Citizen Vaillant is in the chair and indicates that he will announce a large number of newly arrived letters and telegrams in the evening session.
On the agenda are reports on the state of labour and the socialist movement in the various countries.
Lafargue indicates that a Finnish delegate has arrived, Citizen Finn. The same is elected by acclamation to the bureau.
A letter from the Labor Elector Association informs Congress that their envoy, Cunninghame Graham, Member of the English Parliament, will arrive in Paris today or tomorrow.
Lafargue requests every nationality to draw up a complete list of their delegates with their addresses and to hand it over to the Bureau, so that the list, according to Vollmar's motion, can be distributed to all members of the congress as a memento.
The Congress approved this and another proposal by Lafargue, according to which an overview of all the convictions suffered by the various Congress delegates for the workers’ cause should be compiled.[b]
Citizen Sebastien Faure, anarchist, protests both in his name and in that of his comrades against any assumption that they are systematically causing difficulties. “We are not opponents”, he adds.
It was precisely at this moment that a poster was pinned up in the Congress hall itself, by means of which the “comrades” call on the socialists to get rid of their presumptuous “leaders”, claiming that the latter are nothing but enemies of proletarian fraternization.[c]
—24— Citizen Cipriani states that, in accordance with the order received, he and Citizen Costa had gone to the Possibilist Congress to inform them about the Liebknecht motion regarding the merger. They found a mood favourable to reconciliation. Nevertheless, the Possibilist Congress has decided to make the merger dependent on a new joint examination of all delegate powers — a proposal against which Citizen Costa raised an objection, pointing out that “a step towards brotherhood must not begin with an act of distrust.”
On the proposal of a commission for verbal negotations with the Possibilist Commission, the Congress replies, after a long debate, led in particular by Citizens Bernstein, Vaillant, Cipriani and Morris, by adopting a resolution formulated by Jaclard as follows:
“In view of the decision taken by the Possibilist Congress in the session of the 16th of this month, the Congress instructs its permanent bureau to take care of the necessary measures.”
The agenda is immediately started, and Bebel, a Reichstag deputy, delivers his report on Germany after receiving repeated applause, somewhat as follows:
It is one of the most important symptoms of the course of our development that the question of international labour protection legislation can be discussed today. Barely twenty years ago it would have been impossible to open negotiations with such a programme. The workers’ movement at that time was less concerned with practice than with theory. The discussion of questions of principle suggested that the transformation of society was just around the corner. Since then it has been recognized that the bourgeois order of things is irrevocably doomed, but for the moment it still has enough resistance to hold up for a while; and that on the other hand the forces of the working class have not yet solidified sufficiently in order to be able to bring about the necessary social restructuring. The practical questions, the questions about what should happen immediately in order to create immediate benefits, come to the fore, and they have all the more right to do so because they have an eminent recruiting power to pull the working class more and more into the socialist orbit and so pave the way for socialism.
At first it was generally believed in Germany that the trade union movement, the professional associations, with their emphasis on everyday questions of practical life, were an obstacle to the development of socialism. One has gradually gained clarity about this error into which one had entered. The impossibility of winning the masses over to the whole and ultimate goal of socialism in one fell swoop, and the impossibility of attaining this goal without further ado, made it necessary for one to advocate more and more practical measures that are suitable, first of all, to arouse the class consciousness of the workers. The results which have been achieved in this way are excellent. Although the German labour movement is relatively young, younger than the labour movement in England and France, it is characterized by the clarity with which it looks at the goal to be achieved, and by the strength which it has already tested in the struggle. This strength of theirs is already such that it may instill fear and terror beyond measure in the ruling classes.
