After the Party has worked out a correct political line, organizational work in general, and cadre work in particular, are decisive factors for success in the revolutionary tasks.
Problems of organization and cadres are particularly difficult and complicated in the conditions of our Party’s holding power, when the Party’s leadership encompasses all aspects of social life and activity.
In what follows, I shall be dealing chiefly with the problem of cadres, and, in relation to this problem, I shall be discussing only some of the most important aspects. With regard to organization, I shall mainly be discussing fundamental aspects related to the study and solution of the cadre problem.
Cadre policy, if it is to be correct, must proceed fully from the requirements of the revolutionary tasks. The revolution needs a contingent of cadres who are equal to their political tasks, with regard to their number and quality as well as to their composition, a contingent of cadres capable of fulfilling to the highest degree the requirements of the political tasks in each period.
Complete loyalty to the ideals of socialism and communism, to the interests of the working class and the nation, to the political line of the Party; the severest sense of organization and discipline; close contacts with the masses; and the ability to fulfil the tasks assigned — these are fundamental, unvarying requirements in the qualifications of cadres, in whatever period. Nevertheless, from the national democratic stage to the socialist stage, the revolution obviously undergoes basic changes in its character and tasks. That is why we cannot stop at general principles when tackling the problem of cadres.
In order to have a correct approach to the problem of cadres in the new stage, we must grasp the theory of socialist revolution in general, the theory of the Party in the conditions of its being in power, the theory of the State, of economic and social life, of the system of collective ownership by the working people, of the new socialist man, etc. We must not only fully grasp the theory of the line, guiding principles and policies, but also the theory of organization, one of the newest and most complicated areas in the building of socialism. Only in this way can we understand thoroughly and concretely the essence, content and requirements of the political tasks set in this stage, and hence examine and solve correctly the problem of cadres.
In the national democratic revolution, which was a long and arduous process comprising many stages and involving many forms of activity, sometimes underground, sometimes legal, sometimes armed struggle, sometimes political struggle, and often with a highly diverse combination of many forms of struggle at the same time, our Party trained batch after batch of cadres who lived up to President Ho Chi Minh’s teaching: “Be true to the Party and loyal to the people, fulfil any task, overcome any difficulty, and defeat any enemy.” That was possible because our Party was temperered in the national democratic revolution, firmly grasped the theory of the national people’s democratic revolution, was armed with a wise revolutionary line and methods and had a thorough knowledge of the content and requirements of the political tasks in each period of the national democratic revolution.
In the socialist revolution, big achievements have been made in cadre policy, but in some spheres we have not done as well as required. Most worthy of mention here is the fact that there has not always been full consistency of theory and practice, of principles and actual deeds. Our cadre work, from recruitment, training, appointment, fostering and promotion to appraisal and evaluation in many cases has not truthfully reflected our basic viewpoint that it is necessary to proceed from the requirements of the political tasks, a viewpoint that has been generally accepted. This is so because the tasks posed by the socialist revolution are something quite new to us, which we have not understood fully, clearly and concretely, either in theory or practice, so that we may have a given starting point when we have to examine and decide on questions of cadres.
To examine and solve questions of cadres is a problem closely associated with the political task. This requires that we base ourselves on the following viewpoint: there exists a very close, dialectical interrelation between cadres and the political line and tasks, between cadres and organization, between cadres and the revolutionary movement of the masses. A cadre’s life is lived within the framework of this many-sided relationship. It is actually this relationship that makes a cadre a cadre. In this relationship, the cadre is at the same time cause and effect. Conversely, he is at the same time effect and cause.
A wise political line produces good cadres. Cadres are trained and mature under a wise line. On the other hand, they take part in the making and development of the line. They ensure the realization of the line. Without competent cadres, even though we have worked out a line, it will be useless. If cadres are bad, they will damage the line itself. If cadres are good and able, they not only help to carry but the line creatively but also contribute to its development.
The problem of cadres is posed under the premise that the line has been worked out. That is why, a wise political line is the pre-condition for the existence of good cadres. It is quite impossible to have good cadres if the line is wrong. Of course, a wise line alone cannot exclude the possibility of wrongdoing and degradation on the part of cadres because whether a cadre acts rightly or wrongly, is good or bad, depends on many other factors than the line, including his personal attributes. However, a correct line is the basic condition in bringing the revolutionary tasks to success, and as such it produces one batch after another of good cadres and keeps to a minimum the possibility of cadres committing errors in political orientation. To be sure, in a revolutionary movement it is hardly possible to prevent a few bad, opportunist elements from infiltrating into the revolutionary ranks. However, if we have a strong mass movement arising from and developing along a correct line, and if the majority of our cadres stand firmly on this correct line, noxious tendencies not only have little chance of swaying our cadres but also are very likely themselves to be swept aside. But the picture will be quite different if errors are committed in the political line. A wrong line will take the cadres away from a correct direction, throw confusion into their ranks, and push numbers of them into wrongdoing. Of course, in such situations, there are always those who are alert enough to tell right from wrong and are able to defend the truth. But to bring the movement back on to the right path, the revolution must pay what is sometimes a very high price, including in terms of cadres, the most valuable asset of the revolution.
Thus, whether cadres are good or bad depends in the first place on the political line. However, as already stated, cadres in their turn exert a decisive influence on the line itself. Once a line has been worked out, the whole question boils down to how to organize its application. Organization is the basic measure to ensure the application of the line. Good or bad organization, determines the success or failure of a line. Organization plays an especially big role in the conditions of socialist construction. However, in view of the content, character and scope of the work, we cannot oversimplify the matter by considering the whole question of organization and the work of organizing as a mere question of cadres. Organization has its own, independent role, a role of decisive importance for the cadres themselves. This matter will be further elaborated later on. Here we are discussing the relationship between the line and cadres. Cadres are the people who organize the fulfilment of the line. Thus it is clear that cadres decide the success or failure of a line. By creatively and fruitfully organizing the application of the line, and bringing into play the abundant experience they have accumulated, cadres not only translate the line into reality but also positively contribute to the improvement, development and concretization of the line. And this is an extremely important, a prime requirement of any cadre. In the process of socialist industrialization, new problems will crop up one after another. A political line or a policy is not worked out once and for all, especially in the present conditions of our economy and our social life, when everything is growing and moving forward through rapid revolutionary changes. We witness at any given moment, every day and every hour, the emergence of new problems to which the Party must provide correct answers. Any cadre who does not grasp this reality, who is not sensitive to the new, who does not take pains to think, to make efforts to understand the realities, who lacks the ability to think independently and creatively in the process of applying the Party line and policies, is not a good cadre. Sooner or later he will be outstripped by life. Lenin said: “In our struggle we must remember that communists must be able to reason. They may be perfectly familiar with the revolutionary struggle and with the state of the revolutionary movement all over the world; but if we are to extricate ourselves from desperate poverty and want we need culture, integrity and an ability to reason”.  In the building of a new society, in all spheres of our work, we must fully grasp the concrete problems and tasks posed by life and must decide on concrete solutions and successfully deal with these problems and tasks. To do so, we must exert our mental powers, must be cultured and find the proper methods.
Our Party has laid down the general line on socialist revolution and socialist construction. This general line must be concretized at each step of development, in each branch of activity, in each locality. Obviously, in every domain — industry, agriculture, circulation and distribution of goods, scientific and technological development, culture, education — many questions remain to be clarified. Some of these unclarified questions are actually affecting in a decisive way many aspects of our cadre work. For example, at a given moment, a certain branch of activity might not have decided on a clear direction of development. It has not fully grasped the reality and has not worked out a long-term plan for itself or, if it has, this plan is not yet based on sufficiently solid grounds, and its immediate goals are not yet defined very clearly. As a matter of course, this branch cannot have a firm basis for laying down an all-round and correct plan for the training and fostering of cadres. Nor can the recruitment, appraisal and assignment of cadres have a correct direction.
Once we have defined the political line, orientation and objectives, it is organizational work and cadres that decide. However, saying that the cadres are the decisive factor amounts, in the final analysis, to saying that cadre policy and cadre work are the decisive factor. If cadre work is well done and if we have a correct cadre policy, we shall have an adequate contingent of good cadres. A correct cadre policy enables the creation and constant expansion of a contingent of cadres representing the Party’s political life, who constantly ensure correct and full application of the tasks laid down by the Party and State, a contingent of cadres strong both collectively and individually; it provides conditions for cadres to give full play to their abilities and contributions, to advance constantly along with the constant development of the revolutionary tasks. This always leads to the most satisfactory results for the revolutionary cause.
There is a big leap forward from the struggle to seize power to being a Party in power. Without understanding the essence of this big leap forward, or the content, nature and unprecedented scope of the revolutionary tasks in the new stage, it is impossible to examine and correctly solve the problem of cadres. A Party in power means a Party leading the people in the management of the country’s affairs. It means that Party leadership has been extended to the whole society, encompassing all aspects of life, which are more and more diversified and complicated. This requires that the Party and all its members and cadres — if they are to accomplish their mission as the vanguard — deeply understand and correctly apply the laws governing the development of society in general, as well as the laws of the emergence and development of socialist society (this question is even more complicated and difficult in the case of a backward agricultural country directly advancing to socialism without going through the period of capitalist development). The Party and its members and cadres must have a thorough knowledge of all aspects of social activity, master all processes of social development, in order to direct every effort toward the ultimate goal of winning complete, final and thorough success for socialism in the historic struggle to settle the question “who will win?”, socialism or capitalism, the socialist path or the capitalist path.
