is true. Implementing the Plan, strengthening the Party and the revolutionary movement are a must in order to obtain democracy and improved living conditions.
Facts show that in those regions where the problem is put upside down—which means nothing but passivity in ideology—the Plan does not proceed smoothly and difficulties can only be over come slowly. In some regions, however where cadres have a correct, active and offensive attitude In ideology, that is, struggling for the implementation of the Plan and at the same time struggling against difficulties, both those due to the limited nature of democracy as well as those due to the severity of living conditions there we see that the Plan proceeds well and that difficulties can be overcome in good time.
Hence, precisely in order to obtain expansion of democratic rights and improvements in living conditions, we should struggle might and main to fulfil the targets of the plan.
The limitations in democratic rights must become an impetus to implement the Plan with greater enthusiasm since our Plan is precisely in order to expand and strengthen democracy. Difficult living conditions must become an impetus to implement the Plan with greater enthusiasm because our Plan is precisely in order to holds still higher the banner of the August 1945 Revolution and the banner of the Manipol. We are all of the same opinion that only by consistent implementation of the demands of the August-1945 Revolution and of the Manipol will it be possible to bring about improvements in living conditions in the real sense of the term.
As is the case with the execution of other Party tasks, too, shortcomings in implementing the Plan are due to the lack of ability and of still in connecting one problem with another and carrying out several jobs at the same time. Constant leadership and central are needed to increase ability. Through constant leadership and control it will be possible to maintain a high spirit among the cadres, to help create initiative and to give directives and rectify mistakes ill time. Competition in implementing the Plan should be linked with, helping weaker Committees and organizations, it should be done by launching brief campaigns at certain times, e.g. it should be connected with historic days, and by adhering to the line "go down to help to lower organisations".
The method of giving leadership as outlined by the Sixth Congress that is, welding general appeals with concrete directives and welding leadership with the masses, is decisive, and should therefore be strictly adhered to. This method of leadership should be earnestly put into practice and, in addition to becoming material for discussion in the Committees, should be taught in Party Schools at all levels. Viewed from this angle, the necessity is felt for each regions to have its own concrete plan drafted on the basis of local concrete realities and the Programme of Demands, and inspired by the General Programme of the CPI. The method of giving leadership should always be linked up with a correct style of work, that is welding theory to practice, having close ties with the masses of the people and self-criticism.
In our efforts to fulfill or overfulfill the targets of the Second Three-Year Plan, special attention should be given to increase the number of Political Schools and People's Courses, to promoting candidate members to full membership, to expanding Party membership and membership of the revolutionary mass organisations, and to intensifying collection of Party dues, in short, we must carry out a special campaign for implementation of the last part of the Second Three-Year Plan, that is the Four Increases Movement: (1) increase the number of Political Schools and People's Courses; (2) increase the membership of the Party and of the mass organisations; (3) increase the number of candidate members becoming full members; (4) increase the collection of Party dues. But the most important thing, or the key of all keys, is the even spread out of Political Schools and People's Courses meaning that we continue to lay emphasis on education in the last year of the Second Three-Year Plan.
A corps of functionaries should be organised at each Committee level in order to implement the "Four Increases Movement”. These functionaries should be sent to lower Committees down to the groups. This large-scale movement of going down should be undertaken in the first place by cadres from the Section and Sub Section Committee levels and together with the functionaries of the Sub-Section Committees, cadres from the Section Committees should go down to the Basic Committees and, if necessary, down to the groups. As is the case with all other campaigns, the key problem to success for the Four increases Movement lies in activising and increasing the ability of the Sub-Section Committees to give leadership. Without doing this, it will be impossible to make the movement a success and, moreover, to consolidate the results already achieved in this movement.
The life in the basic organisations of the Party depends on the Sub-Section Committees. From this the Conclusion can be drawn that it is of extreme importance to intensify the Section Party Schools and the-Section Tutor Schools which train cadres from the Sub-Section Committees.
2. Ever Forward to Weld the Unity of the Party with the Masses of the People
In order to improve the mass work of the Party, the Sixth National Congress issued the guidance "walking on two feet", that is, we should always combine stirring work with painstaking work, combine the work of arousing- enthusiasm with the daily, practical, thorough and conscientious work covering the field of organization, education, politics and ideology.
