MIA > Archive > Paul Frölich
From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 3 No. 40 [22], 31 May 1923, pp. 382–384.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.
Public Domain: Marxists Internet Archive (2021). You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.
Hamburg. 21 May 1923.
The amalgamation congress of the London and Vienna international was opened in the Hamburg trade union headquarters today. The proceedings of the first day are a clear indication of what this new form of social democratic international is, thinks and wants.
What this social democratic is may be only too plainly seen from external symbols. The black-red-gold flag of the German bourgeois republic waves from the tower of the trade-union building. From the corner of the roof there flutters a dirty rag which was once red. At the entrance to the congress room the flag of Hamburgian commercial capital is planted, accompanied by a white-red linen cloth. The hall itself decked with the colors of the capitalist powers. Here we see Poincaré’s tricolor, the Union Jack beneath which war against Soviet Russia is being preached, Mussolin’s Fascist banner, the black-yellow long decayed colors of the Habsburg monarchy, and finally – threefold shame! – the banner of Czarism.
Would it be possible to express more plainly that this International is an international of nationalists? lf more were needed the “i” could be dotted. The debates held at the women’s congress, and at the dissolution congress of the 2½ International, which preceded the actual conference, were filled with mutual reproaches of nationalist bourgeois betrayals. The German Behemans came and piled fact upon fact to show that the Czech social democracy, conjointly with the Czech nationalist bourgeois parties, has subjugated and oppressed the other nationalities and the whole proletariat of Czecho-Slovakia in the most shameful manner. Again, the despicable nationalist-militarist policy of the Polish socialists was condemned. And a Modigliani ventured to remind us of Zimmerwald and Kienthal, without whispering a word on the nationalism of his fellow delegate Treves. The reigning mayor of Hamburg. Stolten. gave an address of welcome in which crass nationalism permeated every phrase. The victims still venture to express their indignation at the Czech and Polish parties. But Poland and Czecho-Slovakia alike will be received into the bosom of this community. And how could German social democracy dare to protest, when the congress forces it to hold a conference beneath the flag of the bourgeois republic. How can the Labor Party raise objections, when Macdonald declares that he will not hear a word against the British empire, the empire of Irish atrocities, of the national oppression of many hundreds of millions of human beings! It is no International which is amalgamating here. It is a union corroded by the antagonists of the capitalist world, hanging together for the sake of keeping up appearances. and of conceding something to the “prejudices” of the working class. And when M. Vandervelde has spoken, then the fact will be further emphasized that this amalgamation of parties mirrors not only the antagonisms oi the capitalist world, but also its proportionate powers, – that it contains victors and vanquished.
What this International thinks, was expressed, before the congress met, in a speech delivered by Herr Perner. budget speaker for the Hamburg social democracy, to the citizens of Hamburg, in which he begged the Hamburg senate to accord the congress a worthy reception, and spoke the winged words; “The workers and tradespeople must undertake the leadership in politics.” The same idea was expressed by the Menshevik Abramovitch at the conference of the Vienna International. Two revolutions, he exclaimed, had proved great failures, the Russian and the German. Any progress for revolution is impossible. It was this fact which induced the German independent socialists to unite with the German social democratic party. Anyone preaching revolution today has to carry on a sectarian policy. Herr Hilferding applauds him, and Friedrich Adler declares proudly: During the war, and after the war, I have always maintained that there can be no thought of a proletarian revolution; the bourgeois revolution alone is possible. This is Marxism.
They state quite candidly what they think. If there ever was a time when they had faith in the power oi the proletariat, if they ever hoped for the revolutionary emancipation of the working class, they have long since been cured of these “childish dreams”. They are one and all, from Friedrich Adler to Fritz Ebert, helping in the work of reconstructing the capitalist world. They join hands with Herr Stolten, who has just proclaimed that there can be no thought of socialism until production has developed, under the capitalist system, to a point enabling every worker to eat roast chicken every day. They postpone socialism until doomsday. This faint-hearted company throw ridicule upon the accusations made by the left social revolutionist Steinberg. He accuses the 2½ International of having sabotaged the revolution like the 2nd International. The Russian revolution has not broken down, and will not break down – this he confidently asserts. And he denies any right to criticize the Russian revolution to those who have always regarded it as their task – and still do so – to hinder any revolution whatever, to condemn the Bolsheviki, and to carry on a coalition policy. His was the last word spoken by a revolutionary at that meeting. He banged the door after him. From this moment the hall was at the unlimited disposal of the foul spirit of the united front against the revolutionists.
