Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

E.F. Hill

Imperialism in Australia

The Menace of Soviet Social-Imperialism


The emergence of Soviet social-imperialism with its global interests and global search for raw materials, spheres of influence, markets, is a matter of critical concern for Australia. In turn, British and U.S. imperialisms have built themselves up in Australia (with interest by Japanese imperialism). Now in the decline of U.S. imperialism, another imperialist menace hangs over Australia – the menace of Soviet social-imperialism. British imperialism in Australia rose and fell; U.S. imperialism rose and moved into the “vacuum” left by Britain. Now U.S. imperialism is declining, Soviet social-imperialism is rising. Soviet social-imperialism strives to move into the spheres of influence of the weakening U.S. imperialism.

As U.S. imperialism declines, its contention and struggle with Soviet social-imperialism deepens and in turn Soviet social-imperialism intensifies its moves into U.S. imperialism’s spheres of influence.

As the competition amongst imperialist powers is inevitably and inexorably global and reaches into every nook and cranny of the world, it would be surprising indeed not to find Soviet social-imperialism striving to bring Australia within its sphere of influence.

As was said earlier, every imperialism “interested” in a potential victim must have beginnings with that victim; it cannot simply absorb the victim in one bite. An examination of some events which concern Soviet social-imperialism in Australia is very revealing indeed.

The Soviet social-imperialists sponsored the formation of a so-called Socialist Party of Australia. This “party” is a key weapon of Soviet social-imperialism in Australia. Its purpose is to make ideological, political and organisational preparation for Soviet imperialist penetration of Australia. And that is its sole purpose.

It is completely correct for a revolutionary political Party to have fraternal relations with a revolutionary political Party of another country on the basis of equality between Parties. But this has nothing to do with the relationships between the “Communist” Party of the Soviet Union and the so-called “Socialist” Party of Australia. The “Communist” Party of the Soviet Union is a Communist Party in name only. It is a fascist imperialist Party which uses Marxism-Leninism as a cloak and uses some of the words of Marxism-Leninism. The “Socialist” Party of Australia is a socialist party in name only.

This so-called Socialist Party came into being after the invasion by Soviet social-imperialists of Czechoslovakia, a matter of the deepest significance. The Soviet social-imperialists summed up their experience after Czechoslovakia and reached the conclusion that it was vital to them to have in a country in their sphere of influence or their projected sphere of influence a political party dependent upon them and loyal to them. The Soviet social-imperialists, after the Czechoslovakian experience, took energetic steps in all countries to ensure that in one way or another such a party existed or came into being. Hence the formation in Australia of the Socialist Party of Australia was an essential part of the lessons (imperialist lessons, never forget) drawn by Soviet social-imperialism from its Czechoslovakian invasion.

The Aarons revisionist “Communist” group, which had stripped Communism of its revolutionary essence, determined to follow a “national” line of “Communism”. It therefore, in the interests of this nationalism, condemned certain aspects of Soviet policy. When it extended this to some criticism of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, the Soviet revisionist imperialists called upon their more reliable followers like Clancy (Building Workers Industrial Union secretary) and Elliott (Seamen’s Union secretary), to form the Socialist Party of Australia. This they did. This “party” slavishly follows the Soviet imperialist line.

In Australia, the role of this party is to prevent socialism. Khrushchov’s peaceful transition to socialism is embraced by this party. As was pointed out earlier, that means no socialism; it is a guarantee to the bourgeoisie that the Socialist Party of Australia will do all it can to prevent socialism in Australia. The relationship that this “party” has with the Soviet revisionist imperialists is very close indeed.