Without stirring work, there will be no mobilisation and expression of the firm resolve of the masses, and without painstaking work, good preparations for stirring actions will be impossible, and it will be likewise impossible to consolidate the results achieved in stirring actions. It is only through adhering to "walking on two feet" that our mass actions will achieve success and that the militancy of the masses will increase. Successful actions are those actions which consolidate the unity of the masses, enhance the political consciousness of the masses and strengthen the Party.
The necessity of combining stirring work and painstaking work is widely understood by Party cadres, and in many places this guide has indeed been put into practice. The implementation of this principle is, however, not well balanced, since in general, painstaking work is still not being done well-enough with the result that the basis for well-lead stirring actions is--not strong and achievements already obtained by stirring work cannot be well consolidated. This lack in painstaking work is the reason why Party Committees are not able -enough to maintain continuity in their work, and they don't know the social and economic situation, the organisational, and political consciousness of the masses well..
This is why we must lay stronger emphasis in our future work on painstaking work among the masses, this is why we must educate and train more cadres for such work and we must carry out a more suitable policy of employing cadres within the framework of bringing the Party organisation into line with the rapidly developing situation. We must look for forms of activities which at the same time link painstaking activities with stirring activities, which at the same time link educational work with organisational work. These activities, however, must be such as to enable the most backward member to, carry them out, as by way of example the 1,001 Movement, the campaign to collect signatures for a reduction in prices, the movement to collect spoonfuls of rice, visiting each other's homes and discussing simple subjects or making use of leaflets and so on.
The successes and failures in carrying out painstaking work should be collected and analysed in order to draw conclusions that enable us to draft better guides for this kind of work.
The presence in the leadership of mass organisations at the highest and lowest levels of one or more comrades who are doing painstaking work, as we can observe now, is of course very gratifying and should be expanded. But still there is the question whether these comrades really devote their entire attention to the work entrusted to them so that they have, really taken full responsibility for conscientious and thorough practical daily work related to the life of the masses, and covering the fields of organization, politics and ideology. This is a big job and demands very many cadres because this type of work cannot possibly be carried out by a cadre who already has some other jobs to do.
In this Congress we should therefore remind those Party Committees which have not yet earnestly carried out the cadre policy and the way of looking after cadres laid down by the Second Plenum of the CC in December 1960. We have a dear yardstick concerning cadre policy and the way of looking after cadres. By strictly adhering this policy and way, Party Committees at all levels; as well as those comrades working in mass organizations must be bolder in promoting cadres.
We cannot talk about "cultivating” a great number of capable and charactered people", reducing the number of jobs done by one comrade and bringing the organisation into line with the rapidly developing situation, if there is still anxiety over or lack of confidence in cadres at lower levels who can in fact only progress if they are given greater responsibility.
There is no such a thing as stupid cadres or bad cadres as long as they are given good leadership and are treated justly. They are revolutionaries who joined the revolutionary ranks without being ordered or even compelled to. They are children of the revolution. Give them, therefore, a proper place in the revolutionary ranks. This also means developing the "new emerging forces".
It is thus clear that improving painstaking work is also of great importance for the efforts to create many cadres. We should carry out painstaking work while putting into practice the guide of "walking on two feet". We have, in the main, put this guide into practice. Yet we feel and it is indeed so, that there are still many shortcomings especially as far as painstaking work is concerned.
The Sixth National Congress of the Party entrusted us with the task of continuously strengthening the position of the Party among the workers and to draw the majority of the mass of the workers to the side of the Party. This task has been carried out among others by extensive activities on the part of the Party members through actions for social and economic improvements. The results of the straggle for social and economic improvements are among others: an average 25 per cent wage increase annually and improvement in the distribution of rice and other daily necessities. For government employees in particular, success has been achieved by securing, the improved Regulation concerning Allowances of Government Employees and, thanks to the policy of former Minister Sudjono and the pressure exerted by the trade unions in' respect of the distribution of rice for government employees, the amount has been raised to 8 kg a month for each member of the family. Rice distribution has not yet spread out to cover all government workers. The struggle for a Basic Act on Government Employees has also been successfully carried out. Success has also been achieved in the defence of workers’ rights in state enterprises, formerly belonging to the Dutch, rights which bureaucrat-capitalists of the thieving elements have been trying to curb or to annul, especially the rights to obtain rations, allowances for Festive Days and bonuses. Apart from that the struggle for wage increase for this category of workers has met with success too. After tenacious resistance had been offered, dismissal and mass dismissals have on the whole been successfully combatted. A struggle which still continues to be carried out is for the withdrawal of the Act on Dismissals, a legacy from the Dutch colonial government.