We owe this development to the theoretical activity of social democracy on the one hand, and on the other to economic premises —25— — the rapid expansion of large-scale industry in Germany, especially during the last twenty years. As the labour movement became more and more lively and reached wider and wider circles, on the one hand it aroused more and more concern among its opponents; on the other hand, it instilled in them ever greater respect, and so they gradually had to recognize the practical demands of the workers, at least in principle, including those of international workers protection legislation. Today there is a general, I might even say official, discussion of questions which, less than 20 years ago, were considered by the other side in theory and practice to be inadmissible and reprehensible. This is a shining proof of the great power which the workers’ movement has won, and shows the influence it wields. For example, today nobody in Germany will dare to claim that international labour protection legislation is an impossibility, and that our economic system does not have major shortcomings and grave disadvantages.
This complete transformation of public opinion shows the worth of German social democracy, the importance of which is already evident from the number of representatives who appeared at this congress.
As early as 1870, the movement had achieved considerable strength. But only since the time that brought the political and economic unity of Germany, has the great upswing that we have observed taken place, and at the same time agitation on practical questions has become a characteristic feature of the movement. In addition to the political organization of the party, trade unions and professional associations grew like mushrooms on the soil, and numerous newspapers and magazines came into existence which combated the prejudices of public opinion and educated the working class about their situation. Within a few years the socialist party had nearly fifty press organs, some of which appeared daily, some two or three times a week, and the rest were weeklies. The progress made in this way is to be estimated according to the growing number of votes obtained in the various Reichstag elections. The party's first election campaign in 1867 earned it barely 100,000 votes. In 1871 the number of votes had risen only very marginally, as enormous counter-pressure from the government and systematically falsified public opinion had been exerted under the impact of the war, but in 1874 our votes reached 351,000, in 1877 the number 493,000.
Fear and worry took hold of our ruling classes and governments. The assassination attempts by Hödel and Nobiling[a] came just in time to provide a pretext for the suppression of our party. Prince Bismarck, who is particularly responsible for the affairs of the German bourgeoisie, responded to the Hödel assassination with the submission of an “exceptional law against social democracy!” The first draft was rejected because the bourgeoisie was still concerned that the government, if it were given unrestricted authority, could also use it against the bourgeois classes.
Then came the Nobiling assassination attempt and all concerns were put aside. Public opinion was worked on in a way that it had never been before. The assassinations were presented as the fruit of socialist agitation and the spectre of social revolution was painted before the eyes. The elections that came about under such pressure naturally resulted in a parliament which passed the exceptional law.
What did this law signify? Governments and police can and must suppress any “social-democratic, socialist or communist endeavours” which in their opinion are “aimed at overthrowing the existing state or social order —26— in a way that endangers public peace, and in particular the unity of the popular classes,” as the law says.
The general law applicable to all was supplemented in relation to the activities of social democracy by the arbitrariness of the police. They decided what they wanted to mean by those “endeavours”, and forbade and suppressed what appeared to encourage such endeavours.