To assume the leadership, it is necessary to clearly understand, firmly grasp and command the extremely complex relations and interrelations between the various spheres: economy, politics, ideology and culture, between science, technology and production, between production and life, between immediate and long-range objectives, between subjective and objective factors in the process of development of society. The Party must organize all spheres of life in accordance with the principles of socialism and create a single, organic system which will enable it to utilize and mobilize all the material and spiritual potential of society with a view to developing economy and culture, and improving the material and moral life of the people at the fastest possible rate.
All these activities actually make up the process of the simultaneous prosecution, on the basis of proletarian dictatorship, of the three revolutions — the revolution in production relations, the technical revolution and the ideological and cultural revolution — aimed at transforming social life from top to bottom. Obviously, these are completely new tasks.
Advancing directly to socialism without going through the period of capitalist development is a road of which experience is still rare in the world. This experience remains to be summed up. Moreover, we must take into full account the characteristics and specific conditions of our country. This requires big efforts from the Party in research and creation on the theoretical plane and the working out, on that basis, of a concrete, really effective programme for social life in order to fight for the triumph of socialism. It requires from our Party, from its members and cadres, high capacity in practical organization based on a profound understanding of all aspects of life and social activity of which in many spheres we have very scanty knowledge or were even completely ignorant until recently. Without such a capacity, it is impossible to assume the leadership and to carry out the great socialist tasks. All this is particularly difficult and complicated since the problem is not simply to do away with an old society that has existed for thousands of years but also to build a completely new life that will ensure full development of society as well. as of each person.
It is upon these considerations that we must base our thinking concerning the problem of cadres in the socialist revolution. Rather than being an abstract. and isolated question, or purely a question of individuals, the problem of cadres must first of all be seen as a question of the Party, a question of accomplishing the tasks of leadership of the Party in the new stage of history, in the face of new tasks.
To link the problem of cadres with the requirements of the revolutionary tasks is, in more concrete terms, to proceed from the political line of the Party. The general line of the Party in the socialist revolution consists in firmly grasping proletarian dictatorship, simultaneously carrying out the three revolutions of which the technical revolution is the centrepiece, carrying out socialist industrialization with the aim of building large-scale, socialist production, giving priority and rational development to heavy industry on the basis of developing agriculture and light industry, building centrally-run industry while developing regional economies, and in combining economic management with national defence. The whole Party line, from the general line to the concrete policies in each sphere of activity, is directed at the fundamental objective of the period of transition, viz. winning definitive victory for socialism in the struggle to determine “who will win?”, the socialist path or the capitalist path, in North Viet Nam.
We must proceed from this political line in considering and solving the question of cadres.
This means that the whole of our cadre work and our policy concerning cadres must ensure the successful application of this general line in social life.
This means that it is necessary to have a contingent of cadres capable of ensuring the realization of this political line, who are completely loyal to it, who understand it deeply and are resolved to struggle for its successful realization and for the realization of all the tasks laid down by the Party, and to do this on a principled basis, with the highest determination, with all necessary knowledge and with ability to apply the Party line in a creative manner.
This means that all aspects of our cadre work and cadre policy, from recruitment, training and utilization to appraisal and promotion etc. of cadres must rest on this foundation and take it as the primary criterion.
This means that we must examine the question of cadres in a concrete manner and cannot content ourselves with generalities about morality or class stand.
In the Marxist-Leninist view the inevitable success of socialism does not stem from the natural disposition of man or from some moral principles, but from objective laws of development of society. The Party line is actually the reflection and application of the laws which have been enunciated in the Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The socialism we are building can be achieved only on the basis of these laws, on the principles of Marxism-Leninism. That is our class stand, the foundation of our concept of morality.
Our class stand and the whole of our morality consist in struggling with self-denial for national independence, for the welfare and happiness of our people, for socialism and communism. In the past, this stand and morality consisted in struggling to overthrow the domination of imperialism and the reactionary puppet forces and wresting back power for the people. At present, this stand and morality in North Viet Nam is the stand of the working class as master of the State and master of society. This morality is one of collective masters who are struggling to do away with poverty, backwardness, ignorance and disease, create a modern industry, a modern agriculture, and advanced culture and science to ensure continual improvement in the people’s material and cultural life, and the building of an independent, free, prosperous and strong socialist fatherland.
All lines and policies of our Party are aimed at this objective. That is why our class stand, our morality, actually consists in struggling for the successful realization of the line and policies as well as all tasks laid down by the Party.
As disciples of Marxism-Leninism, the doctrine that advocates reforming the world, society and man through revolution in conformity with the laws of historical evolution, we do not talk of morality for morality’s sake or in any other sense.
Class stand must also be understood correctly, in a scientific sense. By class we do not mean the aggregation of separate individuals but a social group holding a definite position in the system of social production. What is more, the proletariat fully took shape as a class only after it had changed from a class “of its own” into a class “for its own”, that is, after it acquired class consciousness. This consciousness is not the simple sum total of individual consciousness but the consciousness of the historic position and mission of the whole class. Class stand, therefore, is the political stand of the class. It is consciousness of the over-all, fundamental and long-term interests of the class and a firm determination to defend these interests. With regard to the working class, if it is to realize its historic position and mission, it must be armed with Marxism-Leninism. Marxism-Leninism is the theoretical representation of the workers’ movement. It correctly reflects the objective laws of the development of society. It is the ideology of the working class and the genuine and scientific embodiment of the class stand of the working class. In combination with the workers’ movement, Marxism- Leninism forms the political Party of the proletariat. The Party is the expression of the class consciousness and class stand of the working class at its highest, most comprehensive and most mature level. Only with a Party armed with the vanguard theory of Marxism-Leninism can the working class become the vanguard class at the helm of the revolution. And only then can the class stand of the working class really take shape. Without knowledge of Marxism-Leninism, of revolutionary science and of the vanguard theory of the proletariat, there can be no class stand of the vanguard class.
Thus, the stand of the working class is the stand of Marxism-Leninism of which the Party, its political line and activities, are concrete and practical manifestations. That is why, for a militant of the Party, to struggle with self-abnegation, without fear of sacrifices, to struggle courageously, staunchly, indomitably and untiringly for the successful realization of the Party’s political line, is actually the stand of the working class. This is the foundation of our morality. To talk of class stand, of morality, without proceeding from this foundation, is, in effect, to replace Marxism-Leninism and the Party’s political line with feudal concepts of morality or with a sort of sentimental petty- bourgeois socialism completely alien to the genuine stand of the working class and genuine proletarian morality. All manifestations of deviation from Marxism- Leninism and the Party political line are contrary to the working-class stand. To struggle uncompromisingly against these manifestations is to embody the stand of the working class. We do not recognize any other criterion as far as stand is concerned.
So class stand is not only a question of sentiment and aspirations but also a question of intellectual acquirements. It is Marxist-Leninist scientific theory. Only on this basis can the most ardent revolutionary aspirations become realizable. Nor does class stand consist simply of scientific theory. It also embraces the political science built on the basis of that theory. What is more, class stand is not only the political line but also practical-revolutionary activities and correct revolutionary methods aimed at successfully carrying out that political line in real life.
Class stand should not be understood in an intuitive and spontaneous way. The workers themselves, if their movement grows out of sheer spontaneity, cannot have a working-class stand. They can, at best, achieve trade union consciousness and trade unionism — which stops at economic interests of an immediate, partial and professional character. Trade unionism is, in Lenin’s words, “the ideological enslavement of the workers by the bourgeoisie.” 
On the other hand, we must grasp class stand from a concrete, historical point of view. Class stand when the working class has seized power and become the masters of society is different from what it was when the working class had not yet seized power and was still in the position of wage earners. With regard to the concrete content of class stand, a completely new, qualitative development has occurred, embodying the greatest leap forward in human history. If, in the past, the task of the working class was to overthrow the yoke of oppression and exploitation — that is, a task of a destructive character — today its task is to build and create a new society which not only abolishes oppression and exploitation but also creates all necessary conditions for bringing the fullest possible material and moral life to the whole of the working class. In order to build such a society, it is necessary not only to possess a full sense of being the collective master, but also to have the methods and the ability to master society, master nature and master our own personality. This is the basic content of the class stand of the working class. This is also the highest moral requirement of the socialist system.
The Party, the vanguard and the best organized contingent, the highest organization of the working class, is the conscious representative of the stand of the working class conceived as collective master. It leads the entire society to put into effect the great historical law of replacing the age-old system of private ownership (from which oppression and exploitation originate) by socialist collective ownership. If the workers cannot spontaneously acquire the revolutionary stand of the proletariat, still less can the peasants, whether they be poor, landless or lower-middle peasants. In comparison with the advance of the peasant from the status of a toiler exploited by landlords to that of a free private farmer, the change from being a private farmer to a collective farmer represents a much more significant leap forward. Obviously, from the viewpoint of historical development, compared with the individual, private farmer, the co-operative farmer is closer to the position of the working class. This represents precisely a new step forward of the worker-peasant alliance in the stage of socialist construction, definitely higher in quality than the previous stage. But the co-operative farmer is still not a worker. On the ideological plane, only the most vanguard representatives of the collective farmer class, the most outstanding co-operative farmers, come close to the stand of the working class. And this can only be the outcome of a process of training and education through the practice of revolution, through collective work in production and through a process of ideological persuasion which thoroughly imbues them with the Party line and policies and makes them fully conscious of the role and tasks of the collective farmer class in the cause of socialist construction, imbued with the working class’ sense of collective ownership.