The biggest achievement of the struggle of the Indonesian trade union movement in recent years, is the fact that the revolutionary trade union centre SOBSI has become bigger and that the efforts to dissolve the trade union centres which was tried by way of OPPI and PTK has failed. The success in the establishment of the Joint Secretariat of Cooperation among Trade Union Centres within the framework, of the implementation of the People's Tri-Command for the liberation of West Irian also constitutes an important achievement. This is also the case with the promulgation of the Law on the Establishment of Enterprise Councils which is now in the stage of struggle for genuine implementation. The correct implementation of this Law means realising the principle of Gotong Royong in the management of enterprises.
With ever mounting prices of daily necessities and the increase in the number of unemployed as a result of the closedown of enterprises, it can be predicted that in the days to come the, reactionaries will continue their efforts to shift the burden of the present crisis and inflation completely onto the shoulders of the working people, especially the workers and the peasants. In such circumstances, there is no way out but for the Indonesian workers to come forward as champions and serve as a model in two kinds of struggles Firstly, the struggle against one sided imposition of the burdens of inflation and economic crisis; secondly the struggle for democratic changes in the political system and in political liberties for the people.
Consequently the Indonesian workers should incessantly strengthen their organisation and class unity, create a greater number of revolutionary and tested trade union cadres who possess a high level of political consciousness, who have trade union skill and are revolutionary upholders of the Manipol and who know 1,001 devices to realise, 1,001 kinds of actions.
In conformity with their own tradition, the Indonesian workers should hold high the banner of patriotism, should, ever remain staunch fighters in the struggle to bring West Irian under the authority of the Republic of Indonesia and to surmount the crisis in food and clothing, especially by raising production in state enterprises while preventing bankruptcy of patriotic private enterprises.
As a matter of course the Indonesian workers should also remain in the forefront in matters of friendship between nations, in efforts for the liquidation of colonialism from the face of the earth and in the defence of world peace.
During the period, under review important advances have been made in work among the peasants, a circumstance mainly caused by the fact that Party cadres have already in greater number carried out research in the villages and assisted in organising the peasants, creating and educating cadres from among the peasants themselves. These advances have enabled the revolutionary peasant organisation BTI, which now has a membership of 4.5 million to develop extensively in realising the most actual demands such as the implementation, of the Law on the Division of the Product and the Basic Agrarian Law, demands for reduction of prices of daily necessities, demands for the extension of democratic rights, the termination of the state of emergency and the restoration of security.
On account, of the strong pressures generated by peasants' actions assisted by democratic groups in Parliament, several demands have within certain limits attained success, such as demands for alleviating the difficult living conditions of the peasants such as the demand for the reduction of interest on credits obtained from the Padi Centra (Rice Centres) from 25 to 12 per cent a year, for the abolition of the regulation on the compulsory sale of sugarcane to state sugar enterprises and for the freedom to mill their own sugar-cane so as to produce sugar cubes, to secure by means of negotiation, a reasonable rent for land used for the cultivation of cane, tobacco and rosella, to seat representatives of peasant organisations in certain Enterprise Councils, to secure the enactment of implementary regulations of the Basic Agrarian Law favourable to the peasants. This is mainly due to the fact that the anti-feudal peasants united front with the revolutionary peasant organisation as the backbone has become ever broader and stronger, that the co-operation of peasant organisations has been strengthened as reflected in the Consultative Body of the Peasant Functional Group and in the National Front Peasant Consultations and the co-operation of representatives of peasant groups in various state institutions. The Second CPI Peasant National Conference in July 1961 correctly drew the conclusion that "the peasant movement against various forms of exploitation by the landlords and usurers is now developing and is beginning to expand throughout the country". The development of the peasant movement in the eastern part of our country during the recent period is a cause of great joy.
The revolutionary peasant movement today pivots round the Movement of Six Goods, which includes the 1,001 Movement for raising food production. The Movement of Six Goods is the movement for 1) lower land rent; 2) reduction of interest on money borrowed; 3) wage increase for agricultural workers; 4) raising agricultural production; 5) raising the cultural level of the peasants; and 6) heightening the political consciousness of the peasants. The Movement of Six Goods in essence also applies to the fishermen.
