Antisemitism: Its History and Causes. Bernard Lazare 1894
WE have studied only the legal and the popular anti-Judaism from the eighth century to the French Revolution. We have seen how anti-Jewish legislation, at first canonic and later civil, was little by little instituted. We have shown how the populace had been partly prepared by the decrees of the popes, kings and republics, to hate and abuse the Jews, and how far this exasperation of the people, the massacres it committed, the insults and outrages it showered, had given the counter-blow to this legislation. We have shown that up to the fifteenth century, the accusations weighing over the Jews, had grown each year, so that they had reached their maximum at this period, and from then on went decreasing, that the codes had ceased to be applied rigorously, that customs had gradually fallen into disuse, that few, if at all, new laws were made, and that the Jew thus marched towards liberation.
However, there is a kind of anti-Judaism to which we have paid no special attention, and which we must hereafter examine. While the Church and the monarchies issued laws against the Jews, the theologians, philosophers, poets, and historians were writing about them. It is the role, the working and the importance of this anti-Judaism of the pen that we still have to examine.
Theological anti-Judaism, chronologically the first, naturally had apologetic ways at its inception; it could not be otherwise as Judaism was fought only to glorify the Christian faith and prove its excellence. As we have said, they ceased producing apologetic writings towards the end of the fourth century; the young church, in the intoxication of its triumph, did no longer think it necessary to prove its superiority, and as representatives of the apologetic manner, we find in the fifth century only the Altercation of Simon and Theopilus of Evagrivs, in which the Altercation of Jason and Papiscus of Aristo of Pella was imitated and even plagiarized; after that one has to come to the seventh century to find the three books of Isidore of Seville directed against the Jews. 
When scholasticism was born, apologetics reappeared. They had two ends in view: they defended the Catholic dogmas and symbols, and they combated Judaism. They set themselves against that judaizing which the church, its doctors, philosophers and apologists had always feared, imagining the Jew as a sort of wolf that prowled around the sheep-fold in order to carry the sheep away from a happy life. These were the sentiments that guided, e.g., Cedrenus  and Theophanes  when they wrote their Contra Judaeos, and Gilbert Crepin, abbot of Westminster, in his Disputatio Judei cum Christiano de fide Christiana. 
The form of these writings was little varied; they reproduced almost servilely the classic arguments of the Fathers of the Church, and their wording followed similar patterns. To analyze one of them means analyzing all. Thus, e.g., Pierre de Blois’s Against the Perfidy of the Jews,  enumerated through thirty chapters the testimonies which the Old Testament, and especially the prophets, contain in favour of the divine Trinity and Unity, of the Father and the Son, of the Holy Spirit, of the Messianism of Jesus Christ, of the Davidic descent of the Son of Man, and of his incarnation. He ended by proving, on the basis of the same authorities, that the Law had been transmitted to the Gentiles, that the Jews had been doomed to reprobation, but that the remnants of Israel would nevertheless one day be converted and saved.
Yet these writings, discussions, fictitious dialogues hardly, if at all, attained their object. They were consulted by clergymen only, and were thus directed at converts; rabbis read them in very rare cases; their own biblical exegesis and science being much superior to those of the good monks, these latter rarely were at an advantage. At all events they never convinced those whom they were to convince, and they could not effectively fight the Jews, as they did not know the talmudic and exegetic commentaries, from which the Jews drew their weapons and forces. Things changed in the thirteenth century. The works of Jewish philosophers had spread and exercised considerable influence on the scholasticism of the time; men like Alexandre de Hales had read Maimonides (Rabbi Moses) and Ibn Gebirol (Avicebron), and they bore the impress of the teachings exposed by the Guide of the Perplexed and the Fountain of Life. Curiosity was awakened, people wanted to know Jewish thought and dialectics, at first for philosophical motives, then to fight against the Jews with better success.
The Dominican Raymond de Penaforte, confessor of James I, of Aragon, and a great converter of the Jews, bade the Dominicans to learn Hebrew and Arabic to be able better to persuade and battle with the Jews. He established schools for the instruction of monks in these two languages and was the pioneer of Hebrew and Arabic studies in Spain. He thus started a line of apologists who were no longer contented with collecting the passages of the Old Testament that foreshadowed the Trinity or prophesied the Messiah, but who endeavoured to refute the rabbinical books and Talmudic assertions.
