What happened was this. In spite of all the care Colonel Ryabtsev had devoted to the mustering of his forces, he was foiled at every step by the measures taken by the Moscow Bolsheviks. The Telegraph Office had been captured by the revolutionary troops. The Kremlin was occupied by Bolshevik units. On October 25, the Executive Committee of the Soviet of Soldiers’ Deputies—which was controlled by the Socialist-Revolutionaries—sent out an urgent telephone message to the troops instructing them to refrain from any action until ordered to do so by the Soviet, but the units of the garrison came out in response to the call of the Military Revolutionary Committee.
On October 26 Ryabtsev issued the following order to the garrisons in the Moscow Military Area:
“Not to start civil war. To stand firm and safeguard public security. All units and all garrisons are to take all measures to protect national treasures.”[1]
Nevertheless, the units and the garrisons elected Military Revolutionary Committees. From the towns in the Moscow Region the Staff received disquieting news. General Headquarters promised reinforcements, but these would not arrive before October 30. A representative was sent to General Headquarters to accelerate the dispatch of troops. Ryabtsev had no artillery whatever.
The only thing to do was to play for time, to postpone the battle for as long as possible. Circumstances favoured Ryabtsev. On the morning of October 26, on learning that the cadets were holding up the motor trucks that had been sent to the Kremlin for arms, the Military Revolutionary Committee telephoned to Ryabtsev and protested against this. Ryabtsev feigning astonishment, suggested that delegates be sent to him for negotiations. Nogin, the Chairman of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ Deputies, who had just returned from Petrograd, went to see Ryabtsev. He was accompanied by Muralov, a representative of the Military Revolutionary Committee and a prominent Trotskyite who was opposed to the insurrection and hoped it would be averted by negotiations with the Whites.
Ryabtsev told them that he had no desire to oppose the will of the democracy and went on to explain that
“by the will of the democracy he meant the decisions passed by the Social-Democrats, Bolsheviks and Mensheviks, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Trudovik Party.”[2]
This was a hint at the resolution adopted by the conference of representatives of all party groups in the Soviet on October 25.
As a result of the negotiations, according to Nogin’s report
“. . . they arrived at the conclusion that all the operations undertaken by both sides must be cancelled. The cadets would be withdrawn and the Military Revolutionary Committee would recall its units [i.e., the company of the 193rd Regiment—Ed.] from the Kremlin. The Military Revolutionary Committee was to send its representatives to General Headquarters.
“On the question of arming the workers, Ryabtsev requested that a representative of the Military Revolutionary Committee should be sent to him to arrange for the quantity of arms to be issued.”[3]
Thus, by pretending to yield, Ryabtsev gained time. Actually, he had no intention of yielding. At 2 p.m. on October 26, a meeting of the “Committee of Public Safety” was held in the premises of the City Duma. It was a special meeting, and even the Gubernia Commissar and his deputy, representatives of the Provisional Government, were not permitted to attend. Both of them nervously paced up and down the corridor past the door of the room where the meeting was held. The Provisional Government was so utterly discredited in the eyes of all that the “Committee of Public Safety” feared to compromise itself by appearing to have any connection with it.
Ryabtsev reported on his negotiations with the Military Revolutionary Committee. He emphasised that the Moscow garrison was demoralised, and he did not appear to be confident of achieving decisive victory.
Rudnyev proposed that only one question should be decided, and that without discussion, viz., whether to start a struggle against the Military Revolutionary Committee, or not. Ryabtsev was again asked whether he had any hopes of victory. After some hesitation he answered in the affirmative, adding that he counted on the assistance of General Headquarters. All those present unanimously voted in favour of opening hostilities. Ryabtsev again declared that he would perform his duty. “It would be a hard struggle,” he said, “but he had hopes of achieving victory.”[4]
Thus, at about 5 p.m. on October 26, Ryabtsev received the sanction of the “Committee of Public Safety” to commence hostilities. The moment for action was left entirely to his discretion. He then left the meeting.
The appetite, however, comes with eating. Convinced that the representatives of the Military Revolutionary Committee were irresolute, Ryabtsev, who had the sanction of the “Committee of Public Safety” to open hostilities, submitted fresh demands to the insurgents. He demanded not only that the company of the 193rd Regiment be withdrawn from the Kremlin, but also that the cadets should replace the 56th Regiment which was guarding the Kremlin.
To all appeals to allow the 56th Regiment to continue to guard the Kremlin Ryabtsev replied that he would insist on his demand, but would inform the Moscow Soviet of his final decision by telephone.
In the evening of October 26 Muralov again visited the Kremlin and after another conversation with Ryabtsev he agreed to the withdrawal of the company of the 193rd Regiment from the Kremlin on the condition that the cadets were withdrawn too.
On hearing of Ryabtsev’s demand for their withdrawal, the men of the 56th Regiment were furious and wanted to lynch him. Many demanded his arrest.
The delegates of the Military Revolutionary Committee left the Kremlin.