In terms of the “theory” of the Soviet revisionist imperialists and the theory of the Socialist Party of Australia, it amounts to this: the Socialist Party of Australia espouses the peaceful transition to socialism and it espouses healing the split in the Australian working class. The actual reality of this split is that between the Marxist-Leninist workingclass Party on the one hand and the liberal bourgeois social democratic Labor Party (a party of capitalism) on the other hand. But the Soviet revisionists and the Clancy Australian “socialists” are talking about reconciliation between them (the “socialists”) and the Labor Party. This is the reconciliation of two bourgeois groups. It has a tremendously important practical importance for Soviet social-imperialism. The Labor Party, as everyone knows, has a very large parliamentary electoral following. At the present time it constitutes the Australian government and at various other times it has constituted the Australian government. The practicalities of the Soviet revisionist imperialists having their Socialist Party of Australia, and having the “theoretical” propositions outlined previously, are to use their Socialist Party to get unity with the Labor Party. Then the Labor Party would be amenable to the Soviet social-imperialists with their imperialist aims in Australia. This is so whether the Labor Party is in government or in opposition. Thus the Soviet social-imperialists have a “theoretical” interest in this matter (“healing the split”) but for essentially practical imperialist purposes. Put in another way, it means the united front of the Labor Party and the Socialist Party can constitute the government or opposition in Australia. The basis for their unity lies in a common subscription to parliamentarism, the Socialist Party’s advocacy of peaceful transition to socialism and of course, the community of that idea with the Labor Party’s advocacy of its particular “socialism”. Thus Khrushchov’s theoretical idea of the peaceful parliamentary transition to socialism (which means no socialism at all) turns out to have an immensely important practical consequence for Soviet social-imperialism and Australia and its people. Its practical aim is, through the Socialist Party and its ideas towards the Labor Party, to bring Australia within Soviet social-imperialism’s sphere of influence. In fact, it was just such reasoning and practicalities that, as we shall see, resulted in the Chilean debacle.

Khrushchov’s ideas (and including those of his successors) were by no means confined to the social democratic like parties (as the ALP) but they embraced the trade unions. (Khrushchov specifically attached great importance to the trade unions; the previous quotation from Khrushchov showed that). A special effort was to be put into healing the divisions here (divisions amongst bourgeois leaderships). In practical terms, that meant Clancy, Elliott and Co. working with the leading ALP trade unionists. In fact, Clancy found his ally in R.J. Hawke (ACTU and ALP President). Involved in Soviet social-imperialism’s expansion in all countries (and now we are talking of Australia) is getting hold of trade union support. Clancy sponsored trips by Hawke and other trade unionists to the Soviet Union. There the Soviet social-imperialists worked hard on them in the traditional capitalist manner – wining, dining and sex – no question of principled political discussion. The only real question that the Soviet social-imperialists are interested in, in this connection, is how to advance their imperialist interest in Australia. The so-called Socialist Party uses this technique of visits to the Soviet Union for the sole purpose of furthering Soviet social-imperialism’s interests in Australia.

Then these Australian “socialists” without socialism, let us call them, provide a great deal of information to assist Soviet social-imperialism in its interest in Australia. Again, it can have no possible relevance to socialism because, as has been said so many times, neither of them has the slightest interest in socialism.

R.J. Hawke promoted Clancy to the executive of the Australian Council of Trade Unions. There Clancy very actively pursued the interests of his Soviet masters. His Socialist Party of Australia is nothing but the tool of Soviet social-imperialism and it carries out the bidding of Soviet social-imperialism.

Regrettably some good honest workers of the generations referred to in Chapter 1 are misled into believing they are serving socialism by this sort of thing. They will come to understand that Soviet social-imperialism is a monster even more monstrous than U.S. imperialism, more monstrous because it wears a socialist disguise whereas U.S. imperialism does not wear that disguise. On the other hand, very few young people are deceived by Soviet social-imperialism; they can see clearly its real imperialist position because they have a fresh background.

The Socialist Party of Australia makes other ideological, political and organisational preparation in Australia for Soviet social-imperialism. It distributes Soviet material, pro-Soviet material, publishes its own pro-Soviet stuff. Again, if this were done about socialism it would indeed be splendid. But it is done about the most vicious imperialism of all time. Just as the National Civic Council and its predecessors and instrumentalities did a militant job of ideological, political and organisational penetration of Australia by U.S. imperialism, so the Socialist Party of Australia does a like job for Soviet social-imperialism. They serve a purpose exactly similar to each other but for different masters who are bitterly opposed to each other.