The best known among all these theological lampoons are those published by the Dominican Raymund Martin, “a man as remarkable for his knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic writings as for that of Latin works.”  These squibs bear characteristic enough titles: Capistrum Judaeorum (Muzzle of the Jews) and Pugio Fidei (Dagger of the Faith). 33 The second had the greatest circulation. “It is well,” Raymund Martin said therein, “that the Christians take in hand the sword of their enemies, the Jews, to strike them with it?”
During the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the Pugio Fidei was quite in vogue among the monks, especially the Dominicans, ardent defenders of the faith. It was studied, consulted, plagiarized. The number of writings which were inspired by Raymund Martin and for which the Pugio Fidei served as the prototype and even mould, was considerable. Among others those of Porchet Salvaticus,  Pierre de Barcelona,  and Pietro Galatini  may be named.
Still even Martin’s knowledge was not perfect, and as we shall presently see, the rabbis very often worsted their opponents in their controversies. The anti-Jews needed better weapons: the Franciscan, Nicholas de Lyra, supplied them. He had made a careful study of rabbinical literature, and his Hebraic attainments, their extent, variety and solidity led to the belief that he was of Jewish origin, which is of little probability. At all events, he was the precursor of modern exegesis, which is the daughter of Jewish thought and whose rationalism is purely Jewish; he was the ancestor of Richard Simon. Nicholas de Lyra declared that the literal explanation of the text of the Scriptures should form the foundation of ecclesiastic science, and that the text and its meaning once established four meanings should be derived therefrom: the literal, allegoric, moral and anagogic.  Nicholas de Lyra expounded his researches in the Postilla and the Moralitates, collected and recast later into a larger work. Hereafter this was the arsenal to draw upon in the polemics against the Jews, as well as for the defense of the Gospels against the Jewish attacks, for Nicholas de Lyra had refuted, in his De Messia, the criticisms passed on the Old Testament by the Jews. Numerous editions of Nicholas de Lyra’s works appeared, commentaries, notes and additions thereto were made, and in the matter of exegesis even Luther was his pupil.
But praiseworthy as it was to combat the Jews, it was still more meritorious to convince them, and most of the polemist monks did not forget that the conversion of Judah was one of the aims of the church. While the councils took steps to convert the Jews, the writers, on their part, endeavoured to be convincing, several of them, the more practical, went so far as to seek ground for reconciliation. So, e.g., by making certain concessionshe was even ready to accept circumcisionNicholas de Lyra wanted to unite all religions into one, with the Trinity as its principal dogma. The ancient “obstinatio Judaeorum” which maintained divine unity resisted these attempts, and the overtures of the Christians were generally received with disfavour. However, conversions were not infrequent, and I mean not only those brought about by violence, but also those obtained by persuasion. These converted Jews played a very great role in the anti-Jewish literature as well as in the history of the persecutions. Toward their coreligionists they proved themselves the most cruel, unjust and treacherous of adversaries. This is generally characteristic of converts, and the Arabs converted to Christianity or Christians turned to Islam witness that this rule allows of very few exceptions.
A host of sentiments united in maintaining this bilious disposition among the apostates. Above all they wished to give proof of their sincerity: they felt that a sort of suspicion surrounded them at entering into the Christian world, and the affectation of piety which they proclaimed did not seem sufficient to them to dispel the suspicions.
Nothing did they fear so much as the accusation of lukewarmness or sympathy with their former brethren, and the way in which the Inquisition treated those it deemed relapsers, was not calculated to diminish the fears entertained by the proselytes. Accordingly, they simulated an excess of zeal which in many, if not all, upheld a genuine faith. Some of them, convinced of having found salvation in their conversion, made even efforts to win over their coreligionists to the Christian faith; among these the church found several of its most fearless and eagerly listened to converters.  Some even informed against the Jews that they had abandoned the rigours of the ecclesiastical and civil laws. About 1475, for instance, Peter Schwartz and Hans Bayol, both converted Jews, instigated the inhabitants of Ratisbon to sack the Ghetto; in Spain, Paul de Santa-Maria instigated Henry III of Castile to take measures against the Jews. This Paul de Santa-Maria, previously known under the name of Solomon Levi of Burgos, was not an ordinary personality. A very pious, very learned rabbi, he abjured at the age of forty, after the massacres of 1391, and was baptized along with his brother and four of his sons. He studied theology at Paris, was ordained priest, became bishop of Cartagena and afterwards chancellor of Castile. He published an Examination of the Holy Writa dialogue between the infidel Saul and the convert Paul and issued an edition of Nicholas de Lyra’s Postilla, supplemented by his Additiones and glosses. He did not stop at that in his activity. He is generally found the instigator in all the persecutions which befell the Jews of his time, and he hunted the synagogue with a ferocious hatred; and yet in his works he confined himself to theological polemics. 