So far, in dealing with the quality of Party members and cadres, we have often failed to make sufficiently clear and to hit right home at the most essential and most necessary points. We have often used abstractions and generalities when speaking of class stand and morality, while remaining unclear or failing to put emphasis on the most important requirements, the most decisive points and criteria which are so essential for a communist, a Party cadre, that without them they hardly deserve the name. It is necessary to point out here that the Party Constitution has adequately and strictly defined all criteria and fundamental requirements for a Party member. All requirements of a Party member in matters of class stand and morality are also clearly stated in the Party Constitution. When we speak of Party cadres, this implies all members of the Party, because every Party member has the duty to exercise Party leadership in his field of work, and, in this sense, a Party member is by definition a cadre. All criteria, requirements and tasks defined in the Party Constitution for each Party member represent the basic and highest principles of a communist’s class stand and morality. The problem is that the admission of a new Party member must necessarily meet the criteria provided for in the Party Constitution. Secondly, within the Party, we must constantly base ourselves on the criteria, requirements and tasks of a Party member as defined in the Constitution to educate Party cadres and members and to check up on cadres (here we are referring exclusively to Party cadres) and Party members. Of course, there should be modifications to the Party Constitution in the light of the political tasks in each given period. However, in no period may the Party allow activities that fall outside the provisions of the Constitution. That is why, it would be not only nonsense, but also plain rejection of the Constitution, if we conceived of the class stand and morality of Party members as anything other than what is stated in the provisions of the Party Constitution.
When looking for strong points as well as weaknesses and defects in the quality of a Party member or cadre, we must first of all examine his level of study and assimilation of Marxism-Leninism, his knowledge and understanding of the Party line and policies, his determination to make efforts and his practical ability to implement this line and these policies as well as his ability to fulfil the tasks assigned and to persuade and organize the masses to join him in implementing the line, policies and all tasks laid down by the Party. In the end, all this must be translated into practical deeds and the extent of the benefits brought to the revolution by these deeds. Certainly we should not base ourselves solely on momentary or inconsequential actions, but must carefullv examine a long process, with all the tested evidence. This process is nothing other than the process of implementing the tasks entrusted by the revolution. That is why, whether he fulfils his tasks or not always remains the only trustworthy, objective yardstick in measuring the qualifications of a Party member or cadre and in making necessary decisions in the various fields of cadre work and policy. In the final analysis, the qualities and abilities of a Party member or cadre, to what degree he is “Red and expert”, his class stand and so on, must be judged on that basis. For instance, along with the revolution in production relations, and the ideological and cultural revolution, we must carry out the technical revolution and consider this as the centrepiece. We must build the material and technical foundations of socialism. Thus, the question arises: where does the quality of a Party cadre lie in the building of the material and technical foundations of socialism in the technical revolution? It lies in his ability to understand the line of socialist industrialization, the line of technical revolution, in the high or low level of his determination to implement these lines, in his ability to accomplish the concrete tasks assigned to him as shown in the practical results he has achieved. Obviously, here the firmest class stand and the highest morality of a cadre consists in making the boldest assault on the technical and scientific battleground, in striving to advance in order to attain a high level of culture and knowledge and in mastering by all means the essence of the necessary techniques and sciences. And all this must be done with the full awareness that otherwise there can be no socialism, there can be no victory of the socialist path over the capitalist path, for, “according to the materialistic conception, the determining factor in history, in the last resort, is the production and reproduction of immediate life” . Such are class stand and revolutionary quality in this case.
We have discussed the relationship between cadres and the political line and tasks. The problem of cadres must also be examined in the context of the close relationship between cadres and organization. By organization we mean not only the organization of the Party, but also of the State, economic and cultural organizations, mass organizations, military organizations, and organizations in all spheres of social life and activity. Organization, in the broadest sense, is the structure for the existence of things and phenomena. Things and phenomena cannot exist without a definite form of combination of the various factors making them up. Organization, therefore, is an attribute of things and phenomena themselves. When we speak of organization in our social life, we are dealing with the relationship and the coordination of the activity of the various parts of a whole, the system of leadership and management in all fields and in all branches, the system of forms and measures for the realization of the decisions from the moment the plans are worked out to the final stage of checking on the results achieved.
We cannot conceive of a cadre outside the organization because the cadre is an element of the organization. The cadre lives in a definite organization in the apparatus whereby an organization operates. Organization is formed by man. Man is the main component factor of an organization. An organization cannot operate without man. A product of man an organizatzon cannot but depend on man, on his qualities and capacities of action. On the other hand after organization has become a quantity existing in its own right and has struck deep roots in life, organization in its turn has a decisive effect on man. It determines who will do what, what position and function he should hold in the apparatus of activity. It defines beforehand the direction and objective of man’s actions. It directs man and obliges him to act one way instead of another. Organization, in its activity brings forth in man definite characteristics and qualities. It trains man. The capacities and effectiveness of man’s activity depend on organization Organization increases man’s strength manyfold Organization creates a new quality. Marx wrote: “Just as the combat strength of a cavalry unit or the resistance of an infantry battalion differs in substance from the sum total of the individual strength of each cavalryman or each separate combatant, the sum total of the mechanical strength of each separate worker also differs from the mechanical strength created when they work in co-ordination and at the same time in the same indivisible work... The problem is not only to increase individual productivity, but also to use cooperative methods to create a new production force that operates as a single, collective force.”
All this is directly related to the examination and resolution of the problem of cadres. For instance, in looking for the strong points and weaknesses of Party cadres and members, if we confine ourselves to examining their ideological qualities and assessing their ideological standard separately from the question of organization, if we fail to see the influence and impact of organization on cadres, then we are overlooking one main ground for the correct examination and resolution of the cadre problem.
A strong Party branch and a strong Party executive committee give rise to strong Party members and cadres. Wherever the Party branch and committee are rickety, the Party members and cadres find their fighting strength reduced and are prone to degeneration and backsliding. Of course, the reverse in this case is completely true, because in their relations with the organization, Party cadres and members are at the same time the effect and the cause. However, even if this or that individual is the cause of the shakiness of the organization, the question still remains essentially a question of organization. Because those individuals who are members of the organization, but have thought and acted contrary to its requirements, have done so because the organization either lacks the necessary guarantees in criteria or the necessary rules for activity and behaviour or is not strong enough to compel the individuals concerned to comply with the norms, rules and decisions of the organization. That is why, in any case, we must proceed from organization to examine and resolve the question. We must realize that the question of individuals here is essentially a question of organization and must base our criticism of the ideology of these individuals on the organization; we must base ourselves on the requirements of the organization, on the criteria and principles of the organization and on the ideology itself that is required by the organization when we have to determine the responsibility of individuals. That is the principled method of work.
Take the example of the question of internal unity and solidarity among cadres. It is regrettable that lack of solidarity has occurred in a number of places. There are complex causes behind this phenomenon but we must point out at once that if some of these cases have dragged on and become more and more complicated without any definite conclusion being arrived at as to where lie right and wrong, and who is right who is wrong, it is because we have not examined and resolved the question on a principled basis. In fact, in all such cases, the question will become clear and can be settled rapidly if it is posed on the principle of closely linking ideology and policies with the organization, the principle of comparing the thoughts and actions of the persons concerned with the requirements of the organization. As far as the Party is concerned, the basis for unity within the Party can be nothing other than the Marxist-Leninist outlook on the-world, the political line and resolutions of the Party and the Party Constitution — the fundamental law for all Party life, for the building of the Party and all Party activity. The Party forms a single ideological entity. This means that the Party is a monolithic bloc not only in ideology but also in organization, which is a guarantee for its unity of action. If the question of solidarity and the resolution of cases of disunity is not based on these foundations and principles of Party organization, and is based instead on considerations of personal relations, there can be no real solidarity. If unity is broken, it is hardly possible to avoid permanent discord and one problem will engender another, paralysing the whole organization, and, as a consequence, each member of the organization will also lose fighting strength.
Man’s strength lies in his organization. Only within and through organization and through relationships with other persons and realities can a man show what he is and what he is capable of. Of course, we cannot conceive man as part of a machine. Man is an entity endowed with conscience, will, dynamism and initiative, and each man has his own character and capabilities. That is why it cannot be said that an organization has no room for the role of the individual. If each person is a cipher, the organization itself cannot exist because an organization is actually the combination of many persons. In fact, how can there be the “collective capacity” (Marx) of the organization without the effectiveness of each person? Obviously, there must be strong people if the organization is to be strong, and there must be good people if the organization is to be good. On the other hand, this fundamental point must be made clear: the strength of a person lies in organization and organization creates a new strength which differs completely in quality from the sum of the strength of separate persons. The dialectic in this case consists in the following: a strong organization ensures the strength of each person and the strength of each person makes the strength of the organization.
