Portuguese Communist Party 1974
Source: Avante No 1 (Seventh series), May 17, 1974;
Translated: for marxists.org by Mitch Abidor.
The Provisional Government has just been constituted. The participation in the government of Comrade Alvaro Cunhal, Secretary General of the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP), and of Comrade Avelino Goncalves, till now President of the Bank Workers union in the Porto District, confirm the radical change in the political situation in Portugal.
This is the first time that the working class and the PCP are represented in the government. This constitutes an extraordinary political victory, one that consecrates the role of the working class and its Party, the PCP, in the struggle against the fascist dictatorship for dozens of years and now, in this crucial moment, in the construction of a democratic Portugal. The participation of the Communists is an affirmation of the strength of the working class and the people’s movements, and of the influence and national prestige won by the PCP.
The Provisional Government represents a wide coalition of social and political forces, among them the Democratic Movement and the Socialist Party, created in the anti-fascist resistance, companions in struggle and allies of the PCP. The names of Mario Soares, General Secretary of the Socialist Party, and Perieira de Moura (of the Democratic Movement) deserve special mention. Also taking part in the government are representatives of the liberal current that have broken with fascist policy, and those with great professional competence who are not members of any party. The minister of Defense, Lt. Col. Mario Firmino Miguel, assures the liaison and coordination of the Provisional Government with the Armed Forces.
The setting in act of the Provisional Government will be tied to the setting in act of the Junta of National Salvation and the president of the Republic, General Spinola.
Speaking upon assuming office as president of the republic, General Spinola, after stating that the mandate for this great change was confided in him by the Armed Forces Movement (MFA), concluded; “In the presence of the Portuguese people, I take on the responsibility for its full accomplishment.”
As its name indicates, the Provisional Government has a conjunctural and temporary character. It isn’t possible to resolve, much less resolve rapidly, the great problems that confront the Portuguese people and nation. The role of the Provisional Government is more limited. It will doubtless provide a response to the urgent questions of the economic, social and political life of the country.
Its essential mission is to nevertheless liquidate the fascist state structures, democratize political life, and to put an end to the colonial war and prepare the realization of free elections to the Constituent Assembly.
The working class, the popular masses, the entire Portuguese people, are vitally interested in the successful conclusion of this mission. It is a question of limited objectives. But the future of the country depends on their realization.
It would be a serious error to think that the liberties already won since April 25 are definitively assured, without any risk. The reality is different. The fascists began to conspire on the very day of their defeat. The economic power of the great monopolistic groups, that inspired fascist policies and profited by them for many years, remains intact. The first weeks that have passed since the overthrow of the fascist dictatorship show that the financial potentates seek to create economic and financial difficulties for the new government in order to weaken its base of popular support. There also persist many structures of the fascist state still in place in important locations. It would be extremely dangerous to relax the spirit of vigilance and defense.
The government should and can take many urgent reforms and measures. But to claim that a government of such a wide coalition realizes the policy of popular government or, as some claim, of a government of “socialist option” would be completely unrealistic and would provoke conflicts among the component elements of the current coalition and lead to its division and disintegration in the every near term. This path would be ruinous and counter-revolutionary. It is the obligation of all to do everything possible so that this not occur.
In the current circumstances the unity of the working class and the democratic forces with the Armed Forces (translated as cooperation, solidarity, and mutual assistance) constitutes an indispensable condition for the consolidation and expansion of the democratic conquests, for the realization of free elections for the Constituent Assembly. This unity and this alliance are a matter of life or death for the democratic revolution. Everything must be done to consolidate them.
An extremely serious residue of fascist policy, the colonial war continues to be among the central questions of Portuguese politics. Its economic, social and political implications are ever more grave. It demands a quick solution. The recognition, in the program of the MFA, that the “solution to the overseas war is political and not military” signifies an extremely important step in putting an end to the war. The carrying out on the national level of a frank and open debate on the colonial problem will also be important. We can’t remain on the plane of conclusions and debates of a general order. The situation is rapidly worsening in Africa, without any profit for anyone. The news in the papers shows that there are great tensions in the expeditionary corps and among the populace. Imperialism, the reactionary forces of South Africa and Rhodesia, and Portuguese colonialists based in Africa are particularly interested in profiting by the present conjuncture.