But the Talmud was the great antagonist of the converts, and one that had to withstand most of their wrath. They constantly denounced it before the inquisitors, the king, the emperor, the pope. The Talmud was the execrable book, the receptacle of the most hideous abuses of Jesus, the Trinity and the Christians; against it Pedro de la Caballeria wrote his Wrath of Christ Against the Jews,  Pfefferkorn, his Enemy of the Jews,  in which he congratulated himself upon “having withdrawn from the dirty and pestilential mire of the Jews,” and Jerome of Santa Fe, his Hebreomastyx.  The Catholic theologians followed the example of the converts, most frequently they had about the Talmud no other notions beyond those given them by the converts.
Usually auto-da-fes followed these denunciations of the Talmud, but they were, as a rule, preceded by a disputation. This custom of disputations goes back to deep antiquity. We know that already the Hebrew doctors held disputations with the apostles. On several occasions rabbis and monks were seen contending in eloquence in the presence of the Emperors of Rome and Byzantium in order to convince their audience of the excellence of their cause, and the Chazar King made up his mind to embrace Judaism only after a discussion, in which a Jew, a Christian and a Mohammedan took part, so, at least, the legend relates.  These discussions were, however, rarely public, the church feared their consequences; it feared Jewish subtlety, clever at finding objections which embarrassed the defenders of the Catholic faith and troubled the believer. There remained in use only private discussions between ecclesiastical dignitaries and Talmudists, and few auditors were admitted to these meetings, except under rare and important circumstances, in which cases a legal sanction followed the dispute. In these queer disputes, in which one side acted as judge at the same time, the Jews were, in general, the stronger. Their more concise dialectics, their more genuine knowledge, their more serious and subtle exegesis, gave them an easy advantage. In spite of this, or rather, because of this, the Jews were very prudent in their assertions, they appeared in the most courteous light, and heeded those melancholy words of Moses Cohen of Tordesillas, addressed to his brethren: “Never let your zeal carry you away to the point of uttering stinging words, for the Christians hold the power and may silence the truth with fist-blows.” These counsels were followed, but in spite of the precautions taken, at the end of the argument the Jew, who was always wrong in the end, was beaten to death.
However, the informers were usually commanded to sustain their charges. In 1239, a converted Jew, Nicholas Donin, of La Rochelle, brought before the pope, Gregory IX, a charge against the Talmud. Gregory ordered the copies of the book to be seized and an inquest made. Bulls were sent out to the bishops of France, England, Castile and Aragon. Eudes de Chateauroux, chancellor of the University of Paris, directed the investigation in France, the only country where the bulls had produced an effect. The disputation was ordered, and took place in 1240, between the informer, Nicholas Donin, and four rabbis: Yechiel of Paris, Jehuda ben David Melun, Samuel ben Solomon, and Moses of Coucy. The discussion was long, but Donin’s skill finally divided the rabbis; the Talmud was condemned and burned a few years later.
In 1263, Raymond de Penaforte arranged at the Aragonian court a dispute between the rabbis, Nachmani of Girone (Bonastruc de Porta), and the Dominican, Pablo Christiani, a converted Jew and a zealous converter. This time Nachmani was victorious after a four-day disputation on the coming of Messiah, on the divinity of Jesus, and the Talmud. The king himself accorded him an audience, received him very cordially and loaded him with presents. But such victories were exceptional, as the Jewish books were most frequently condemned by the judges beforehand, whatever the skill of their defenders.
These controversies increased in number in Spain during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Thus the convert Alfonso of Valladolid had a dispute with his former coreligionists at Valladolid; John of Valladolid, another convert, had a dispute with Moses Cohen de Tordesillas on the proofs of the Christian faith contained in the Old Testament, but was defeated in the contest; Shem-Tob ben Isaac Shaprut had at Pampeluna a controversy on the original sin and redemption, with the cardinal Pedro de Luna, later anti-pope Benedict XIII. Many more might be mentioned, all of them proving what amount of trouble the Jews were giving the church and how eagerly conversion was desired and solicited. Still all these disputes were courteous up to the moment the Inquisition was introduced.