To do cadre work well is to place a cadre in his right place and promote him at the right time, and place him in the most appropriate conditions of organization which will enable him to give full play to his talents and creativity as required by the revolutionary tasks. And this is actually to increase the strength of organization because the strength of organization makes itself felt through the active and creative work of each person and constitutes a collective, organized force.
In an organization where functions and tasks are not clear, where the distribution of work is irrational, where norms of work and the allocation of responsibility are not well defined, where the relationship and cohesion among the various component parts or their homogeneity are lacking, any person in it will tend to become impotent and inefficient because it is a weak organization. An individual, detached from his organization, is capable of nothing. In an organization which is an organic whole, the strong points of each person will be multiplied while his weak points will be limited and overcome and each person will think and act with all the moral and physical strength of the organization. Organization helps “eliminate the limitations springing from individuals and develop their collective capacities” . If the whole body is strong, every organ and every cell will also be strong and vice versa.
That is why we cannot speak of cadres separately from organization. In fact, we are already dealing with organization when speaking of cadres. We must deal with and resolve the question of cadres on the basis of organization, by proceeding from the character, function, task, structure of organization and the requirements for its activity. A correct solution to the question of organization is the basis for solving the question of cadres correctly. A judicious political line must be ensured by correct organization, and correct organization is precisely the premise directly deciding a correct solution to the question of cadres. Take the economy for example. If we succeed in building a system of management which really corresponds to the laws governing economic development and to the principles of production, which eliminates methods of management of an administrative character in which money and materials are simply supplied to departments without proper costing, this will be a condition of prime importance in compelling cadres to take into consideration the economic efficiency of production and to make a deep examination of the production structure and process thereby enhancing their sense of responsibility their consciousness of being the collective master, and their level and capacity of management. That will be a condition of prime importance in combating bureaucratic practices and the method of casual handling of affairs which exhibits no concern as to whether the plan is fulfilled or not and whether the factory is making profits or is operating at a loss.
Unless organizational work is well done, unless we understand and firmly control organization, we cannot perform cadre work well. Cadre work is closely linked with organizational work. On the other hand, we should know how to run and control an organization not only with regard to its structure, apparatus, personnel and means, but also deeply understand and firmly grasp its function, task, line, objective and method of work. Only in this way can cadre work be carried out well. In principle, to assume the leadership means to control the organization and he who controls and directs the organization has the decisive voice in questions concerning cadres because he, better than anybody else, understands the cadres and the needs in cadres within the sphere of his responsibility. (Of course, we must comply with concrete regulations in procedural questions concerning proposals and ratifications).
Cadre work is, in its essence, organizational work and it is precisely because of the need for organization, and in view of the necessity to ensure the highest efficiency of leadership and management that we must do cadre work well, considering it as the first and foremost task of organizational work. Lenin said: “We shall go our way and try as carefully and as patiently as possible to test and discover real organizers, people with sober and practical minds, people who combine loyalty to socialism with ability without fuss (and in spite of muddle and fuss) to get a large number of people working together steadily and correctly within the framework of the Soviet organization. Only such people, after they have been tested a dozen times, by being transferred from the simplest to the more difficult tasks, should be promoted to the responsible posts of leaders of the people’s labour, leaders of administration. We have not yet learned to do this, but we shall learn.” 
Cadre work must be done in meticulous, careful and thorough manner because men, cadres, are the soul and the motive force of organization. How many cadres and what kinds of cadres are needed for such and such an organization with such and such tasks? That is the starting point for reaching judicious decisions on cadres. So far, in many cases, we have not acted exactly in this way. Often we make overstatements or understatements, we make inordinate inferences or omissions when assessing a cadre. We use generalities to assess the qualities and capabilities of a cadre and finish up by taking in a man who cannot do the job. In some instances, we do not even proceed from the job and organization to place men, but instead create jobs and organizations out of the need to place men. Such humps are still on our backs.
Only by proceeding from organization to place men can we fully realize the necessity to understand men thoroughly and accurately and set forth the necessary criteria for such men. A Party secretary, a director, a specialist, a production brigade leader, etc., each of these functions represents a definite organization. It is a definite function of a definite organization. We must base ourselves on the concrete requirement of each organization, each function, to lay down concrete criteria for cadres and proceed to recruit cadres and put them in the right places and also to inquire into these cadres and correctly appraise them. Any organization requires that its cadres have a full sense of personal responsibility and make the highest efforts. These requirements must be defined in a concrete manner: what and how many jobs they have to do, what they must know, what regulations they must comply with, whom they are responsible to, what are their responsibilities and power, how they are related to other cadres and organizations, who has the right to appoint and dismiss them, etc. It is through the practical application of these regulations that we will supervise and inquire into a cadre, understand his capabilities, his qualities and morality. Lenin said: “To test men and verify what has actually been done — this, this again, this alone is now the main feature of all our activities, of our whole policy.” 
That is the correct way to understand the work of cadre control. We should not control a man separately from the work that the organization requires from him. Control work, in this sense, is a link of prime importance in organizational work.
Each cadre holds a definite position of work organization, in the leading and managerial apparatus. Whether each cadre fulfils his responsibility or not naturally influences the common activity of the whole organization, the whole apparatus. If he does his work well, the effectiveness and strength of the whole organization will increase accordingly. Conversely, if he works poorly, the effectiveness and strength of the whole organization suffers. Here, we must point out that the role of those who head an organization, the leaders, is very great and has a decisive character. That is why they must meet very high requirements. The leaders must embody loyalty and dedication in the implementation of the line and policies of the Party and State and must have the necessary capabilities and determination to bring these line and policies into effect. They must have rich experience, foresight and aliveness to the new, a creative, imaginative mind to combine collective leadership with the ability to make clearsighted decisions on the basis of a deep knowledge of the tasks assigned and a firm grasp of the situation. With high determination to achieve the set objective, leaders must have the capability to organize and mobilize their collaborators and the masses to follow suit. They must show a high sense of responsibility, great determination and a principled attitude in handling affairs. They must take into account and really respect the opinion of others, and calmly listen to the suggestions of the masses even if they do not agree with them. They must have a generous attitude toward others, and a high sense of self-criticism, must dare to admit their errors and mistakes and have the determination to correct them. These are indispensable qualities in leaders. If they possess these qualities, leaders will enjoy the necessary prestige and trust without which they cannot lead.
The capability and effectiveness of the leadership directly depend on whether or not the leaders can build a united and like-minded collective around themselves. In this collective, each cadre must have a profound sense of being the collective master, a high sense of responsibility toward the common cause and place common interests first. While putting all his mind and energies in service of the common success of the collective organization and clearly realizing his function and role in the common cause, each cadre must accomplish his personal responsibility assigned by the organization with his greatest efforts and with self-imposed discipline. Concern for the common objective, the common interest, the common cause, must be manifested first of all in the full execution of his personal responsibility. Whether this personal responsibility is accomplished or not is the first criterion in appraising the contribution of each to the common cause. At the same time, each must closely co-operate with others in the working collective. An organization, by definition, is a collective, a working collective in which every member needs the others, the one working with and for the others with the aim of achieving a cause which transcends the capabilities of each separate individual. Co-operation therefore is essential.
Co-operation is effected first of all through the accomplishment by each member of his personal responsibility because the non-accomplishment of the task of one person immediately affects the accomplishment of the tasks of others. In an organization, if every member needs the co-operation of others, it is because of the organic interrelation among the various parts of the work as parts of one and the same whole. Distribution of work implies in itself co-operation, and inversely co-operation implies a distribution of work. The question is to understand this relationship and to put it fully into practice in our work. While accomplishing his task, each must show concern for the others and help them accomplish their tasks. Bound together by a common objective — in the broadest sense, the objective of the entire society and, in the narrower sense, the objective of the organization in which they work — everybody in the collective should be animated by mutual affection, without which there can be no co-operation and joint efforts in the struggle for the triumph of the common cause. We must rejoice at the successes of our comrades as at our own and concern ourselves with the difficulties of our comrades as with our own. We must rejoice at the progress of our friends and comrades as at our own; and we should never be motivated by personal ambition and calculations of rivalry and jealousy. Those are decisive factors for building a really intimate and united collective. And such an intimate and united collective is actually the strength of the organization. With such a strength, no task is unrealizable and no difficulty insurmountable. Struggle and mutual love are the raison d’etre of man and, in the first place, of revolutionary cadres.
We cannot speak of cadres without speaking of organization. However, organization is an extremely complex question. Organizing in the most effective way requires a whole science, the science of organization. We cannot organize in any way we fancy. Organization has its own laws. An organization is created to ensure the realization of the political line and tasks. Accordingly, any organization must conform with the political line and respond to the requirements of the realization of the political tasks. Any organization must also suit the objects to be organized and the areas in which the organization wants to exert its influence. Different spheres of activity require different forms of organization. For instance, in productive activity, the objects of organization are the working people and the means and objects of labour, whereas in fighting, the objects of organization are the combatants, weapons and armaments, and the objective is to defeat an organized and armed enemy engaged in a life-and-death struggle with us. Each sphere of activity has its specific laws. Obviously, economic laws differ from the laws of war. Accordingly, the organization and methods of organization in different spheres of activity cannot but differ among themselves. The forms of organization also vary with the period, depending on the level and extent of development of the objects of organization. Things and social and economic processes are developing unceasingly and the role of organization consists in vigorously promoting this development. Therefore, organization must be very dynamic and flexible at the same time. An organization can give full scope to its strength only when it fully corresponds with its objects and the laws of development of its objects. When it does not, organization may seriously hamper the development of its objects. An organization may be either highly revolutionary or highly conservative. It is most revolutionary when it fully corresponds with the needs of life. It is most conservative when it develops a tendency to inertia while life is constantly changing and moving forward. The big industrial organization has a highly revolutionary character whereas the handicraft organization has a highly conservative character.