No sooner was the law passed than all the socialist journals were suppressed and all of our organizations dissolved. Hundreds, even thousands of families, whose breadwinners had been occupied in editing and despatching our newspapers or in the printing works of our party, or as street-sellers, etc. had their existence undermined at one blow, they were ruined. Furthermore, large densely populated areas were subjected to the so-called minor state of siege, on the basis of which the expulsion of all persons who were allegedly dangerous to “public order and security” was made possible. The beginning was made with Berlin and its environs, and from there, at one stroke, 93 of the most zealous and active socialists were driven out. Then came the turn of Hamburg-Altona and the surrounding area in 1880, in 1881 Leipzig and the surrounding area , followed later by Frankfurt am Maine, Stettin and other places. Many of the deportees were hounded from district to district, so that many had to emigrate to America because they could not find a living anywhere. About three and a half million Germans are currently subject to the minor state of siege; the expulsions number in the hundreds and mostly involve heads of families. The police are the mistress of the country. This state of affairs has finally established a surveillance system in Germany that France itself did not know under Napoleon the third. Since Prince Bismarck has been given millions of secret funds for unchecked use, the surveillance of our party comrades by agents of the secret police has been able to reach an unprecedented level of training. In addition, the police are empowered to dissolve any gathering, to suppress any journal or organization as soon as they sense “subversive tendencies” in them. There is no longer a free right of association and assembly; the exercise of the civil rights guaranteed by the constitution has become illusory for the socialdemocrats, often even during the election period. More than 1200 writings and printed matter of all kinds have been confiscated and forbidden under the regime of the Socialist Law. The owners of assembly halls are often determined not to allow us to meet on their premises. All the power of the empire and all the wit of its vaunted statecraft were mobilized to destroy social democracy. But the party emerged as victor from this unparalleled struggle. Where the blows against them were hardest, their competence has proven itself best. It is precisely in the areas of the minor state of siege that the party has the most, the most intelligent, the most enthusiastic and the most self-sacrificing supporters. The correctness of their manner, their diligent endeavor to avoid excesses, even under provocation, and to keep themselves as carefully as possible pure from all doubtful elements, gradually won public opinion over. In increasing numbers they supplemented and strengthened their ranks, both from the working class and from the various strata of the petty bourgeoisie, which is being crushed by the deadly competition of large-scale industry and wholesalers. Even our working class press has gradually surpassed the level it had reached before the exceptional law. The principles of socialism are represented in it with greater skill and with greater success than before, and never had our newspapers and magazines such a wide —27— distribution as today. New workers‘ organizations emerge under the eyes of the police, as the police have to admit in their annual reports on the minor state of siege to the Reichstag, without their being able to make full use of the right to dissolve them in consideration of the change in public opinion. The party is growing under their hands, without their being able to prevent it. Prince Bismarck tries to use an incident with Switzerland as a lever to obtain repressive measures against us from that country. Well, he may, if he likes, place an uninterrupted line of police officers and gendarmes along the Swiss border! It won't help him. He is not able to hinder the socialist movement in its growth and strengthening. The outcome of this conflict with Switzerland, however it turns out, will not harm us. The only ones who really have to suffer from this will be the good friends of the Chancellor, the gentlemen and ladies of the high nobility and the bourgeoisie, who seek their recovery from the exertions of winter fun in Switzerland and on this occasion can get to know the blessings of the police state in their own person. Perhaps then one day they will realize what kind of means their idol is using to curb the greatest movement in history.
Another proof of the importance of the workers’ movement is provided by the economic struggles, the great workers‘ strikes, which have broken out everywhere in the last few months. The economic system of the bourgeoisie itself sees to it that socialist ideas penetrate the most remote districts. Nothing is more mistaken than putting the latest miners' strikes in the Rhineland and Westphalia onto our account. They are the natural product of the current social order. But it is true that socialism alone takes advantage of all these conflicts between workers and employers, in whatever form they come to light. They awaken the class consciousness of the workers by showing how irreconcilably the interests of the employer and the employer are opposed to one another. So the capitalist class itself is playing beautifully into our hands. It did this in particular during the Westphalian miners' strike; on that occasion it brought the class struggle to the fore in all its nakedness, when the capitalist class, the iron and coal barons, otherwise overflowing with loyalty and monarchist sentiments, did not even listen to the emperor's direct warnings, because these warnings were directed against the unbridled exploitation of their superior economic position over the workers. The effects are inevitable, that will become more and more evident to everyone. Even the opposition press has to admit that everything that goes on there only works in favour of the socialdemocrats.