This “Socialist” Party is active too in the promotion of decadent Soviet and Eastern European films with their sex and general degeneracy. They promote and support the Soviet ballet, the essence of which is its emphasis on kings and princes, lords and ladies and its direct and implied denigration of the common people. They promote the Moscow circus, all designed to show you the Soviet social-imperialists are quite good fellows. There is not a word of revolution in any of this – not a word of people’s achievements. It is all to soften the minds of Australians for Soviet social-imperialism’s penetration of Australia.

The “Socialist” Party of Australia joins with other like parties to further the global interests of Soviet social-imperialism. Thus “The Socialist”, organ of this “socialist” party without socialism, in December 1974 reported a joint meeting of representatives of the Socialist Party of Australia, the New Zealand Socialist Party and the Communist Party of the U.S.A. It is remembered that each of these parties is a tool of Soviet social-imperialism; each furthers the interests of Soviet social-imperialism in its own country.

Because Soviet social-imperialism is bent on destroying its rival U.S. imperialism, these Parties pay particular attention to U.S. imperialism. U.S. imperialism is without doubt a menace as has been pointed out and must be fought to the end, but certainly not for the sole purpose of replacing it in Australia by Soviet social-imperialism which is the aim of these socialists without socialism. Hence in practical terms, the job of this “Socialist” (without socialism) Party of Australia is to fight U.S. imperialism in Australia to make way for Soviet social-imperialism.

The communique issued by the 3 parties says:

The working people of our countries suffer the exploitation and domination of the giant monopolies and multi-national corporations. During recent years the multi-nationals have used their unlimited powers together with the CIA and other US agencies to threaten or destroy democratic institutions, trade unions and democracy in government, in one part of the world after another. The destruction of the duly elected Allende government in Chile is one example of this vicious policy. ITT and other giant multi-national corporations were among the biggest contributors to the secret fund to go for this purpose. This identical class enemy unites the interests of the workers of our countries and calls for a strengthening of ties facilitating class struggle policies, between our Parties, the trade unions and other working class organisations. This assertion of common interest in no way detracts from the necessity of solidarity and joint action with all other contingents of the working class and Communist movement.

The three Parties welcomed the great advances made towards replacing the cold war with detente, extending the struggle for the principles of peaceful coexistence between States having different social systems.

The many initiatives taken by the Soviet Union and other socialist countries have laid the basis for a successful European Security agreement and advances the struggle for peace.

Mass activity is called for to make the advances the close concern of all progressive and peace loving people and the process toward making detente irreversible. ..

. . . The relations between our three countries have been up to now, largely based upon the cold war SEATO and ANZUS Pacts which must be replaced by relations of independence, non-interference, equality, mutual advantage in trade and common striving for peace between nations.

The three Parties believe that the widest unity of the working class and progressive people is needed to achieve progressive aims and defend the people’s interests against monopoly and the ultra-Right, neo-fascist forces which are becoming increasingly active.

An end to all nuclear testing, destruction of nuclear stock-piles and other weapons of mass destruction, the dismantling of military bases on foreign territory and other steps towards disarmament are needed to extend detente and lift the crushing burden of war preparations from the lives of the people.

. . . We support the early convening of an international meeting of Parties as soon as adequate preparations have been completed for decisive leadership for peace, democracy, social progress, national liberation and socialist advance. This is ever more important because of rapid and sweeping changes and the ever increasing and new responsibilities placed on Communist and Workers’ Parties. We will continue to work for close cooperation of all Communist and Workers’ Parties in our area by means of bilateral and multilateral meetings and exchange.

One must study this document carefully because it puts the Soviet revisionist programme against socialism and it carries into practice on behalf of Soviet social-imperialism the imperialist rivalry between Soviet revisionist imperialism and U.S. imperialism.

It shows clearly that these three parties are tools of Soviet social-imperialism in its struggle with U.S. imperialism.