At present, our organization in many spheres still belongs to the second category. We may say that in some areas, our organization is not only backward but also obsolete. That is the cause of our inertia. Obviously, in such cases, there must be a whole revolution in organization from the structure of the apparatus, the mode of activity, the internal relations and the style of work, to the disposition of cadres. There have been suggestions in some quarters that it is time to resolutely and boldly replace a number of cadres who not only fall short in their tasks but are also seriously hampering the functioning of the whole machine. This is absolutely necessary. We need to replace them with cadres with a flair for organization who are not only loyal and dedicated but also capable of grasping and creatively applying the line, policies and tasks laid down by the Party and the State, and capable of getting the whole machine moving. However, in any case, we should always bear in mind that in the final analysis and from a basic and overall point of view, our strength lies in organization, and all the effectiveness of our activity stems from organization. In a broader sense, the steadiness and unshakable strength of our regime as a whole are not due to one or two persons of special talent but to our organization, to the whole politico-economic and social structure based on the principles of socialism which we must build at all costs.
This, evidently, is an extremely complicated and difficult task since we are advancing from a backward agricultural society, a system of small production. Everything has to be created virtually from scratch; modern industry, modern agriculture, advanced culture and science. Everything has to be built up: a new system, a new economy and a new man. But in what way and in what forms, with what measures and through what processes to reach our objective in the shortest possible period, and to make up for the lag caused by centuries of inertia ? That is the sum total of the difficulties we face in our organizational work.
It is made all the more difficult by our lack of capacity in practical organizational work, a serious shortcoming left over from history. It must also be pointed out here that the difficulty stems first of all from our failure to see the importance of organization. Organization makes strength. Yet, we have not seen the strength of organization. The small producer, the handicraftsman cannot see the strength of organization because the conditions of their productive activity and their livelihood are inherently conditions of non- organization and constantly bring about states of non- organization. Only workers in large-scale industry can see the strength of organization because the strength of organization actually derives from large-scale industry. The centuries-old influence of Confucianism also prevents us from seeing the strength of organization. Confucianism has left in us the vestiges of a kind of egoistic, individualistic morality, an ugly product of the feudalist system of owernship and the caste system. Everything in this “moral code” is completely contrary to our revolutionary outlook on life, to the needs of our great organizational work aimed at building socialism. Only Marxism-Leninism, the revolutionary science of the proletariat, the class whose strength lies in its organization, can see the strength of organization, the strength of the organized working class and working people.
We should ponder over and draw the necessary lessons from the following words of Lenin: “Give us an organization of revolutionaries, and we will overturn Russia.”  He also said: “In its struggle for power, the proletariat has no other weapon but organization.”  Once, Lenin put it in an even more imperative way, stressing that the whole task is to “organize, organize and organize.”  After power has passed into the hands of the revolution, Lenin pointed out that “the most important and most difficult aspect of the socialist revolution is the tasks of organization.” 
We should get rid of our inveterate habit of talking of ideology alone (and in many cases we do not understand correctly what ideology actually means) and seldom speaking of organization. To carry out revolution we must have a revolutionary ideology and also a revolutionary organization. Organization ensures the realization of ideology. Organization ensures that words are matched by deeds. If we speak of ideology without speaking of organization, that is mere empty theorising and empty morality without any practical effect. That is the inherent defect of petty-bourgeois intellectuals and Confucian scholars. Practising means organizing. If we want to practise anything, we must have an organization and must make ideology one with organization. It is actually out of the needs of action, of the needs of revolutionary practice that we must have a revolutionary ideology. No revolutionary movement can take place without being prepared and promoted by ideological campaigns. The deeper the revolutionary changes we want to effect, the deeper and more extensive the ideological campaigns we must undertake. Without revolutionary theory and revolutionary ideology, there can be no revolutionary actions. However, theory and ideology alone are absolutely insufficient. As Karl Marx pointed out, “Ideology is essentially incapable of achieving anything. If an ideology is to be materialized there must be men using practical forces.” In other words, if an ideology is to be put into practice, there must be organization. Men must be organized with definite means and act strictly in accordance with this ideology. The question of cadres is posed in the light of the need to carry out the line and policies of the Party, the needs of revolutionary practice. That is why, when we speak of cadres we already mean organization. Only with a very practical mind, a sense of realism, and a revolutionary will can we see the importance of organization and the strength of organization, hence the importance of the problem of cadres, what is required from cadres, in terms of ideology, ardour, will and energy, capacity and creativeness.
Our foremost task in the field of organizational activity is to create, on a nation-wide scale as well as in every locality, every branch and every grassroots unit, all the way up to the highest level and down again, a system of correct relations between the Party, the State and the masses. These relations must reflect the essence of tne new regime and must be employed as the biggest and most powerful combined force for the vigorous promotion of the process of creating a socialist system in all spheres of the economy and culture, and building and developing social relations in all fields, and relations between man and man. Such a correct system of relations will ensure in the firmest way the all-round and absolute leadership of the Party over social life and the development of society, ensure the highest capacity and the greatest effectiveness of the role of the State as the organ of economic and cultural management, ensure to the highest degree the genuine right of the people of being collective masters and the most success for the efforts of the masses in the creation of history.
The question of cadres is posed on this basis, within the framework and in the light of the needs of that system of relations. The Party could not lead society and the people to build socialism without the State and without the medium of the State. The working people cannot become masters of society and successfully prosecute their cause without the leadership of the Party — the representative of the most correct thinking and line of collective mastery in conformity with the laws of development of society. The people play their role as masters of society under the leadership of the Party and through the medium of the State which was founded and is managed by the people themselves. The leadership of the Party and the rights of the people as collective masters of society find a concentrated expression in the State and State activity — all this can only be realized through the medium of the State. The State would cease to be a proletarian State if it did not reflect the power of the working people and if its activity were not based on the Marxist-Leninist line of the political Party of the working class.
As the political Party leading the State, it goes without saying that the Party organization, the apparatus of the Party and most of the Party members and cadres must be assigned to and strike deep roots in all spheres of activity of the State and society, without exception. The life of the Party essentially resides in the entire activity of the State, over the whole range of political, military, economic, cultural and social activity. The Party is the nucleus lying at the heart of social life which sets in motion the whole apparatus of the regime, and drives the entire society forward.
We can thus see how many more cadres of all kinds are needed and how much is required of cadres. There are so many new areas where cadres must be active and establish themselves as capable, competent masters: industry, agriculture, trade, culture, science, education, military work, law, etc. This we must realize because otherwise we cannot understand the lines and policies of the Party, contribute to the working, out and development of these lines and policies or organize their achievement — in a word, we cannot exercise Party leadership.
On the other hand, by leadership we mean that the Party exercises its leadership through the State and by means of the State. It is necessary to transform the line, policies and resolutions of the Party into policies and activities of the State. The State is the highest, broadest and most concentrated organization for the exercise of the right of the people as the collective masters of society. The Party exercises its leadership over the State. It does not replace the State in ruling. We have the dictatorship of the proletarian State, not the dictatorship of the Party. The proletarian State is essentially the exercise of the working people’s right as collective masters of society under the leadership of the working class and through the Marxist-Leninist political Party. The Party’s exercise of its leadership of the State means that all lines and policies of the Party must be transformed into policies, plans and resolutions of the State and must be reflected and carried out in a State form and by the organizational means and forms of State activity. They must be transformed into State affairs. And this is not simple. “With the transition of all power — this time not only political and, not even mainly political, but economic power, that is, power that affects the deepest foundations of everyday human existence — to a new class, and, moreover, to a class which for the first time in the history of humanity is the leader of the overwhelming majority of the population, of the whole mass of the working and exploited people — our tasks become more complicated.” 
The apparatus of the proletarian State is not only a ruling machine. It is also an organ of economic management, a machine for running social production on the basis of a correct reflection of socialist economic laws and appropriate solutions to the objective requirements of production. It is precisely from this starting point that we should determine the structure, scale, tasks, power and mode of activity of the State organs for economic leadership (such as the Ministry of Industry, Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Trade, etc.). This we have not clearly realized and strictly observed, hence the bureaucratic and purely administrative forms of handling affairs in organizational work and in the mode of activity of many State organs having responsibility for economic leadership.