The 1,001 Movement is not something separated from the Movement of Six Goods because the 1,001 Movement has been launched for no other reason than to raise agricultural production. Both the Movement of Six Goods and the 1,001 Movement have been warmly welcomed by the peasants and have aroused joy and enthusiasm in the revolutionary peasant movement. As part of the Movement of Six Goods, the 1,001 Movement should continue to be intensified in connection with the food crisis and the serious drought faced- by the Indonesian people at present. The 1,001 Movement should not only be carried out by the peasants, but also by the workers, the city poor and others.
The movement for rent reduction or the 6:4 movement is being carried on mainly in the form of demanding the implementation, of the Law on the Division of the Product. This movement has succeeded in mobilising the peasants in a broad front against the landlords. The movement for rent reduction has aroused the energy of the peasants which will be of great significance in the struggle for demanding the implementation of the Basic Agrarian Law, a law which, if fully implemented on the insistence of the peasants, will constitute the realisation of limited land reform.
The movement for rent reduction can run smoothly if there is unity of thought among Committee members and other Party cadres, in the countryside. The process of attaining unity of thought can be speeded up if the peasants are aroused to demand rent reduction. Cadres responsible for directly leading this movement should be cadres who are full of spirit and are genuinely conduced that the peasant masses can be aroused to throw off the burden of oppression from their shoulders, and are prepared to go into the villages among the poor peasants and the agricultural labourers, steadfastly carrying on research on the forms of feudal exploitation in the villages, and arousing those exploited to demand the implementation of the Law on the Division of the Product. In short the principle "the peasants emancipate themselves” should be adhered to strictly by cadres, working In the countryside. Cleansing the revolutionary peasant organisations and the Party in the country side from the influence of landlords and rich peasants is an absolute condition for making the movement for rent reduction a success, for the consistent Implementation of the Law on the Division of the Product.
The movement for interest reduction is a movement directed against usurers whose function is usually also performed concurrently by the landlords. Consequently, the movement for interest reduction is in general also a movement against the landlords. Within the framework of this movement there, should also be actions to fight for the exemption of land mortgages and easing the redemption of land in accordance with Law No.- 56, Prp. 1960, Article 7.
The movement for wage increases for spadework, planting, cropping, weeding, cattle-tending, husking of rice, transportation of agricultural product, picking of coconuts etc., is carried on in a way which differentiates between those who are being dealt with. The course taken is negotiation based on the line: demands against the middle peasants' are lower than against the rich peasants and demands against the rich peasants are lower than against the landlords. Negotiations with the middle peasants and the rich peasants should be more patiently carried on than with the landlords.
The movement for wage increases strengthens the movement for rent reduction, and if the two kinds of movements are strong and well co-ordinated, then the revolutionary peasant movement will be placed in a position of initiative and the landlords in an isolated and defensive position.
The movement for increased production is carried on by putting forward demands, such as the demand to carry out effective reafforestation, to use reserve plots and uncultivated estate lands, to raise "tumpangsari" (the growing of secondary crops) on the forestry service and estate lands, to demand the immediate setting up of Committees of Irrigation and Councils of Agricultural Production by enlisting the participation of revolutionary mass organisations etc. Mutual Aid Teams (MAT) have also been formed and propaganda carried out on an ever broader scale concerning the "5 principles" and the "8 principles" for raising agricultural production. The movement for increased production should be intensified by launching the 1,001 Movement.
The movement for higher cultural levels is directed in the first place towards, the elimination of illiteracy among the peasants and the activities of organisations of people's art among the peasants.
The movement for higher political consciousness is carried on by educating more political cadres from among the peasants, by setting up more Political Schools and People's Courses where the basic problems of the revolution are explained to the peasants in a simple and easily understandable manner, that our revolution is essential a peasant revolution, that the question of the liberation of West Irian is, also a question for the peasants, that democracy-unity-mobilisation is an absolute condition for the liberation of West Irian; for the improvement of the lot of the peasants, to defeat the landlords and for the establishment of a Gotong Royong Cabinet.
In carrying out the Movement of Six Goods and 1,001 Movement, prime attention should be given to the interests of the agricultural workers and the poor peasants while not neglecting the interests of the middle peasants who also constitute an important driving force of the revolution. To secure its implementation, the revolutionary peasant organisation should be made into a mass organisation cleansed from landlords and rich peasants and whose membership mainly consists of agricultural labourers and poor peasants; while the middle peasants should be mainly organised in working people's co-operative which, are closely linked with the revolutionary peasant organisation in the struggle against the landlords and usurers. As corruption is still a disease afflicting co-operatives, particularly co-operatives, imposed from above, Party Committees should take firm and timely action against any manifestation of fraud in co-operative management where Party cadres are involved. Party Committees should train more cadres for working people's co-operative who are equipped with a strong ideology and have the ability to manage co-operatives so as to become loyal and trusted cadres in holding' high the three banners of the working people's cooperatives.
