From International Press Correspondence, Vol. 3 No. 53 [31], 26 July 1923, p. 564.
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The principle of the trade union movement as a proletarian class movement is the formation of the trade unions in accordance with the class but not in accordance with the nation, to which their members belong. This principle is old. But in many countries the influence of the bourgeoisie has caused the national struggle to be carried into the ranks of the working class, so that separate national trade unions have come into being. Separation of this kind is a great evil. It is of course obvious that the Communists must strenuously oppose any attempt at dividing the trade union movement according to differences of nationality. The application of this principle assumes that the Communists belonging to a ruling nation are capable of a tactful attitude with regard to workers belonging to the suppressed nationalities. Where this is not the case it may easily occur that the simplest differences of opinion, which would otherwise be easily smoothed out, lead to an aggravation of national antagonism within the working class. Let us take a few examples:
In Czecho-Slovakia, which has inherited the ‘‘national question” from the Austrian monarchy, we may observe certain acts extremely dangerous for the Communist Movement. Here there are two organizations of textile workers, a German and a Czech. The Czech organization is a definite section of the International United Trade Union Federation of Czechoslovakia; the German organization is officially an autonomous section of this same federation. The struggle between German and Czech Communists has arisen on the question of the financial and organizatory autonomy of this section within the confines of the large federation. The Czechs are against autonomy and the Germans in favor of it. Thus it frequently occurs that German and Czech textile workers, working in the same factory, are numbers of different organizations, although both are fighting under the same flag, that of the R.I.L.U. The antagonism as to how the Czech revolutionary trade union movement is to be built up exists not only between Czechs and Germans, but also between Czech syndicalists and Communists. But as long as this antagonism is fought out within the confines of the Czech unions themselves, it is by no means so serious. The conflict is much more serious when it exists between trade unions comprising workers of different nationalities. If the leaders of two such unions can have their differences on some fundamental question of organization, without taking national considerations into question, it is quite impossible for the ordinary trade union members of a suppressed nationality to do so. The German textile workers regard the amalgamation of their section with the great Czech organization simply as an encroachment on the part of the Czech nationality, which, in common with its bourgeois class, carries on an anti-German policy. But this point of view is entirely wrong. The struggle being carried on by our Czech comrades for the formation of a united organization has nothing whatever to do with national predominance. This striving towards unity bears not a trace of nationalism, and yet this struggle reawakens the old national antagonisms.
A further example is supplied us by a country in which no national question existed until recently – France. Until the great war France was perfectly united as regards nationality. But since the war, France has acquired two million German subjects in Alsace-Lorraine. The trade unions and political organizations of the workers in this new territory are constituted on principles entirely different to those employed in old France. The trade unions of Alsace-Lorraine are built on the German pattern, with all its faults and virtues. The violent national hatred still existing between the majority of the French and German populations, renders it necessary to accord special attention to the relations between the political and trade union organizations of France, and the corresponding organizations in Alsace-Lorraine. It is clear that the working people of Alsace-Lorraine are, in a certain sense, the binding link between the French and German proletariats.
It is equally clear that in all social conflicts in Alsace-Lorraine, the bourgeois French state apparatus, already exerting severe pressure on the national French workers, will be doubly severe in its action against the German workers of Alsace-Lorraine. It provides an opportunity for the French bourgeoisie to utilize the national feeling of the French workers. Although up to now there has been no conflict between the Communists of France and Alsace-Lorraine, still such a possibility exists. For this reason, the Communist Party of France, as well as the C.G.T.U., must occupy themselves systematically with the workers of Alsace-Lorraine. The Party and the trade unions must issue special literature on this subject. The French political and trade union organizations must in the course of their daily activity, show the utmost consideration for the workers oppressed by the French bourgeoisie. For it is much better to prevent conflicts than first to let them break out, and then to seek for means to cure them
Let us go further. What have the Communist Parties and the revolutionary trade unions done up to now for the trade unions in the colonies exploited by their bourgeoisie? Very little, almost nothing. Whilst the English Labor Party and the English trade unions are working energetically in India, in order to get the leadership of the Indian trade union movement into their hands, the English Communist Party has done little or nothing in this direction. What are the Communists and revolutionary trade unions of the mother countries doing towards aiding the revolutionary trade unions in Egypt, Algiers, Java, etc.? Very little, infinitesimally little. And yet it is clear that imperialism will continue to oppress the workers of the colonizing countries until the workers of the exploited colonial countries awaken to activity. There is still a wide field of activity open here for the Communist and revolutionary trade unions.
Last updated on 2 September 2022