As an organ of economic management and a production machine, the State is central to economic activity, functioning as the owner of the main means of production and a producer who organizes and directs social production. On the basis of a firm knowledge of objective economic laws and the principles of socialist economy, we must learn to manage according to State methods and must conform with the regulations and norms of the State in economic management as well as in the management of society in general. The State is law. We must manage society and economy by means of State laws. Only through the State, the systems, regulations and norms of the State, through the system of economic laws and the whole system of State laws can the line, policies and tasks worked out by the Party penetrate into social life and become a reality. Formerly the Party line and policies penetrated the masses and were implemented through propaganda and agitation work with regard to each person or each group. Today, besides these methods which we must apply even more effectively, broadly and adequately, we must also use large-scale organizational measures involving millions and tens of millions of citizens. This can be done only through State laws which reflect the interests and will of the working people. The whole system of State legislation and economic legislation represents the line and policies of the Party and also the interests and will of the labouring people manifested in the form of the State. They are powerful and very effective organizational instruments of the State in carrying out the line, policies and tasks worked out by the Party on the basis of a powerful dictatorship of the proletariat. Yet, our cadres are for the most part still ignorant of this truth or have not yet acquainted themselves with it. Some even look upon these laws as a burden or an obstacle. They try by all means to free themselves from the burden of them. And what is the result? Autocratism and arbitrariness on the one hand and anarchy on the other. In general, this is an attitude of defiance of State laws. This also means that they have infringed upon the rights of the people as collective masters and upon Party leadership which find their concentrated expression in the State. To avoid this state of affairs, ideological education alone is not enough. We must also strengthen State laws and perfect the regulations concerning organization, systems, discipline, etc., so as to make it impossible for anyone placed within the limits of these laws to do otherwise than obey them. The strength of these organizational relations dominates everyone. It is the same strength that ensures the fullest freedom of action of the people because it represents the common interests of society and the aspiration of each citizen in the new society in which he has his share in the right to be the collective master.
We must work in strict accordance with the regulations and norms of the State. On the other hand, not for a moment should we forget that. The State is a proletarian State, a people’s State, and that the only master of our society is the people. The State cannot be a patron standing above the people. On the contrary, it is actually the people composed of the working class, the collective farmers and the socialist intellectuals which form their own State functioning under the leadership of the Party with the aim of building a new society. The building of a new society is the cause of the broad masses of the people themselves.
That is why it is our task to carry out permanent education to raise the political and cultural standards of the masses. On the other hand, we must found a system of most appropriate organizational relations and methods of work in order to draw the broad masses of the people into the management of the State and the economy and of all social affairs. Only by means of large-scale, meticulous, persistent and creative organizational work, only through constant study, thinking out, experimentation, control and repeated changes in the various forms of organization and management of the State organs and the various economic, mass and social organizations in conformity with the requirements of the laws of social existence and development can we found a system of correct and viable relations. And only then can our daily watchwords such as “a co-op is a home, and the co-op members are its owners”, or “workers must take part in the management of factories” and, in a broader sense, the right of the masses as the collective masters be translated into a living reality. Otherwise these remain slogans and statements.
To combine the unified activity of the State under the leadership of the Party with the broad initiative and creative actions of the popular masses is the law of development of our regime. We must proceed from this law and this principle in tackling the question of cadres and setting requirements for cadres as well as in tackling the question of organization and setting requirements for the organization.
For a Communist Party in power, for communists managing the State, one of the biggest and most frightful dangers is to stand aloof from the masses and deprive the people of their right as the collective masters. The strength of the Communist Party, of the communists, always lies in their close relations with the masses. In the conditions of a Communist Party already holding power, this must be understood all the more deeply and carried into effect in all organizational measures and methods of activity.
Cadres build up a movement and in return the movement gives birth to cadres. That is a law in the question of cadres. The whole method and organization of our activity, the whole system of our State and economic management must ensure the fullest observance of the right of the working people as the collective masters and on this basis to ensure the capability to mobilize the major sources of strength of the masses, and the whole of their power and potential, in the creation of material and moral values in order to give rise to the broadest, most powerful, best organized and most effective movement for socialist construction. Cadres must mingle with the masses in this movement, march in the van to set an example for the masses, persuade and organize them, understand their feelings-and aspirations, and concern themselves with their everyday moral and material life. They must show modesty and simplicity, listen to the opinions of the masses, gather the masses’ experiences and knowledge to complement their own experiences and knowledge. They must constantly place themselves under the control of the masses. In this way, cadres are trained, selected and tempered, and mature along with the movement. And the movement will not cease to give rise to new cadres, able organizers springing from the masses, from the workers, collective farmers and intellectuals — people who, by their self-denying work and their creativity, have made the most notable contributions to socialism and proved their strong attachment to the socialist ideal. These are new men of socialism whose most prominent characteristic is their consciousness of being the collective masters and their ability to assume this role, their new attitude toward work, their high sense of organization and discipline. Closely linked with their collectives in the struggle for, the common cause, they constantly foster and develop their fine moral qualities and their intellectual powers in accordance with the requirements of a man who is the master of society, master of nature and master of himself.
Deeply imbued with the sense of collectiveness, they understand that their own material well-being and moral happiness and their own future lie in the common welfare and future of all, in the development and in the advance of the whole collective and the whole society. Having identified themselves with the whole society, imbued with the spirit of “each for all and all for each”, they know what is good for the collective, society and themselves and what is bad for the interests of the collective, society and their own interests and, consequently, place all their energies and talent’s at the service of the collective and society. They resolutely defend the interests of the collective and society, and thereby win the esteem and admiration of all. Such persons have emerged and are emerging more and more in our society. They are first of all the heroes, heroines and model combatants, and individuals with outstanding records in the emulation movement for resistance to US aggression, for national salvation, and in the movement of productive labour to build socialism. Never will the source of supply of cadres dry up, provided we take care to discover, encourage, foster and promote them.
Generally speaking, cadres are products of a movement. They mature in the organization, in the life and activity of the organization, in the process of work arid struggle to bring to reality the political line and tasks. On the other hand, in order to give rise to a movement and to ensure its more and more vigorous development, we must have cadres. To ensure that our organizations can operate, and operate fruitfully, we must have cadres and good ones at that. That is why, the foremost task of all revolutionary movements and all revolutionary organizations is to endeavour to train and foster cadres in a systematic manner. At the same time, cadres must endeavour to train themselves and raise their capabilities. This task is now posed before us in all its urgency.
To adequately meet the need for cadres which is very great and covers many spheres, not only at present but also in the long term — a need arising from future stages of development in the economic, cultural, political and social fields, stages which, it can be predicted, will come at a leaping pace and on a very broad scale — we must, on the one hand, make the best use of, and endeavour to foster, the existing contingent of cadres. On the other hand, we must urgently train batch after batch of cadres through the regular methods such as schools and classes, according to elaborate programmes which correspond to (and go one step ahead of) the plans for long-range development of the economy and culture. The building of socialism and the development of economy and culture are, by their nature, planned work. All activities must be carried out on the basis of, and according to, accurate and scientific norms. That is why the path of training cadres in a regular, large-scale, basic and systematic manner is of decisive importance.
We must take care to foster and quickly raise the standard of leading managing cadres, and at the same time organize on an ever-larger scale training in a basic and systematic way young cadres who are likely later to assume leading and managing responsibilities. It is necessary to arrange and re-organize in a rational way the network of schools to train and foster theoretical and political cadres, cadres for organization and management, for cultural activities and technological services, and to clearly define the objectives and goals of the training and development in each type of school and class. In particular, we must pay attention to building and perfecting the system of schools to train and foster leading and managing cadres for the various branches of economy, production and commercial units, as well as scientific and technological branches. There must be a plan to select the objects of our training and expand classes for the training of managing cadres coming from the ranks of technical workers who have shown an aptitude for management, from young demobilized army officers and political cadres of the army, from frontrank workers and co-operative farmers, from all those who have been well tested and have recorded outstanding achievements in production and fighting. Besides full-time schools and classes, it is necessary to develop vigorously such forms of study as on-the-job or correspondence courses. Only in these ways can we satisfy the urgent and increasing demands of training.
We must show great concern for the unceasing improvement of training, both in content and quality. With regard to the leading and managing cadres of the various branches and spheres of activity, they must be firmly armed with Marxism-Leninism and the line and policies of the Party, with knowledge in organization and management, with the necessary professional knowledge as well as scientific and technological knowledge. Without a profound knowledge of the Marxist-Leninist theory and the line and policies of the Party, a cadre cannot grasp the laws governing social and economic development which are the basis of all leading and managerial activities. He will not be able to analyse events as required by the class and scientific viewpoints. Nor will he be able to discover the essence, the linchpin, of the various events and developments, innumerable in their manifestations, of economic and social life.
Nor will he be able correctly to determine what tasks should be attended to intensively in a given period, nor find the way to carry out economic and political tasks correctly and fruitfully. In a word, without a firm knowledge of Marxist-Leninist science (especially of dialectical materialist methodology, historical materialism, and economics), without a firm grasp of the Party line and policies, we will be left in the dark groping, will easily lose our political bearings and will lack foresight, initiative and creativity in our work.