In truth, against the revolutionists: The anti-revolutionary spirit, here liberated, rages and shrieks. The conference has scarcely a word to spare tor the frightful dangers of the impending world war, but expends its force raging against Soviet Russia and the Bolsheviki. The assembly falls upon the communists in blind rage. The Hamburg Echo has contrived to arouse every passion and instinct against the communists by means of the treacherous accusation that they intended to break up the congress. The congress hall is guarded by immense numbers of police, in a manner at once ridiculous and provocative. Leniteritz’s opening speech contained thunders of eloquence against the communist fanatics, his easily recognizable object being to provoke deeds of violence, and to so terrorize the conference as to intimidate all opposition beforehand. No weakness against the communists – thus declaimed Herr Wels. And Berger (Milwaukee) lamented that the aim of the communists is to destroy all civilization, and to reconstitute an ancient state of society.
This a the sole bond of alliance holding this company together. Hate of revolution, agitation against communism.
We have known all along what this International is, what it thinks, and what it wants. But we did not expect that it would express all this so openly. It clings to this capitalist world, it abhors the revolution, and with fierce hate it combats every revolutionary party. It steps forwards without a mask, and rt is good that it does so.
Hillquit has declared here that he would like to enter into a love marriage with the 2nd International. Even the gods fight in vain against those who feel such a love. Abramovitch, on the other hand, seeks to adduce logical reasons. He has had a poor role to play, that of the “advocatus diaboli”. In order to win applause, he directed two attacks against the Bolsheviki, and designated us of the Left as counter-revolutionists. I may state that he managed to obtain the same applause as he has gained here, and by the same means, at the congress of the 2nd International. This proves that Abramovitch is ripe for London. He is the spiritual child oi the 2nd International, and he returns to his mother’s arms. The Vienna Working Union originally intended to be a crystallizing point for the parties of revolutionary class war. It was going to establish understandings with the revolutionary parties united in the 3rd International. But when the opportunity of doing so was offered at the Berlin conference the Vienna Workers’ Union unfortunately drew back. We are told that our amalgamation with the 2nd International is a historical necessity. There has never been a betrayal of socialism which was not explained away on historical grounds. The betrayal of socialism has always been a “historical necessity. Abramovitch has declared the Russian revolution to be bankrupt. I may reply to him that the Russian revolution has not by any means gone under yet. and that we shall hear of it again. But I must say, and it is something which must be said precisely at this international conference, that no socialist party has a moral right io criticize a revolution unless it has itself begun work on tbe realization of socialist revolution. But the parties permitting themselves this criticism are all merely parties of legal reformism. He who has not sufficient courage to begin revolution in his own country, should be somewhat more cautious with his criticisms. Our party has a right to exercise criticism, for we took active part in the revolution from February till October. (Interjection: Have you masses behind you?)
It has been said that we shall have to join the 2nd International, because it has the great masses of the working class in its camp. But did it not often prove, during the war, to be just the great mass parties which succumbed to social patriotism? And was not a mere handful of comrades represented at Zimmerwald and Kienthal? Do you call that politics, to do nothing but run after the great masses?
As a second reason for the amalgamation we are reminded that reaction is raging all over Europe, and that it is therefore imperative that we amalgamate. But here I must say to you: If you speak of reaction, do not forget to look for it within the ranks of our own parties as well. Do you know what the 2nd International is? The 2nd International has been, and will remain, the international organization of all Philistine elements, including those among the working class. The social democratic parties of the 2nd International are a mainstay of present day reaction. The newspaper which represents bourgeois interests most energetically in Germany is the Vorwärts. The Vienna Working Union was going to be an organization embodying the revolutionary spirit. Today you come to us and say: Reaction is raging, and we must join the 2nd lnternationaL Here you are forgetting the essential fact that this reaction is precisely the result of the whole of the faults and crimes committed by those social-patriotic-reformist parties with which you want to join forces tomorrow. Look only at the great mass parties of the 2nd International. What has the English Labor Party done to save Soviet Russia from war? Macdonald declares that Russian propaganda in English colonies is not to be permitted. He wishes colonial slavery to go on for ever. What has the Labor Party done for Ireland?
The result of an amalgamation may well be judged from the example of the German independents. They too maintained that amalgamation with the social democrats would enable them to do wonders for the working class. What fruit has this amalgamation borne? Not only have the independents accomplished nothing, but they have forfeited their independence for this nothing. No doubt they still fancy themselves independent, but in reality they have long since become dependent. Do you think that tomorrow’s amalgamation promises better results? There is no reason upon which the necessity of the amalgamation can be based. The international situation is serious. War complications may arise at any moment. In this situation the new International will be the first to fail us; but Russia, I may confidently assure you, will once more prove a great factor in the revolutionary development of the world. (Great disturbance)
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