But alongside of the Jew, considered the enemy of Jesus and the foe of Christianity, there was the Jew, the usurer, the moneydealer, he upon whom fell a part of the hatred of the oppressed and the poor, he whom the rising bourgeoisie was beginning to envy and hate. I have pictured that Jew at work, how he had come to the exclusive pursuit of gold, and how he became the object of popular passions as a sort of victim of expiation, the scapegoat for all the sins of a society that was no better than he. If the populace oftenest killed the deicide, it also fell upon the clipper of ducats; its anti-Judaism was not religious only, but social as well. The case was similar with anti-Judaism of the pen. If certain bishops and ecclesiastical writers confined themselves to defending the symbols of their faith against Jewish exegesis, if they fought against this Jewish spiritthe terror of the church that was, nevertheless, deeply impregnated with this spiritothers followed the example of the Fathers who had thundered against Jewish rapacity and the rapacity of the rich in general. To the theological treatises issued by them they added addresses to the court intended to combat the leaders on pawned articles, those who lived by usury. Dagobard,  Amolon,  Rigord,  Pierre de Cluny,  Simon Maiol  were these anti-Jews. They were among those whom the wealth of the Jews revolted more than their ungodliness, who were more scandalized by their luxury than by their blasphemies. No doubt, for them the Jews were the most hateful adversaries of the truth, the worst of the unbelievers;  they are the enemies of God and Jesus Christ; they call the apostles apostates; they scoff at the Bible of the Septuagint;  in their daily prayers they curse the Saviour under the name of the Nazarene; they build new synagogues as if to insult the Christian religion; they Judaize the believers, they preach the Sabbath to them and they persuade them to take a rest on Sabbath. But, besides, the Jews oppress the people; they hoard up wealth that is the fruit of usury and plunder;  they hold the Christians in servitude; they possess enormous treasures in the cities which had received them, e.g., in Paris and Lyons; they commit larceny, they acquire money by evil methods; “everything passes through their hands, they insinuate themselves into houses and gain confidence; by their usury they draw the sap, the blood and the natural vigour of the Christians.”  They sell counterfeit jewels, they receive stolen goods, they coin base money, cannot be trusted, collect their debts twice over. In brief, “there is no wickedness in the world which the Jews are not guilty of, so that they seem to aim at nothing but the Christians’ ruin.” 
To this picture of the perfidia Judaeorum, the anti-Jews, like Maiol or Luther,  added abundant abuse, and soon anti-Judaism became purely polemic. The theological and social considerations now occupy but a limited place in the books of Alonzo da Spina,  especially Pierre de Lancre  and Francisco de Torrejoncillo.  The Sentinel Against the Jews, a pamphlet by the last named, is particularly curious. Written in Spain at the beginning of the seventeenth century, it was aimed at the Marranos, who, it was said, invaded all the civil and religious offices. It consisted of fourteen books and showed that the Jews were presumptuous and liars, that they were traitors, that they were despised and dejected, that those favouring them came to an evil end, that neither they nor their work could be trusted, that they were turbulent, selfconceited, seditious, that the church preserved them only that in their midst might be born their Messiah the anti-Christ, who will be vanquished to allow Israel to recognize his error. At any rate Francisco de Torrejoncillo may be considered amiable if one compares his pamphlet with a singular little work of the same epoch bearing the title, Book of the Alboraique.  The Alboraique was Mohamed’s mount, a queer animal, neither horse, nor mule, nor ox, nor donkey; to this singular animal the author of the squib likens the new Christians, the Marranos, who are Alboraiques as being neither Jews nor Christians.
Had all the polemists limited themselves to allegorical comparisons, not much harm would have come to the Jews. But some did not hesitate to relate the most extraordinary things about these accursed ones, and the anti-Jewish polemic literature enregistered all the popular prejudices, even made them worse; it originated new ones and perpetuated them in all instances. The wildest stories about the Jews were circulated; they were represented with monstrous features; the most abominable deformities, the blackest vices, the most heinous crimes, the most despicable habits were attributed to them. They have, so it was declared, the figure of a he-goat, they have horns and a caudal appendage,  they are subject to quinsy, to scrofula, to blood-flux, stinking infirmities which make them lower their heads,  they have haemorrhoids, bloody sores on their hands, they cannot spit; at night their tongue is overrun with worms. The belief in these diseases peculiar to the Jews had come from Spain, in the fourteenth century; later on they were arranged in lists, the oldest of which belongs to 1634. In these lists, to each of the twelve tribes its special disease is assigned.