However, it is quite insufficient for leading and managing cadres merely to have a firm grasp of Marxism-Leninism and the Party line and policies. They must also have great expertise in the areas under their charge, know their work perfectly and also know the up-to-date technological and scientific developments and the latest developments in organizational and managerial work related to their branches of activity. Lenin said: “Anybody who studies real life and has practical experience knows that management necessarily implies competency, that a knowledge of all the conditions of production down to the last detail and of the latest technology of your branch of production is required; you must have had a certain scientific training.”  This is a necessity not only for managing cadres and leading cadres of each branch but also for leading cadres in general. Obviously, the realities of life, the level of the masses and the necessity to do our work better will no longer permit survival of the old habit of making a few political arid ideological remarks and releasing interminable, banal political instructions, allegedly to encourage the masses.
We must absolutely set definite cultural standards for Party executives at all levels. In the leading organs of the Party, including the Party committees we must in the long run also provide for an appropriate proportion of committee members who are able scientific and technological cadres and experts who also have a firm political stand and rich experience in political struggle. In addition, one thing of prime importance is that Party cadres, and leading cadres at various levels and in various Party organizations, should raise the scientific standard of their leadership by working in close co-operation with scientists and experts and making use of their knowledge and experience. Lenin said: “The Communist who has failed to prove his ability to bring together and guide the work of specialists in a spirit of modesty, going to the heart of the matter and studying it in detail, is a potential menace.” 
The task of training a contingent of scientific and technical cadres is of particular importance. Socialism and science arid technology are organically linked. We often say that socialist industrialization is the central task of the period of transition. We often speak of the necessity to build the material and technical foundations of socialism. We often stress that the technical revolution is the key to socialist industrialization. But if we do not have — in addition to the fundamental political premises — a numerous and able contingent of scientific and technical cadres we can never attain our objectives. Advancing to socialism without going through the period of capitalist development means that in this respect, too, we are inheriting virtually a complete nought from the past. That is why a very heavy task incumbent on us is to train a large and powerful contingent of scientific and technical cadres, sprung from the working class and peasantry, from the ranks of revolutionaries.
This task requires big and ever bigger efforts from the entire national education system, from the general schools to the higher and vocational institutions, from the institutes of social sciences, natural sciences and all branches of science and technology, from all economic and cultural branches, from the trade unions and the Ho Chi Minh Working Youth Union, from the entire people and the whole State machine. We will spare no effort or outlay in this domain, which plays the decisive role with regard to economic progress in our time, and to the process of our advance forward. Our country is endowed with abundant natural riches and socialism contains immense sources of strength enabling us to tap and make the fullest use of these riches in service of the welfare and happy life of our people. The biggest scientific and technological revolution in the history of mankind is unfolding excitingly in the world. We must take every opportunity to make use of its gains in order to quickly complete the building of socialism in our country. Technology can be imported but the question is that there must be men to use that technology. That is why we must have a big contingent of scientific and technical cadres completely loyal and dedicated to the socialist cause, eager to move into work on the scientific and technologies front, for the sake of the prosperity of the country and the happiness of the people, deeply imbued with the Marxist-Leninist outlook on the world and scientific methodology, with an adequate knowledge of the realities of our country and a firm grasp of the theoretical foundations of the relevant branches of modern science and technology. These cadres must be able to apply this knowledge in an independent and creative manner to the solution of scientific and technical problems posed by the realities of production and life in our country and know how to make the best use of the traditional experience of our people, in order quickly to catch up with advanced world standards.
It is necessary to build an educational system in which all the higher educational institutions and vocational schools, and all branches of the economy and research institutes, share the responsibility for and work in close co-ordination in the training of experts in conformity with the needs of economic development and with the trend of scientific and technological progress. We must proceed urgently to a reform of education in the light of the needs of a quickly developing modern science and technology and make the best preparations for the young generation to carry out productive labour and undertake creative labour in the different domains of science and technology necessary for the national. economy.
We must achieve a balanced and homogeneous improvement of the level of the different branches in the whole system of training in the light of the needs of the building and development of the economy and culture, not only in the immediate future but also for a long time to come. The rational utilization of scientific and technical cadres has in itself the effect of training. All branches and levels of leadership and all organizations engaged in scientific and technological activities should review the situation in this. sphere and take resolute steps to correct irrationalities, Without delay. A very fruitful way of training cadres on the-job is to assign them appropriate work, give them all the help needed, and create conditions for them to accomplish their work, supply them with adequate study materials and widely develop all forms of part-work-part study. It is necessary on the one hand to combine correctly the unified management of science and technology, and organize the various forms of collective work and socialist cooperation that will make it possible to concentrate the efforts of scientific and technical cadres on resolving definite tasks and, on the other hand, to care for, discover, encourage, support and develpp to the maximum all creative power of the collectives of scientific and technical workers and of each scientific and technical cadre. This has an important significance for the continuous raising of the standards and capabilities of scientific and technical cadres.
Training and tempering oneself is for any leading and managing cadre or scientific and technical cadre an indispensable condition for the consistent raising of his qualities and standards.
Cadres in general, and, in the first place, Party members and cadres, are the most advanced representatives of the masses with regard to political and ideological stand, scientific knowledge, understanding of social obligations, and the capacity to find ways and means to resolve these tasks, as well as with regard to the sense of being the collective master, the spirit of putting public interest, above personal interests and a sound, modest, and healthy way of life. Each cadre, first of all, each Communist, must be an example to the masses with regard to the unfailing loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, to the socialist and communist ideal. He must show the highest sense of organization and discipline, a great deal of revolutionary enthusiasm and ardour for work, clearsightedness in action and the firmest will in daily endeavours for the success of the revolutionary cause. We cannot conceive of a cadre who falls short of mass levels in revolutionary consciousness, in level of knowledge and in capacity to resolve questions posed by the revolutionary tasks, in revolutionary ardour and zeal in work. There is no doubt that today the level of the masses is definitely higher than in the past and has the most favourable conditions to grow and mature quickly in all fields.
All of this requires from each cadre sustained and major efforts, a strict sense of responsibility in learning and training in order to raise himself constantly to the level of his tasks. His responsibility consists first of all in learning and he must understand this word in its fullest and deepest sense. It is necessary to read books and newspapers, to acquire therefrom the knowledge accumulated by mankind. Lenin said: “One can become a Communist only after having enriched one’s mind through the acquisition of all the treasures of knowledge created by mankind... only on the basis of modern knowledge can that society (Communist society—L.D.) be created... and without this knowledge. Communism remains but an aspiration,” It must be said that quite a few of our cadres are still lazy, very lazy in the matter of reading books, and some do not even read Party newspapers. That is absolutely unpardonable for a Party member and cadre. Of course, reading books is not synonymous with being a bookworm. However, we cannot use opposition to being a bookworm as an excuse for laziness in learning. The point is to know how to read books in order not to become a bookworm but to acquire knowledge, to enrich our minds with science in all practical matters.
We must learn not only through books and newspapers, but also in practical life, in our own work, in the summing up of the experiences of our work through frequent self-criticism and criticism. The ultimate goal of learning through books is to solve questions arising from life and work. Summing up experiences and self-criticism and criticism are methods of study of paramount importance. A cadre must create for himself the habit of thinking independently and the capacity to analyse, in the process of endeavouring to carry out his tasks, the class significance the socio-economic effect of each measure being applied. He must proceed from his own experience to review each step he has taken and hence to draw accurate and scientific conclusions that will help him to illuminate the path ahead, give the fullest scope to what is right and severely and sincerely to make self-criticism of the wrong without fearing to mend his errors and persist in his efforts. Never should he be complacent. It is difficult for any cadre who lacks such qualities and qualifications to mature and to be equal to his tasks.
We must combine learning through books with learning from the practice of life, work, the experiences of the collective, the experiences of one’s organization and of kindred organizations, the experiences of the leaders and of the masses, the experiences of our country and of others, the lessons of success and also the lessons of failure. Theory constantly linked with practice and, practice enlightened by theory, our minds active at all times, and our thinking always linked with action, this is our method of learning. This is the main method for improving our theoretical thinking and our capacities for practice. In both these areas our deficiency is still evident, limiting our creative powers and preventing us from achieving the highest results in our work.
The leading and managerial tasks of the Party and State are very heavy and will become more and more so. With our full sense of responsibility to the people, we never hide our weaknesses, shortcomings and even the errors sometimes committed in our work. The fact is that “the art of administration does not descend from heaven, it is not inspired by the Holy Ghost. And the fact that a class is a leading class does not make it at once capable of administering... We, therefore, say that the victorious class must be mature.”  It is precisely for that reason that we have realized all the importance of the task of learning. “Learn, learn more, learn forever.” Every cadre, whatever his position, whether he is an old hand or, a newcomer, must study hard. The higher his position and the heavier his responsibility, the harder he must study because some defect or error resulting from his incapacity could lead to great damage. Veteran cadres must study still harder in order to meet new requirements. New and younger cadres naturally must show the greatest zeal and perseverance in learning. They must show genuine modesty and should never be complacent or consider themselves as knowing more than others. They must show determination to scale the highest peaks in all domains of knowledge necessary for our cause of creating a new society.
Learning has always been for all Party members and cadres, a criterion of Party character. For cadres in general and for every citizen without exception, learning is a duty already laid down by the National Assembly. It is necessary to bring about a stirring, widespread and permanent movement for learning. The goal of learning should not be limited to raising our level of knowledge. Rather it is to achieve the best results in our productive labour, our work and our struggle. We must try by all means to bring about a stirring movement to attain high peaks in culture and knowledge in our productive labour, our work and our struggle, with the determination to make culture and knowledge our weapon and our strength in the struggle to become masters of society, masters of culture and masters of ourselves. This is an important manifestation of the fighting stand of the class engaged in building a system of collective mastery and creating a really civilized society.