Simultaneously with the advance of the revolutionary and progressive movement during the period under review, we register notable progress in the movement of the youth, university students and high-school students. The revolutionary spirit among these young people has heightened especially after the People's Tri-Command for the liberation of West Irian was issued. They have quickly responded to the movements of the imperialists, whether Dutch, American, Belgian, French, British or the Japanese militarist-imperialists. The youth front is becoming more consolidated, co-operation among university student organisations is getting better and better and the patriotic and revolutionary spirit among high school students is rapidly heightening. The revolutionary organisations of university and high school students and sports organisations are already working in the direction of raising achievements in study, and they already constitute a force in the fight against subversive and reactionary activities in schools and universities, and in creating educated people, adherents of the Manipol.
The delegation of Indonesian youth and students to international gatherings in recent years, convened both in the West and in the East, have always shown themselves to be united compactly, and firmly defending and upholding the principles of the Manipol and taking the side of the new emerging-forces. In this way they have rendered an important contribution to the cause of strengthening the anti-colonial, anti-imperialist and peace-loving unity for the youth and students of the world.
Indonesian students abroad, too, do not want to be left out in the implementation of the Tri-Command of the People, Everywhere they have aroused the spirit of anti-Dutch and American imperialism. In various countries our students have staged heroic anti-Dutch actions and demonstrations.
Under the slogan “Make Pemuda Rakjat (People's Youth) a big and consolidated organisation", great activities have been carried by cadres of the Pemuda Rakjat to expand its organisation and membership as well as to educate its ranks in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism. Pemuda Rakjat which now has a membership of 1,250,000 has more and more perfected itself as a loyal and trusted assistant of the CPI, as conscious and spirited executors of the Manipol and the Tri-Command of the People. Within the framework of implementing the Tri-Command of the People, the Pemuda Rakjat stands in the forefront in carrying out the people's will to fight: “A rifle in one hand and spade in the other", which means being ready for the-battle-field for the liberation of West Irian and ready also to strengthen the home-front. Members of Pemuda Rakjat sent to the war front should become active, courageous, tough and selfless volunteers. Those who have not yet been sent or will not be sent, should become active elements in the struggle of the workers and peasants, in assisting the trade unions and in carrying on the Movement of Six Goods in the, countryside, in assisting the working people's co-operatives, the security of village and campong and so on.
However, the tasks to be confronted by the progressive movement in the days to come are much more numerous and heavier. Consequently, the cadres of Pemuda Rakjat should be more steadfast and zealous to make their organisation spread out throughout the country and consolidated politically, organisationally and ideologically. Its membership should not only be increased, but its composition should also be improved; more young workers and peasants should be taken up in the leading bodies and the number of girl members should be raised because at present it has only reached 87,000 or 7 per cent of the whole membership.
The women’s movement has also achieved important progress during this period. A strong anti-imperialist and broad united front of women has been built in the capital. The situation in the regions is not the same as that in the capital; there are regions where co-operation is better than that in the capital, but there are also regions where co-operation is still very poor or completely non-existent. The co-operation of women's organisations in the regions will be better if there is more active assistance from the co-operation organisation existing in the capital.
In recent years the GERWANI achieved important progress in expanding its organisation and membership as well as in consolidation. This development will be better if Party Committees in the regions give more attention to looking after Party fractions and Party cadres working in the revolutionary mass women's organisations in the regions. Special efforts should be made to find quick and correct ways of solving any contradictions that exist within the fraction. The revolutionary women's mass organisation has shown its militancy in demanding a decrease in prices of daily necessities and in other activities to lessen, the burden of household difficulties, such as organising joint shopping, actively participating in co-operatives of the working people, participating in the 1,001 Movement, etc. All these activities have their influence on the women's movement in general.
In the villages the women should. be actively drawn into the Movement of Six Goods, because without this there will be no broad mass movement in the countryside.