The electoral statistics are the most striking evidence of the impotence of the exceptional law. Thanks to the great material damage and confusion which the enactment of this law initially caused and naturally had to cause — and would have caused to a greater extent with any other party — the number of our votes in the elections in 1881 fell to 310,000. But this decline was short-lived. To our satisfaction the number rose to 550,000 in 1884 and further to 775,000 in 1887. It should not be overlooked that in Germany one does not become a voter until the age of 25, so that behind our 775,000 voters there are still many hundreds of thousands of convinced younger socialists. The next Reichstag elections will show with sufficient clarity how deeply and broadly the social democratic ideas have penetrated the German people. The result should surprise even the party comrades who are most privy to our circumstances. Our opponents have really —28— involuntarily rendered us the very best service in recent years. But let us not give in to the false hope that we now have a free and open path to our goal in Germany. On the contrary! Our struggle in the future will be fiercer and harder than at any previous time; but as we are determined to achieve our goal, we do not doubt our eventual complete victory.
German social democracy not only strives to spread its actual ideas, it also sets itself the task of improving the working and living conditions of the worker by means of legislation in order to provide him with an existence in which he can fight for emancipation more easily and with greater prospect of success. Based on this consideration, the party representatives in the Reichstag have for a great number of years been steadily taking the initiative to create laws aimed to fix a normal working day, suppress night and holiday work, restrict or prohibit women's work in certain branches of industry that are harmful to the female organism, the prohibition of child labour, to establish labour courts which enable the workers to assert their rights, and the inspection of large and small industry, as well as domestic industry and the like. These motions have, of course, been systematically rejected by a large majority up to now, but they have already had so much effect that all the other parties feel compelled to hold a kind of race for the favour of the working classes. — —
In the further course of his speech, Bebel gave an overview of the history of workers' legislation in the Reichstag. He pointed out how the most decisive resistance to it been put up by Bismarck’s side, the greatest enemy of labour protection legislation. Then the speaker discussed Switzerland's approach and highlighted its efforts towards international labour protection legislation, and showed how the similar economic development of all cultured countries makes such legislation more and more indispensable. The Congress was convoked in order to discuss what it deemed necessary in this regard.
The members of the bureau have not yet agreed on this point. So he, the speaker, had drawn up a resolution on his own initiative, which he laid before the Congress, so that every delegate would be able to add to or modify it in the course of the discussion. This resolution, of course, does not claim to restrict the action of the socialists in the various countries, it should only indicate the direction of travel in which they should march. In every country, the particular situation and the particular conditions of the same must be decisive for what could be immediately applied. Where it is initially impossible to achieve a normal working day of 8 hours, one must be satisfied with one of 9 or 10 hours. But it is important to insist on the eight-hour day in principle everywhere, rather than on a goal permitted by the productive conditions of today. In relation to agitation in the various countries, the resolution does not impose any impracticable demands.
Bebel then goes through the individual points of his resolution paying particular attention to the need to bring about a legal regulation of employment in domestic and small-scale industry. Expanding inspection to these areas is particularly important. The sad situation of large sections of the population must finally be pulled out of darkness and into daylight. How shameful that our century, boasting of its humanity, allowed the barbarity of child labour. There is of course a law in Germany which —29— limits the work of children under 14 to 6 hours a day, but this law does not apply to small and domestic industries. And yet the most dreadful conditions prevail there. The Saxon bourgeoisie had declared that if the Reichstag forbade child labour in large-scale industry, it would allow the latter to be destroyed by the murderous competition which it would then face from small-scale industry and domestic industry with the help of child labour. The objection that so extensive an inspection would bring great costs should not be given as an objection. As long as it is actually the case that governments are constantly raising tariffs and taxes in favour of militarism, and have hundreds and even thousands of millions at their disposal, it would be absurd to claim that a sufficient number of industrial inspectors would impose unaffordable burdens on the state. There is only a lack of money when it comes to the interests of the great working masses, on the other hand money is always found as soon as the interests of the bourgeoisie are involved. Incidentally, the working class is ready to take the supervision and inspection of industry into its own hands. The working class itself would watch over the observation of the laws, if only granted the necessary freedom. And it would cope with this task significantly better than the current incumbents, whose reports leave almost everything to be desired, although they have thrown a praiseworthy light on certain points of the current situation of the working-class.