E. Yaroslavsky was recalled from the Kremlin and instructed by the Military Revolutionary Committee to develop the activities of the Military Bureau among the units of the garrison so as to prevent the enemy from winning them over, and to prepare the entire garrison for action.
On the evening of the 26th a special joint meeting was held of the Moscow Area Committees and the Regional Bureau of the Bolshevik Party to discuss the sharp disagreement that had arisen between the members of the Military Revolutionary Committee and the Party Centre concerning the negotiations with Ryabtsev. The meeting passed a resolution categorically ordering the cessation of all negotiations and instructing the fighting centres to commence decisive operations. That same evening the negotiations ceased.
At 7 p.m. on October 26, a joint meeting of the Executive Committees of the Soviet of Workers’ and Soviet of Soldiers’ Deputies was held at which Nogin reported on the events in Petrograd. The gist of his information was that in Petrograd a Military Revolutionary Committee “consisting of all party groups” had been formed. This information might have created the impression that the position Nogin had taken in the negotiations with Ryabtsev were in line with the course of events in Petrograd. The fact was, however, that at the time of the October insurrection, the representatives of the compromising parties withdrew from the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee.
The whole tone of Nogin’s speech was that of conciliation. As soon as he finished speaking the very people whom he had called upon to co-operate in the struggle against the counter-revolution rose one after another to denounce the revolution. The Socialist-Revolutionaries read the manifesto passed by the former Central Executive Committee of Soviets which had declared that the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets was unauthorised. They also read the telegram sent out by the Soviet of Peasants’ Deputies threatening the Bolsheviks with the prospect of troops being called from the front.
At that moment delegates from the regiments of the garrison appeared in the hall. On the previous day the Party Centre had instructed the Military Bureau to organise a new Provisional Soviet of Soldiers’ Deputies, as the old Soviet had sent its representatives to the counter-revolutionary “Committee of Public Safety.” On the evening of October 26, the Military Bureau called a garrison meeting of Company Committees. Shortly before that, these Company Committees, in conformity with the special instructions sent by Sverdlov to E. Yaroslavsky, had been newly elected, and were now nearly all under Bolshevik influence. By a vote of 212 against one, with 23 abstentions, the garrison meeting passed the following resolution:
“The Company Committees recognise the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies as the sole authority. The Company Committees will obey only the orders of the Military Revolutionary Committee of the Soviets of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies and demand that the Soviets merge, and that the election of a Soviet of Workers’ and Soldiers’ Deputies should take place at the earliest date.”[5]
The Company Committees also decided to send a deputation to the Military Revolutionary Committee and to Colonel Ryabtsev. From the latter the deputation was to demand the withdrawal of the cadets from the vicinity of the Kremlin and the release of the besieged soldiers of the 56th Regiment. In the event of refusal
“the Revolutionary Committee must take the most resolute measures to free the arsenal and the 56th Regiment. The workers and soldiers must be armed forthwith.”[6]
Thus, the garrison was entirely on the side of the Bolsheviks, but the latter failed to take advantage of this. The fact that the opportunist-minded members of the Party who were wavering on the question of insurrection were not removed was in itself a blunder.
The deputation elected by the garrison meeting of Company Committees appeared at the joint meeting of Executive Committees at which Nogin made his report. Soldiers took the floor, demanded the transfer of power to the Soviets and protested against the conduct of the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik Executive Committee of the Soviet of Soldiers’ Deputies.
Nogin had a talk with the soldiers and informed them that an agreement had practically been reached with Ryabtsev. After this interview the deputation went straight from the Soviet to interview Ryabtsev. It was already night. On reaching the Riding School the deputation was held up for a long time and subjected to insults and threats. One of the senior officers ordered the Cossacks to compel the delegates to run the gauntlet and to whip them with their nagaikas, but the Cossacks refused to obey and allowed the deputation to proceed. On meeting Colonel Ryabtsev they informed him of the decision adopted by the garrison meeting and returned to the Soviet.
The events of October 26 appeared to be in Ryabtsev’s favour—he had succeeded in postponing the hour of decisive battle, but the counter-revolution received no assistance for all that. On the contrary, the Moscow garrison proved to be on the side of the Bolsheviks. Thanks to the efforts of the local organisation of the Bolshevik Party, the workers and soldiers of Moscow swung over in favour of insurrection and of transferring power to the Soviets.
[1] Central Archives of Military History, Roll 14, folio 1395, Order No. 1481.
[2] “The Joint Meeting of the Executive Committees of the Soviets of Workers’, Soldiers’ and Peasants’ Deputies of October 26,” Izvestia of the Moscow Soviet of Workers’ Deputies, No. 198, October 27, 1917.
[3] Ibid.
[4] A. N. Voznesensky, Moscow in 1917, State Publishers, Moscow-Leningrad, 1928, p. 161.
[5] “The Last Hour,” Sotsial-Demokrat, No. 194, October 27, 1917.
[6] Ibid.
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