A good step taken by the leadership, which should be more evenly followed by the regions is the National Seminar of Peasant Women organised by the Gerwani in December 1960, and the National Seminar of Women Workers organised by SOBSI in May 1961. These seminars have, been of great assistance to the women cadres who work in the peasants' and workers' movements. But there are still many regional committees that do not yet master the decisions of these seminars, and are even quite uninterested in, them with the result that they cannot assist in developing the results of these important seminars. Therefore all regional committees must master the results of these two seminars and help better to develop the revolutionary women’s movement in their own local ties, especially the movement among the peasant women and the women workers. ln order to improve the work among the young women, where there are still many shortcomings, it is necessary to hold a National Seminar of Young Women which will be preceded by regional seminars.
One question that is not yet in accord with the line of the Sixth National Congress is that the percentage of women members in the Party has not only not increased but in fact it has declined. This is because Party membership is constantly increasing, whereas the increase in the number of women members does not keep up with the overall increase in membership. This must be rectified, more working women must be drawn into our Party.
The Party has taken onto its shoulders the task of "educating women Communists to become women whose intellect, desires, and sentiments develop as broadly and deeply as possible". This question has not yet been given adequate attention by many Party Committees. Various efforts must be undertaken in order that this matter should be given the necessary attention, among others: Party schools at all levels should give special lectures on improving the work of the Party among the women, more special political schools for Communist women should be held, conferences of Communist women should be held more frequently in the regions, and more pamphlets about the women's movement should be published.
The Sixth National Congress of the Party charged us with the task of Intensifying the work among the intellectuals. In the framework of carrying out this task, the Third Plenum of the CC held at the end of 1961, is of great significance. That Plenum explained that, at the present stage, the problem of intellectuals for our Party revolves around the question: what contribution can the CPI make to help the intellectuals Increase their role in the struggle to win victory for the Indonesian revolution in keeping with the revolutionary traditions of the leaders of Indonesia's intelligentsia In former periods.
It is a fact that the slogan "science for science's sake" has today been politically defeated by the principle "science for the people". Officially, the principle of "science for science's sake" finds no justification, but we should not relax. There are still quite a number of scientists who, under the pretext of "science", basically do nothing but utilise "science" as a mask for their resistance to progress, for their resistance to the people, for their resistance to the Manipol, for their resistance to science. It is no longer a secret that there are "scientists'' who hold seminars in order to oppose President Sukarno's concept regarding Guided Democracy and a Gotong Royong Cabinet or-write theses in order to kill the initiative taken by peasants to increase production or in order to undermine the concept of Gotong Royong and Nasakom and so on. All these crimes are perpetrated in the name of "science" and to have "no connection with politics”. Universities which exist only because of direct or indirect taxes that the people pay are utilised to inflict blows upon the people and to split the unity of the people, and this is what is said to have "no connection with politics", to be solely the affair of "science". President Sukarno was very correct when, a few months ago, he warned the Presidents of all Indonesian Universities to be careful not to allow foreign subversive activities to infiltrate into the Universities. And also, the problem today is, kick out those that, have already infiltrated.
The development of the progressive and the revolutionary forces, the forces of national unity, with the Manipol as the beacon, is having more and more influence upon the Indonesian intellectuals, is opening more and more possibilities for an increase in the role of the intellectuals in the struggle for the victory of the national and democratic revolution which has Socialism as its future.
There are two aspects to the Party*s work among the intellectuals: firstly work among the non-Party intellectuals, and secondly, the work of creating more Communist intellectuals.
Guided by the line established by the Third Plenum of the CC which was held recently, our Party is now working hard to gradually eliminate the shortcomings that still exist in the implementation of these two tasks by: on the one hand helping the revolutionary intellectuals outside the Party to weld science with the practice of the Indonesian revolution and also by introducing Marxism-Leninism to them; and on the other hand, raising the level of general knowledge and expertise of Communist cadres and cadres of the revolutionary movement in general as well as more intensively teaching the fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism, teaching them about the standpoint and method of the working class.
In brief, the Party’s work among the intellectuals is a struggle to weld science with the practice of the Indonesian, revolution as an inseparable part of the cultural revolution in our country. This cultural revolution is beneficial not only to the workers and peasants but also to the intelligentsia and to the entire people of our country.
As part of raising the general knowledge of the activists of the people's movement and acquainting the masse with progressive principles in a specific field of knowledge, the Seminar on Education to deal with the question of general education which was held by the CC In July 1960 is very important. Such seminars as this, broadened to cover other branches of science should be held by the CC and the Major District Committees.