Thus can be explained some other anti-Jewish prejudices; but though it is evident that the likening of the Israelites to the evil spirit caused the he-goat figure and horns on their foreheads to be attributed them, still many of these beliefs remain inexplicable. They all arise, in part, from the fact that the retired life of the Jews, their venerable habit of keeping aloof, not to mingle with those surrounding themever served to excite excessively the popular imagination.
As to the Templars, concerning whom so many similar abominations had been spread, they, above all others, can be likened unto the Jews. Like the latter, they were hated for their pride, their ostentation, their wealth in the midst of general misery, their eagerness for gain, their shameless use of means of acquisition, their making usurious contracts. They were hated because they advanced money on chattels and fiefs on condition that these fiefs and chattels remained theirs in case of the borrower’s death; because the Templars’ Order possessed a greater part of the French territory in the thirteenth century and formed a commonwealth within the state, the Templars having and recognizing no master but God.  We see then that the same causes produce the same results, create the same animosities, give rise to the same beliefs.
Were not the Templars said to “burn and roast the children they begat by young girls, and to sacrifice to and anoint their idols with the fat taken off”;  were not the Cagots said to make use of Christian blood? Does not the charge of ritual murder weigh over the Jews as it had weighed over those wretches, the lepers, whom the Middle Ages treated as the Jew’s brethren, thus taking up again the assertions of Manetho, repeated by Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Posidonius, Apollonius Molo and Apion, just as it had weighed over the sorcerers, who were also likened to the Jews? But we shall come back to this question when we speak of the modern antisemites.
What was the attitude of the Jews in the face of all these attacks and abuses which the theologians and polemists directed at them? They vigorously defended themselves. They opposed exegesis to exegesis; they opposed their logic to their opponents’ arguments; they answered insults and calumnies with calumnies and insults; which is but normal, natural, inevitable, but all the same these insults fatally rebounded against them. If the anti-Jewish literature is enormous, the defensive literature of the Jews, as well as their anti-Christian literaturefor the Jews oftentimes took up the offensiveis quite considerable.
The first controversial work belonging to the Israelite literature of the Middle Ages, was the Book of the Lord’s Wars, written in 1170, by Jacob ben Ruben.  It was made up of twelve chapters, or gateways, proving that Messiah had not yet come, which, however, for the exegetic rhetoricians, was just as easy as, if not easier than to prove the opposite. But it was not enough to prove that Jesus was not the awaited Messiah; it was equally necessary to prove the superiority of the Jewish religion to those who were establishing, irrefutably, the superiority of the Christian religion, and this was easy for both sides, as each drew from the Bible what suited it. The Talmudists made use of the New Testament even to confirm their Judaic dogmas. This was done by Moses Cohen de Tordesillas, in his Support of the Faith, while Shem-Tob ben Isaac Shaprut resumed, in the form of a dialogue between a Unitarian and a Trinitarian, the ideas propounded by Jacob ben Ruben. 
In imitation of the ecclesiastical writers and inquisitors, the rabbis wrote books for the use of those who were challenged in disputes. A kind of vade mecum, these books pointed out the vulnerable sides of the Christian dogmas; and if, on the one hand, there were publications like “Judaism Defeated with Its Own Weapons,” on the other hand were composed works like “Christianity Defeated with Its Own Arms,” i.e., with those found in the New Testament. In anti-Christian literature the Gospels played the part of the Talmud in anti-Jewish literature. Beginning with the eleventh or twelfth century they were often assailed, and numerous discussions took place between rabbinites and theologians. These discussions were sometimes gathered in collections, where they were presented in a light favourable to Jewish dialectics. Presently these collections came to be used as manuals; among them were the ancient Nizzachon (Victory) of Rabbi Mattathiah; Nizzachon of Lipman de Mulhausen; the one by Joseph Kimhi; the Strengthening of the Faith, by Isaac Troki,  and the Book of Joseph the Zcalot.  