It is urgent that negotiations without any preconditions be opened with the liberation movements of Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique and Angola, respectively the PAIGC, FRELIMO, and MPLA, in order to examine together the problems of common interest, keeping in sight the rapid end to the war and a political solution to the problem.
It is certain that there will exist differences in opinion, and even divergences in the governmental coalition around what the political solution to the problems should be. The position of the PCP in this respect is known. Others have a different opinion. It is an extremely complex problem, especially when it coincides with the very process of consolidation of the democratic conquests of the Portuguese people, and in which there exists a large coalition of social and political forces. Nevertheless, since there is agreement as to the need for the end to the war and for a political solution, and a recognition of the right to self-determination with all its possible expressions, we can already set out on the path of peace negotiations without wasting time, something that could be catastrophic.
Beware, though. Negotiations must take place with legitimate representatives of the people, and not with opportunists who are popping up everywhere, seeking to reap benefits from the present conjuncture. To negotiate or engage in dialogue with such people can only block the road to peace.
All must judge in its correct measure what the overthrow of fascism, the conquest by the Portuguese people of some essential freedoms and the formation of a Provisional Government as a large coalition which includes the left signifies for the solution of so great a problem. It’s a matter of a new factor of extreme importance, that it’s possible to predict with greater confidence the end to the war and the road to a just solution of the problem.
Seeing how limited the program of the Provisional Government is, and how relatively restricted its margin of decision is in relation to the great national problems, it is necessary to clearly indicate the reasons for the participation of the Communist Party in the government.
The participation of the Communists was determined by two fundamental reasons:
The first was the pressing need to expand and reinforce the unity of democratic and liberal forces, and the alliance of the popular movement with the MFA, with the goal of consolidating the freedoms already won, the continuation of the democratization of political life, the end of the colonial war, and the preparation for the realization of elections for the Constituent Assembly.
The non-participation of the Communists in the Provisional Government (either through a refusal by the PCP or the formation of a coalition excluding the Communists) would irremediably compromise the carrying-forward of the process of democratization. This would without any doubt provoke serious divisions in the democratic movement and would push the right wing of the former democratic opposition and the liberal current into cooperation with reactionary elements. It would open a breach — which could be irremediable and fatal — between the popular movement and the MFA. Without any doubt, the result would be the formation of a government of the right wing that, while formally declaring its adherence to the program of the MFA would open a path to the maintenance and recovery of its positions by reaction, fascism and, in the end, counter-revolution.
The second reason for Communists to be in the Provisional government is the necessity and the possibility to directly intervene in national politics so that the measures taken by the government be those that best serve the people and the country.
In the government, the Communists will be the firm defenders of the interests and aspirations of the working class, the workers and the wide popular masses.
With its forces it will fight for the firm carrying out of democratization and for the rapid end of the colonial war. Within the framework of the platform and program of the MFA it will fight so that the policies followed and the measures taken respond to the interests of the people and the country.
The task of the Communists isn’t easy in a government made up of such a wide coalition and as conditional as that of today The strong ties of Communist ministers with the working class and the mass of workers and the conjunction of activity within the government with that of the party by the democratic forces and the masses are indispensable conditions for success.
That which was for nearly a half a century the dream of the Portuguese people has begun to be realized. Some fundamental freedoms were installed. It is our goal to construct the democratic regime sought for by the people.
In the immediate, extremely complex labors await us, but a favorable prospect is before us, and we have enough strength to realize it.
If we maintain and reinforce the unity of the working class and the democratic forces, and the alliance of the popular masses with the Armed Forces, the final victory will be won.