The work of the Party among the intellectuals will definitely develop and advance if, In addition to creatively implementing the principles for work among the intellectuals as laid down by the Third Plenum of the CC, we also, particularly the Party cadres from among the intellectuals, are active in uniting the intellectuals and in struggling for the interests of those who work in various fields.
I am now approaching the end of this report. You certainly know that there are still some mass activities of the Party which need not yet be mentioned, and which I think it is not necessary to mention in this report.
But nevertheless, this report would not be complete if some mass activities of the Party were not mentioned here, namely the Party's activities in the field of culture. I have left this to the end but this does not mean that these activities are any less important than other activities of the Party.
Basically, the slogan "art for art's sake", just like the slogan "science for science's sake" has politically been defeated and has become outdated. It has been defeated by the slogan "art for the people". But in this matter too we cannot relax because the imperialist and the domestic reactionaries are striving, all the time to revive the principle which has already been defeated politically. The struggle for the total defeat of the slogan "art for, art's sake" will continue until imperialist cultural aggression headed by the US has been defeated and until the survivals of colonialism and feudalism have been eliminated by the Indonesian revolution.
In the field of culture, the imperialists, particularly the US, are still waging aggression against our country, especially by means of reading-matter, films and music. The domination by imperialist culture and the remnants of Dutch colonial culture are still very visible in v the Academic world, especially in the higher educational institutes in the large towns; whereas in the villages, feudal culture which, serves the interests, of the landlords still clings like a leech to the peasants’ struggle.
The objective of imperialist cultural aggression is to destroy the ideology of the working class and the people. This is why the task of the Party in the field of culture for this period of the national democratic revolution is to mobilise all cultural forces and to transform them into a weapon in the hands of the people for the defeat of their enemies, namely imperialism and feudalism.
Thanks to the leadership of the Party, the working people have already made use of culture as a weapon in their struggle, and are continuing to do so. The culture created by the people's struggle is a democratic, national culture which has already grown and is spreading its luxuriant shade more and more. This national and democratic culture is a culture of the working class, the peasants and other anti-imperialist and anti-feudal groups of the people. Experience and facts show that this revolutionary culture can only grow and develop as long as it remains an inseparable part of the general revolutionary mass, movement.
In the last few years, Communist artists and Party cultural workers have created many new works in the form of literature, plastic arts, music, drama, film and the dance. Party cultural workers have cooperated with other democratic and patriotic artists and writers with the result that an anti-imperialist and anti feudal cultural front has been built which, if continually preserved and developed, will represent an important force of the revolution.
Ever since the coming into existence of the working class and the Party there has basically been a working class culture. Of course, the Party has the responsibility of preserving and developing this class culture. In this connection, side by side with other activities, it is fitting for us to welcome the movement to popularise the songs of the class straggle, national songs and folk-songs of the various regions now taking place in the ranks of the Party and in the mass organisations.
I hope that all Communist artists and cultural workers of the Party will always set examples, not only in their own field of work but also in their everyday life. Progressive artists and cultural workers should always remember that all their creative works are not for a limited audience but for the entire people, particularly the working people. Party Committees should continuously lead Communist artists and cultural workers of the Party in raising, their ideology and help -other democratic and patriotic artists to serve the people and the revolution.
The Sixth National Congress laid down a great programme for us to carry out, a programme to win victory for the demands contained in the Manipol, to win a national democratic revolution which has Socialism as its future. This programme has also given our Party international tasks, the task to defeat colonialism and imperialism, to defend peace and build friendship among the nations, among the peoples, among the working class and among the Communists of the world. Every member of our Party must really become a model in the struggle for democracy and national unity, in the storming of imperialism, especially in the straggle for the liberation of West Man, and in the storming of feudalism.
We can only implement these tasks if we unceasingly steel our Party, steel its organization, its policies and its ideology; and if our Party unceasingly steels its unity with the masses of the people, if our Party continually works with an ever-intensifying spirit of patriotism and proletarian internationalism.
There are no insurmountable difficulties for such a Party, no bastion
which cannot be conquered.
And therefore let us continually advance and advance with faster strides to build such a Party.
Continue forward, raise high the banners of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism!
Continue forward, raise high the banners of Democracy, Unity and Mobilisation!
Continue forward, implement the Tri-Command of the People with the resolve: a rifle in one hand and a spade in the other!
Forward for Democracy and a Gotong Royong-Cabinet, for the complete implementation of the Manipol!