Still this was not sufficient for the fervour of the Jews. Having prepared the minds for future debates, having assailed the Catholic doctrines, not in oratorical tournaments only, but in apologies as well, they wrote abusive pamphlets, like that famous Toldot Jesho, the life of the Galilean which goes back to the second or third century, and which Celsius possibly was acquainted with.  This Toldot Jesho was published by Raymund Martin, Luther translated it into German; Wagenseil and the Dutchman Huldrich also published it. It contained the story of Pantherus the soldier and the legends representing Jesus as a magician. After defending the Bible and Monotheism the Jews turned upon those who were their most dangerous enemiesthe converted. If they had refuted Raymund Martin and Nicholas de Lyra,  they refuted with still greater energy Jerome de Santa Fe, the Santa Fe whom his former coreligionists called Megaddef, i.e., blasphemer. At Jerome they were incensed. Don Vidal ibn Labi, Isaac ben Nathan Kalonymos,  Solomon Duran,  several others, wrote to give the lie to the “calumniator.” The same was done by Isaac Pulgar against Alfonso of Valladolid,  by Joshua ben Joseph Lorqui and Profiat Duran. In the seventeenth century anti-Judaism took on another form. The theologians were succeeded by erudites, scholars, exegetes. Anti-Judaism became milder and more scientific; it was represented by hebraizers, often of great attainments, like Wagenseil,  Bartolocci,  Voetius,  Joseph de Voisin,  etc. These men studied Jewish literature and manners in a more serious way. Thus Wagenseil denied ritual murder;  though saying that the Talmud contained “blasphemies, impostures and absurdities,” Buxtorf declared that it also contained things of value for the historian and philosopher.  Yet the same ideas persisted which had inspired the authors of the preceding centuries. The object was always to prove the truth of the Christian faith and dogmas on the basis of the Old Testament; the anxiety to convert the Jews ever haunted the souls, the recall of Israel was spoken of, means of bringing them back were proposed;  the apostates invoked the Zohar and Mishna in favour of Jesus,  and the polemic literature was still in bloom under Eisenmenger, whose Judaism Unveiled  has inspired many contemporary antisemites; under Schudt,  later under Voltaire. It is true that literary anti-Judaism, particularly that of combative tendencies and pamphleteers, is varied but little. Most of the anti-Jewish writers imitate one another, without scruple; they plagiarize without even taking the trouble to verify the assertions of their predecessors. One book of the kind is responsible for similar others: Alonzo da Spina draws his inspiration from Batallas de Dios, by Alfonso of Valladolid; Porchet Salvaticus, Pietro Galatini, Pierre de Barcelona republish, under different names, Raymund Martin’s Sword of the Faith; Paul Fagius and Sebastian Munster  help themselves to the Book of the Faith.
In spite of this, and independently of the dissimilarities I have noted, anti-Judaism, from the seventeenth century on, is in all respects quite different from the anti-Judaism of the preceding centuries. The social side gets gradually the upperhand of the religious side, though this latter continues to exist. The question is asked, not whether the Jews are wrong in being usurers, or merchants, or deicides, but whether, as Schudt  says, the Jews ought to be tolerated in a State or not, whether it is lawful to admit Jews into a Christian commonwealth, as John Dury  inquires, about 1655, in a pamphlet directed against Cromwell’s protege, Menasseh ben Israel. This is the social standpoint which we shall see developing henceforth in literary anti-Judaism; a part of modern antisemitism will rest on the theory of a Christian State and its integrity, and in this wise it will be connected with the ancient anti-Judaism.
76. Consult the Spicilegium by Achery, vols. X and XV.
77. Isidore of Seville, De Fide Catholica ex vetere et novo Testamento contra Judaeos (Opera, vol. VII). Migne, P. L., lxxxiii.
78. Disputatio contra Judaeos, Opera, Editio Basileensis, p. 180.
79. Contra Judaeos,. Lib. VI.
80. Migne, P. L., Ch. CLIX.
81. Liber contra perfidia Judaeorum, Opera, Paris, 1519.
82. Augustin Giustiniani, Linguae Hebreae (1566).
83. Pugio Fidei (Paris, 1651). (Cf. Quetif, Bibl. Scriptorum dominicanorum, v. I, p. 396, and the edition of Carpzon, Leipzig, 1687).
84. Victoria adversus impios Hebreos et sacris litteris (Paris, 1629). Wolf, Bibl. Hebr. v. I, p. 1124.
85. Consult Fabricius, Bibliotheca Latina, on Peter of Barcelona (Petrus Barcinonensis).
86. De Arcanis catholicae veritatis libris (Soncino, 1518).
87. Throughout the Middle Ages they believed in this fourfold meaning of the Scriptures, and the following distich expressed its import:
Littera gesta docet, quid credas, allegoria;
Moralis, quid agas quo tendas anagogia.