A major difficulty in the political field is that it has been made almost impossible for workers to use their right of association to improve their lot. Nevertheless, the proletariat must persevere in the endeavour to perfect its organization. It must be made clear that it has next to nothing to expect from the good will of the government and the bourgeoisie, but that it will achieve everything in the struggle for its rights and exclusively through its own strength. It is not enough to pass resolutions; to those must be added the energetic act, the firm determination to actually bring what the Congress has recognized as right, to real victory,, by means of vigorous propaganda and action. Once the proletariat of all countries has spoken out in favour of international labour protection legislation, then such a demand will also have to be taken into account. “The more energetically we insist on our demands, the clearer and more assertively we express them, the better will the results be, which we can bring to the next international congress." (A veritable thunder of applause follows the end of this speech).
The Congress then accepted a proposal from the Belgian delegates, according to which the resolutions should be printed and the reports should be published; It also accepts a request from citizen Duprès ‘that a daily collection should be made in favour of the Westphalian strike and the victims of St. Etienne.[d]
After the order in which the reports are to be made has been determined, the meeting is closed at around 2 p.m.
The Bureau is convened and receives a communication of the wording of the resolution passed by the Possibilist Congress in the matter of the amalgamation of the two congresses. It is stated as follows:
To the International Workers' Congress, Rue Rochechouart 42.
Citizens! In the name of the International Workers’ Congress, 10 rue de Lancry, which has met with the authority of the resolutions of the International Congresses of —21— Paris and London, we inform you of the motion which this Congress approved yesterday evening.
The Congress declares that it will accept the merger on the condition that the examination of the mandates in the unified Congress will be undertaken by each nationality [for itself]. It goes without saying that those delegates whose mandate is rejected may appeal to the Congress, which will decide in the last instance.
The Italian delegation has been instructed to deliver this message.
The secretary: N. Lavy.
The chairman: J. Allemane.
The Bureau, which had the necessary authority for this purpose through the decision of the Congress, replied as follows:
To the International Workers' Congress, Rue de Lancry 10.
Citizens! On behalf of the International Socialist Workers’ Congress, Rue Rochechouart 42, which has met by authority of the resolutions of the Congresses of Bordeaux and Troyes and of the International Conference of The Hague, we inform you of the decision regarding your letter made by the Permanent Bureau, which is authorized for this purpose.
According to the resolution passed yesterday, our Congress will only consent to a pure and simple union of the two congresses. It did not and does not make any restrictions, it neither set nor sets any conditions, but neither does it accept any.
The Italian delegation has been instructed to deliver this message.
For the bureau:
The secretary: R. Lavigne.
The chairman: Wilhelm Liebknecht.
a. In 1878, attempts to assassinate Kaiser Wilhelm I were made by Max Hödel, a plumber and member of both the SAP and the right-wing Christian Socialist Party, and by Karl Nobiling, a former PhD student of uncertain political affiliation.
b. The results of this proposal are not included in the Proceedings but were summarized in the Berliner Volks-Tribune, 27th July 1889, No. 30 p.2. Bebel had spent 1,700 days in prison, Liebknecht 2,000 days, Frohme 1,534 days, and Ulrich Ulrich, member of the Hessian state parliament, 699 days. With a few exceptions, all the German delegates had been sentenced to prison for political offenses. Among the delegates of the other nations there had been even higher penalties. Several had received the death penalty but had managed to flee abroad. Cipriani had been sentenced to life imprisonment, postponed while he was a member of parliament.
c. According to the report in the Sozialdemokrat of 27th July 1889, p.1, these placards were found at the entrance to the meeting rooms in the morning, and called for the delegates to bypass party leaders and carry out a merger of the two congresses themselves. According to this report the placards were signed by Sebastian Faure.
d. An explosion in the coal mines of St. Etienne on the 3rd July killed 206 miners (and 60 horses). The subsequent inquiry established no definite cause and assigned no blame.