Upon particular passages it is necessary to make particular comments. The document condemns the U.S. multi-nationals, and all Australian workers, working and patriotic people condemn them as part of the STRUGGLE FOR THOROUGHGOING AUSTRALIAN INDEPENDENCE AND PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY AND SOCIALISM. THIS DOCUMENT, HOWEVER, CONDEMNS THEM FOR THE PURPOSE OF THEIR REPLACEMENT BY SOVIET SOCIAL-IMPERIALISM. A little analysis must be made. The document says: “During recent years the multi-nationals have used their unlimited powers together with the CIA and other US agencies to threaten or destroy democratic institutions, trade unions and democracy in government, in one part of the world after another. The destruction of the DULY ELECTED Allende government in Chile is one example of this vicious policy. . .” Truth is that the basic cause of the destruction of the Allende government was precisely Khrushchov and his successors’ plans for Soviet imperialism. The Chilean counterpart of the Socialist Party of Australia carried into effect Khrushchov’s ideas to serve the interests of Soviet social-imperialism, and Allende was destroyed precisely because he was misled by this. His destruction was a product of the contention and struggle of Soviet social-imperialism and U.S. imperialism. This document is complaining that U.S. imperialism was successful in this aspect of contention. The next chapter of this booklet will deal in greater detail with the tragedy of Allende.

Note however the underlined words “duly elected”. This is the vision these people have for Australia, New Zealand and the U.S.A. That is that the ideas of Khrushchov will be put into effect and a pro-Soviet government will be elected. Certainly it will not be a socialist government because the capitalist class will NEVER allow the election of a socialist government. These three parties thus affirm their non-socialism.

They protest against SEATO and ANZUS which are U.S. imperialist inspired and based treaties and organisations. But these “socialists” substitute, for SEATO and ANZUS, Asian Collective Security. This is a Soviet social-imperialist proposal to extend Soviet social-imperialism’s already strong imperialist base in India to the whole of Asia. It is Soviet social-imperialism’s plan for expansion in Asia. The three “Parties” speak enthusiastically about detente about which there has already been extensive analysis in this booklet. They support the calling of a meeting of other pro-Soviet parties for exactly similar purposes, that is, to further the penetration of Soviet social-imperialism in the countries in which these parties exist.

In the handling of the question of nuclear weapons, the document carefully evades the fact that the Soviet social-imperialists have tested nuclear weapons again and again; it protests against atmospheric testing, a spurious issue particularly when Soviet social-imperialism is such a world merchant of death and a nuclear merchant of death. The document, although it refers, to nuclear testing, says not a word about the refusal of both Soviet social-imperialism and U.S. imperialism to undertake never to be the first to use nuclear weapons. These “parties” evade this because its evasion fits in with the plans of Soviet social-imperialism to use nuclear weapons if it deems it expedient.

The document condemns China, the Chinese Communists and all who adhere to genuine Marxism-Leninism. This is all to the good and it is precisely because the position of China and of all genuine Marxist-Leninists is for genuine independence for all countries. They stand for freedom from all imperialisms and refuse to be in any way party to the subordination of any country to any other country. This is a mortal blow to Soviet social-imperialism which stands for that very subordination as the essence of its policy. It is the stand of China and Marxist-Leninists for independence that drives the Soviet social-imperialists to frenzy.

The slogan of these three socialist (without socialism) parties is really “Australia for Soviet social-imperialism”, “New Zealand for Soviet social-imperialism” and “U.S.A. for Soviet social-imperialism.” In other words, they stand for world domination by Soviet social-imperialism and they are tools in Australia, New Zealand and the U.S.A. for that purpose.

The Socialist (without socialism) Party of Australia hailed the visit of Labor Party Prime Minister Whitlam to the Soviet Union. Of course Australia must have relations with other nations. Our concern is not with that; our concern is with the fact that Soviet social-imperialism has imperialist eyes on Australia and used the Whitlam visit to further that purpose. The Soviet social-imperialist conception of its imperialist penetration of Australia is, as has been demonstrated, through the “Socialist” Party of Australia to the Labor Party and the trade unions.

Mr. Whitlam went to the Soviet Union. It was an important matter and fraught with great danger to Australia. As has been seen, Mr. Whitlam does stand for a certain capitalist “independence” for Australia; really an impossibility in a world dominated by imperialism. But in Australia at the present time U.S. imperialism is declining, the Soviet social-imperialists are moving in and there is a Soviet social-imperialist “theoretical” foundation for the process. Perhaps too, Mr. Whitlam used the visit in his moves to loosen the grip of U.S. imperialism on Australia.