We should never forget that learning and the whole system of education must combine the need of raising our consciousness and knowledge with that of raising our communist qualities and morality, and that “Communist morality is based on the struggle for the consolidation and completion of communism. That is also the basis of communist training, education and teaching.” We are learning for the sake of this great cause. We must learn in such a way that all the knowledge we accumulate will help in the formation, strengthening and constant raising of our proletarian ideology, our Marxist-Leninist outlook on the world and our Communist outlook on life, in such a way that the communist ideal and the scientific knowledge of communism really become the personal beliefs of everyone, the motive force and the compass for all our daily activities.
In the conditions of a Party holding State power, and of the implementation of the socialist law of distribution according to work done, it is natural that in the life of cadres there arises the question of position and remuneration which should be solved by the Party and State policies in a rational way and in keeping with the principle of giving incentives to labour and talent and with each step forward of socialism. However, a Communist would deny himself that noble name if he let such questions prevail over and even replace his noble ideal and qualities, the ideal for which we have of our own free will placed ourselves under the Party banner and have sworn to fight all our life in defiance of all hardships and sacrifices, the ideal for which we have so many times risked our lives and for which our people have consistently and loyally followed the Party, trusted and loved us, the ideal for the realization of which our people have shed and are shedding so much sweat and blood even though its complete realization is still a long way off and many privations and hardships are ahead. We must link learning with struggle, struggle against ourselves and struggle for the realization of our revolutionary tasks, so that the noble socialist and communist ideal completely prevails in our minds, in our lives and in all our daily activities, and also in the life of the entire society, so that individualism has no more room in our minds and actions or in social life as a whole.
The sense of organization and discipline is absolutely necessary in revolutionary struggle. That is why one of the foremost qualities which a cadre must constantly foster is the sense of organization and discipline. This is the most important virtue manifesting the ideology of the proletariat of being the collective masters, which is basically opposed to individualism and bourgeois and petty-bourgeois liberalism.
Not only in theory but also through the whole experience of proletarian dictatorship in the world, the following famous proposition of Lenin has proved its extraordinary vitality: “The essence of proletarian dictatorship is not in force alone, or even mainly in force. Its chief feature is the organization and discipline of the advanced contingent of the working people, of their vanguard, of their sole leader, the proletariat.”  The enemy can knock down the revolutionaries when their ranks are confused, when they are “like an orchestra in which the drum and the trumpet do not play in tune.” But if they are a monolithic army in which millions keep the same pace and act as one man, the revolution is invincible, proletarian dictatorship is invincible.
Even the slightest slackening of discipline suffices to create a fissure for the enemy to thrust his hands into. On the contrary, if we can maintain the sense of organization and discipline and the unity of mind of the proletariat and the vanguard leading brigade of proletarian dictatorship we can already to some extent cool the counter-revolutionary hysteria of the class enemy in their criminal plots. And, when proletarian dictatorship needs violence for repression, it is also this sense of organization and discipline that constitutes the basis, the main source of strength to ensure the triumph of revolutionary violence over counter-revolutionary violence.
We need organization and discipline not only to defend proletarian dictatorship against all plots and acts of revival and subversion of the counter-revolutionary forces inside and outside the country, but also to ensure that proletarian dictatorship really becomes a power of the people. The people give us ample powers to work in their interests. But, if after having been vested with powers, we do not bind ourselves by very stringent rules in organization, discipline and also in law, if we do not severely place ourselves within these ties, then we are very apt to do wrong things harmful to the interests of the people.
The absolute necessity for us to be an organized and disciplined body stems from the very nature and objective of the struggle of proletarian dictatorship aimed at reforming the old society and building a new one. This is the prime condition for the building of the socialist economy. Socialism is the abolition of the Capitalist regime and the system of private ownership in general, the source of inorganization in production leading to sharp contradictions and conflicts in the whole of social life. This regime and system are being replaced by the collective, socialist, system of ownership of the means of production which makes possible and requires organized, centralized and unified production on a nation-wide scale by millions of persons according to a calculated plan and by means of large-scale mechanized industry.
However, the greatest difficulty for socialism, for the building of socialism, actually lies in the organizational field, in the task of establishing a new labour discipline and a new social discipline. This difficulty is all the greater and all the more intractable if we are advancing from small-scale production. In this case, proletarian dictatorship must go through a period of protracted and arduous struggle between the organizational and disciplinary character of the proletariat on the one hand and the very dangerous power of spontaneous development of the state of inorganization and anarchy of the petty-bourgeoisie on the other. This state of things pervades all domains of social life: in economy, in style of work, in ideology and in the general attitude of people, in their customs and habits...
We have steered small-scale production onto the path of collectivization. The system of small private ownership has been replaced by collective ownership which forms, together with the system of all-people ownership, the unified socialist economic structure. That is a success of historic significance. That is a very fundamental victory of the organizational and disciplinary character of the proletariat over the liberal, scattered, inorganized and anarchist character of the petty-bourgeoisie. However, this is only an initial step and barely an initial step. The organizational path is a long path to create new forms of social discipline. It takes decades. In fact, only large-scale mechanized industry can truly create and ensure an organizational and disciplinary character in a really full and lasting way. However, big mechanized industry is precisely what we are striving to create in order to equip all sections of the national economy and to provide the foundation for socialist production relations.
We have always believed that only when this objective is reached can the socialist transformation of small production be considered really completed.
It is because our economy still bears the marked characteristics of small production in all respects: technology, organization of production and methods of production, that there is still ground for the state of dispersion, liberalism, spontaneous development, inorganization and anarchy, to flourish. The struggle against this state of things, which runs completely counter to socialism, must be carried on with the greatest firmness and perseverance. Otherwise, socialism cannot triumph.
The political and ideological education and the organization and control work undertaken by the Party and the various mass organizations, especially the trade unions and the Youth Union, as well as the legal work of the state, must be closely combined in order to consolidate and strengthen the organizational and disciplinary character of our society, especially within the Party organizations, within the ranks of cadres, in the State organs and managerial organs. Our proletarian dictatorship, first of all the vanguard leading contingent of the dictatorship, i.e. our Party itself, must prove its strength by its organizational and disciplinary character. This is one of the fundamental conditions to ensure success for the great cause of socialist construction.
A new period of the revolution in our country has begun.
The great victory of our sacred resistance to US aggression, for national salvation has created unprecedentedly favourable conditions for the building of socialism in the North as well as for the completion of the national people’s democratic revolution in the South. This is the most glorious period in our national history. Many new possibilities have emerged and are emerging, making it possible for us to take still greater strides forward on the road toward building a unified Viet Nam in independence, freedom, peace and prosperity.
The victories recorded by our people are extremely great. Extremely bright prospects are open to us. However we should by no means rest on our laurels and forget that the road to our ultimate goal remains very long, very complex and full of hardships. Our Party and people are facing new battles that require concentrated and major efforts to give a powerful stimulus to the building of a new economy, a new regime and a new man so that the socialist North can develop to the highest degree its historic influence on the revolutionary cause of the whole country in the new stage. The victories of historic significance recorded in the past period of struggle prove that our people, our nation, under the leadership of our Party, armed with an independent, sovereign, correct and creative line, are fully capable of solving the questions posed by the present era in the life of our nation. This is a firm basis for our confidence in final victory in the process of our struggle for the radiant future of our country and for the high peaks of human civilization.
“To build socialism, it is necessary to have socialist men.” That teaching of President Ho Chi Minh, now more than ever, must be understood in its fullest meaning and strictly observed, first of all among Party cadres and members. In the new struggle, in our capacity as the collective masters, we must give full play to the revolutionary heroism and intelligence which has been so magnificently displayed in the anti-US war of resistance, for national salvation. Let every one of us devote all his energies and talents to the revolution in the new period in order to bring prosperity to our country and happiness to our people!
Let all our Party cadres and members strive still. harder, make still greater and continuous efforts in order to be worthy of their duties, worthy of our glorious Party and our glorious nation.
 Le Duan: May van de ve can bo va ve to chuc trong cach mang xa hoi chu nghia. Su That Publishing House, Hanoi, 1973, Second edition.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 33, p. 296.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 384.
 F. Engels: The Origin of the Family, Private. Property and the State in Marx-Engels, Selected Works, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, i958. Vol. 2, p. 170.
 Karl Marx: Capital. (In Vietnamese), Su That Publishing House, Hanoi, 1960. Vol. 2, pp. 22, 23.
 K. Marx: op. cit., Vol. 2, p. 27.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 27, pp. 262, 263.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 33, p. 226.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 5, p. 467.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 7, p. 415.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol 27, p. 55.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol 27, p. 237.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 27, p. 409
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 30, p. 428
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 32, p. 144.
 V.I. Lenin: Selected Works, (in Vietnamese), Su That Publishing House, Hanoi, 1960, Vol. 2, pp. 441, 444
 V. I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 30, pp. 457, 458.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 31, p. 295.
 V.I. Lenin: op. cit., Vol. 29, p. 338.