88. For the antisemitic literature of the Jewish apostates consult Wolf, Bibl. Hebr., v. I.
89. Cf. Wolf, Bibl. Hebr., I, p. 1004; and Joseph Rodriguez de Castro, Bibliotheca espanola (Madrid, 1781), vol. I, p. 235.
90. Tractatus Zelus christi contra Judaeos, Saracenos et infideles (Venice, 1542) .
91. Hostis Judaeorum (Cologne, 1509).
92. Hebreomastyx (Frankfort, 1601).
93. Juda Hallevy, Liber Cosri. Translated by John Buxtorf, Jr., 1660 – a German translation with an introduction was published by H. Jolowicz and D. Cassel, Das Buch Kuzari, 1841, 1853.
94. De Insolentia Judaeorum (Patrologie latine v. CIV).
95. Epistola seu liber contra Judaeos (Patrologie latine, v. CXVI).
96. Gesta Philippi Augusti, 12-16.
97. Tractatus adversus Judaeorum inveteratam duritiam (Bibliotheque des Peres latins. Lyons).
98. Les Jours caniculaires (Dierum canicularium) translated by F. de Rosset (Paris, 1612).
99. Agobard, loc. cit.
100. Amolon, loc. cit.
101. Pierre de Cluny, loc. cit.
102. Agobard, loc. cit. – Rigord, loc. cit.
103. S. Maiol, loc. cit.
104. The Jews and their lies (Wittemberg, 1558).
105. Fortalitium Fidei (Nuremberg, 1494). Wolf, Bibl. Hebr., v. I, p. 1116.
106. L’lncredulite et mecreance du sortilege pleinement convaincue (1622).
107. Centinela contra Judios (Cf. Loeb, Revue des Etudes Juives, v. V).
108. Bibliotheque Nationale, Spanish section, Ms. No. 356 (Loeb, Revue des Etudes Juives, v. XVIII).
109. Centinela contra Judios.
110. Pierre de Lancre, loc. cit.
111. Lavocat, Proces des Freres de l’ordre du Temple, Paris, 1888.
112. Lavocat, loc. cit.
113. Loeb, Revue des Etudes Juives, v. XVIII.
114. Shem-Tob ben Isaac Shaprut, The Touchstone (Loeb, loc. cit.).
115. Wagenseil in his Tela ignea Satanae (Altdorf, 1681), reproduces all these treatises in print.
116. Zadoc Kahn, The Book of Joseph the Zealot (Revue des Etudes Juives, vols. I and III).
117. For the Toldot Jesho, cf. Tela ignea Satanae, Wagenseil, v. II, p. 189, and B. de Rossi, Biblotheca Judaica antichristiana (Parma, 1800), p. 117.
118. Wagenseil, loc. cit.
119. Magna Biblothica Rabbinica (Rome, 1693-95).
120. Solomon ben Adret, of Barcelona, refuted the Pugio Fidei.
121. Chayim ibn Musa refuted Nicholas de Lyra in his Shield and Sword (Graetz, loc. cit.)
122. Letter of Combat (Graetz, loc. cit., and Rossi, Bibloth. antichrist, p. 100).
123. Dialogue against the Apostates (Loeb, loc. cit.)
124. Alteca Boteca (Loeb, loc. cit.) – De Rossi, Dizionario Storico degli autori Ebrei (Parma, 1802), p. 89.
125. Disputationes Selectae (Utrecht, 1663).
126. Theologia Judaeorum (1647).
127. Benachrichtung wegen einiger die Judenschaft engehenden Sachen (Altdorf, 1709).
128. Dictionn, chaldeo-talmadico-rabbinique (Basiliae, 1639) and Synagogua Judaica (Hanau, 1604).
129. Pean de la Croullardiere, Methode facile pour convaincre les heretiques (Paris, 1667), which contains a “method of assailing and converting the Jews”; Thomas Bell, Hader, Dottrina facile e breve per reduire l’Hebreo al conoscimento del vero Messia e Salvator del Mondo (Venetia 1608).
130. Conrad Otton, Gali Razia (Secrets unveiled), (Nurenberg, 1605).
131. Judaism Unveiled (Frankfort, 1700).
132. Compendium Historiae Judaicae (Frankfort, 1700) and Judaeas Christicida gravissime peccans et vapulans (1700).
133. Revue des Etudes juives, v. V, p. 57.
134. Loc. cit.
135. A Case of Conscience (London 1655).