Mr. Whitlam’s visit must be looked at mainly for the use the Soviet social-imperialists made of it for Soviet social-imperialist global expansion and Australia’s involvement in that.

A Soviet commentator said:

In this respect the positions of our two countries have quite a number of similar points, which fact found expression at the discussions in Moscow.

This is also to be seen in the joint Soviet-Australian communique which says that the two sides have stated the identity or closeness of the positions of the Soviet Union and Australia on a number of important international problems.

Among these problems mention is also made of the mutual desire of the USSR and Australia consistently to work for detente being spread to all parts of the world and become (sic becoming) irreversible.

To establish a world peace is the component part of the Soviet Union’s foreign policy. Considerable results have already been achieved in the fulfilment of the well known Soviet peace program adopted by the 24th congress of the party in 1971.

Thus, following four Soviet-U.S. summit meetings, signs have appeared, indicating a turn from military confrontation to co-operation between the USSR and the U.S. which has in no small degree improved the entire international situation.

So it was with satisfaction that the Moscow public circles met the statement by Gough Whitlam at a dinner in the Kremlin that Australia must certainly make what contribution it can to the promotion of detente in Soviet-U.S. relations, as well as that part of the joint Soviet-Australian communique which pointed to the importance of agreements reached between the USSR and the U.S. (Vladimir Sazanov, of the Soviet Union’s official Novosti Press Agency).

According to the newspaper “Australian”, the Soviet Australian communique said:

Both sides agreed to make every effort to ensure that relaxation of tension spread to all regions of the world and that the steady progress towards detente became irreversible.

. . . both sides ’welcomed the progress that had been made between the USSR and the U.S. in negotiation on the limitation of strategic arms and the efforts which both countries had been making to encourage the settlement of international disputes by peaceful means.

In this context both sides noted with satisfaction the recent developments towards peaceful co-operation in Europe and expressed the hope that the conference on security and co-operation in Europe would reach an early and successful conclusion.

On Asia, the communique said both countries were anxious to strengthen peace and stability in the region. They said they were determined to do everything possible to relax tensions further and ensure security.

Both Australia and Russia wanted to “create conditions for making Asia a continent of peace through the co-operative efforts of the states of the region.”

The communique added that both Russia and Australia believed that the end of the arms race and the achievement of general and complete nuclear and conventional disarmament was of “paramount importance for a fundamental improvement of the international situation.”

They believe that the convocation of a world disarmament conference “may contribute to the practical solution of the pressing problems of disarmament”, the communique said.

Both parties reaffirmed their commitment to the treaty on the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons and their determination to work for its effective and universal implementation.

They share the opinion that it is necessary to agree as soon as possible on the full ban of all tests by all states, and also on the ban on chemical weapons.

The Soviet Union and Australia attach great importance to the conclusion of a convention on the prohibition of action to influence the environment and climate for military and any other purposes incompatible with the maintenance of international security, human well being and health.

This communique endorsed the programme of Soviet social-imperialism. No doubt Mr. Whitlam did not recognise the full implications of some of the statements in this document, and no doubt too he was well aware of inter-imperialist conflicts and had his own trow to hoe. It is unnecessary to point out in detail again how “detente” serves the global expansion of Soviet social-imperialism, how the nuclear testing statements serve Soviet social-imperialism, how Asian collective security is a programme of Soviet social-imperialist expansion and how disarmament is just another figleaf to cover up Soviet revisionist imperialist desperate rearming and its role as a merchant of death (previously commented on). From the Soviet social-imperialist standpoint, the whole thing was a further step in its global expansion and its contention and struggle with U.S. imperialism. It is not meant to reflect on Mr. Whitlam but one cannot fail to note the extraordinary similarity between points of the communique of the 3 “socialist” (without socialism) parties of Australia, New Zealand and the U.S.A. already dealt with on the one hand and the Whitlam-Kosygin communique on the other.

The sinister interest of the Soviet social-imperialists in Australia is further revealed in this item in the newspaper Australian (February 15, 1975).


The Russian Communist Party newspaper Pravda said yesterday the Australian Labor Party has achieved much, but is blocked from making radical reforms by the capitalist structure of Australian society.

Commenting on the party’s conference at Terrigal last week, Pravda said Australia was no longer considered a second-rate appendage of the U.S. or Britain as a result of Labor’s foreign policy.

United Press reports from Moscow that Pravda said Labor had done away with legislation damaging to the trade unions and is caring for Aboriginals.

But Pravda said: ’The Laborites can only go to a certain limit in their reforms. Where their policy affects the pattern of real power of capitalist society they inevitably encounter the choice: either leave the political scene or swear allegiance to the system of private enterprise.’

Pravda said this fact did not nullify the positive contribution of the Laborites to the life of present day Australia – their efforts to ensure Australia’s independence. (Note: There is no suggestion that the ALP could become a party of socialism – it has only the choice between disbanding or remaining a party of capitalism.)

As we have seen the Soviet social-imperialists are not in the least interested in socialism. Indeed they are bitter opponents of socialism. This item does not refer to socialism, does not even use the word “socialism”. What it reveals is the Soviet social-imperialists’ interest in British and U.S. imperialisms’ decline in Australia. This interest is because the Soviet social-imperialists are determined to move into Australia. Talk of “independence” means the independence of Czechoslovakia or the Soviet social-imperialist’s semi-colonies of Eastern Europe. To the Soviet social-imperialists these countries are “independent”. This is a misuse of words characteristic of revisionism – they must be translated into “dependence upon Soviet social-imperialism”.

The Sun-Herald of February 16, 1975 said:

The new Russian Ambassador to Australia, Mr. A. V. Bassov, yesterday described Mr. Whitlam’s recent visit to the USSR as ’historic’.

Speaking at Sydney Airport, Mr. Bassov said the Prime Minister opened up a new page in the development of Australian and Soviet relations.

The clearest distinction must always be kept in mind between the great Soviet people on the one hand and the Soviet social-imperialists who have usurped power in the Soviet Union. The Soviet people will undoubtedly overthrow their imperialist fascist masters.

Meantime, all this is not for one moment to overlook other Soviet imperialist activities already afoot in Australia.

Soviet liners run a brisk tourist trade from Australian ports. One would need to be naive indeed to believe that a socialist country would run a tourist trade in another country 12,000 miles away just for the hell of it. The Soviet ships ply the waters of Australia and around Australia time and time again. Obviously they are spy ships for Soviet social-imperialism directed at Soviet social-imperialist penetration of Australia.

The Indian Ocean washes Australia’s shores. Australia voted in the United Nations to make the Indian Ocean a zone of peace. But the Soviet Union did not vote for the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace; in fact its warships gather there. On March 23, 1975, the Sydney Sun-Herald reported: “Defence experts and intelligence officers are studying reports that Russian jets from Indian Ocean based carriers are spying on local military installations.”

The Soviet social-imperialists proposed a joint Australia-Soviet radio communications facility for spying on U.S. imperialism in Australia.

Reference has already been made in another connection to Soviet social-imperialist fishing fleets around the Australian coast. All experience shows these ships include spy ships, in addition to robbing Australia. Soviet oceanography around Australia serves the same purpose. How can anyone believe that any of this has anything in common with socialism? It is imperialism thinly disguised in words of friendship and peace.

Soviet exports and imports from and to Australia all have the hallmarks of imperialism.

The Soviet social-imperialists try to use all sorts of people and all sorts of devices in Australia to extend Soviet social-imperialism’s expansion to Australia, even to the extent of full page advertisements carrying Brehznev’s speeches. This expansion is simply in line with Soviet social-imperialism’s expansion, for example, in Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore. It is all part of its contention and struggle with U.S. imperialism.

On February 13, 1975 it was reported from Canberra that the government was considering borrowing $2,000,000,000 from Arab sources to finance a transcontinental gas pipeline and petrochemical refineries at Dampier (West Australia). The report said: “The main intermediary is the Moscow-Narodny Bank.” (Melbourne Age February 13 1975).

The menace of Soviet social-imperialism in Australia takes clearer and clearer shape.