Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line

Joint Statement of the Committee for a Proletarian Party, Marxist-Leninist Organizing Committee, Sunrise Collective


Adopted: September 3, 1978.
Published: 1978.
Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba
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We Marxist-Leninists of the United States have convened an extraordinary meeting to support the just and heroic stand of the Party and Government of Albania, to oppose the new revisionist center in Peking, to condemn the counter-revolutionary theory of the “three worlds” and to fight the growing danger of imperialist world war. Acting in defense of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism we unite on the following three points:
1. We reject the theory of the “three worlds” as a counter-revolutionary revision of Marxism-Leninism.
2. We condemn the Chinese Communist Party’s violation of Leninist norms and proletarian internationalism in its relations with the Party of Labor of Albania and other Marxist-Leninist Parties, and with the socialist state, the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania.
3. We oppose the imperialist system, both imperialist superpowers and reaffirm our obligation to fight U.S. imperialism in particular.

We feel a special urgency in drawing a clear line of demarcation between ourselves and the opportunists who uphold the theory of the “three worlds” since its practical essence is collaboration with U.S. imperialism. For communists in the United States to adopt and propagate such a line amounts to the worst opportunism, what Lenin originally called social-imperialism, “socialism in words, imperialism in deeds”.

Today, the entire imperialist system is in a state of acute general crisis. The capitalist economies are gripped by industrial stagnation, unemployment and inflation – not only in the U.S., Europe and Japan, but in the Soviet bloc where capitalism has been restored, as well. Political crises have exposed the corruption of the bourgeois state in many countries. The imperialists are attempting to surmount their crisis by intensifying the exploitation of the proletariat and oppressed nations, by fascization, and by stepping up preparations for a new imperialist war to redivide the world.

It is precisely at the moments of the greatest difficulty for imperialism, when the prospects for revolutionary struggle are the brightest and the need for it is most urgent, that opportunist trends emerge within the working class movement to derail and split it. Opportunism attempts to bind the proletariat hand and foot to its oppressors by wiping out the distinction between the friends and enemies of the revolution and by telling the people that they are too weak to struggle.

Thus, on the eve of the First World War, the social-chauvinists of the Second International abandoned proletarian internationalism and called upon the working class to support their own bourgeoisies’ battle for imperialist plunder and domination under the guise of “defense of the fatherland.” The social basis of this opportunist trend was the petty bourgeoisie and the labor aristocracy, the thin strata of the working class and its leadership bribed with crumbs from the imperialist banquet table.

After World War II, with the rise of a powerful camp of socialist countries and of tempestuous struggles for national liberation in the colonies and dependent countries, a new opportunist trend emerged: modern revisionism.

It appeared first in the imperialist countries, and its social basis is similar to that of the old social democrats: the labor aristocracy and trade union bureaucrats, who benefit directly from imperialist plunder; petty bourgeois elements forced down into the working class, carrying their illusions and vacillation with them; and the functionaries within the workers’ parties, who dare not jeopardize their privileged positions by leading the class in revolutionary struggle. As Browderism and today’s Eurocommunism, modern revisionism negates the lessons of the Great October Revolution for the proletariat of all countries, negates the necessity for the proletariat to establish its own dictatorship. It attempts to confine the working class to struggles for reforms; to peaceful, parliamentary methods; and preaches collaboration with so-called progressive capitalists to make imperialism “more democratic”.

The most important special feature of modern revisionism is that it is opportunism in power, and represents the interests of the bourgeoisie. Thus it can promote class collaboration on an international level, as well as becoming an imperialist competitor for the world’s spoils. In countries where socialist and new-democratic revolutions have triumphed, the social basis of modern revisionism is the remnants of the old exploiting classes, strata with petty bourgeois tendencies, and above all, privileged cadre of the Party and the state and economic apparatuses. These forces have no objective interest in seeing the revolution carried to the end, in the establishment of a classless society and the withering away of the state. They are moved by what moves the capitalists: the drive to accumulate profits, nationalism and great nation chauvinism. Thus, they easily cave in to imperialist pressure in its dual form of overt threats and ideological undermining from within, and abandon Marxism-Leninism, proletarian internationalism, proletarian dictatorship and socialism.

In the late 1940’s, at the height of the “Cold War”, Tito, under the guise of upholding “national independence” and “national roads to socialism”, attempted to split the socialist camp and steered Yugoslavia down the path of capitalist development under the wing of U.S. imperialism. His preaching of “non-alignment” to the peoples struggling for national liberation was designed to mask the class nature of the contradiction between the two camps of socialism and imperialism and to drive a wedge between the two component parts of the world revolution – the proletariat’s struggle for socialism and the national liberation movements, objectively maintaining imperialism’s hold on the oppressed peoples. Titoism also denied the leading role of the communist party in the national liberation movement and in the system of the dictatorship of the proletariat; it denied the existence of classes and class struggles under socialism and promoted, like other historic forms of revisionism, the line of peaceful transition to socialism.

In the mid-50’s and 60’s, during the great upsurge of the anti-colonial struggle, modern revisionism, led by Nikita Khrushchev, seized control of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Khrushchevite revisionism systematically falsified the teachings of Marxism-Leninism on the state and the party, under the guise of “creative development of Marxism-Leninism”, and split the socialist camp with its attempts to “excommunicate” the Party of Labor of Albania and the Communist Party of China for defending Marxist-Leninist principles. The C.P.S.U. called upon the peoples of the dependent countries to lay down their arms, and upon the proletariat of the capitalist countries to abandon preparation for socialist revolution, now waving the carrot of imperialist “reasonableness”, now shaking the stick of “preventing nuclear holocaust”. Having restored capitalism in the U.S.S.R., the Khrushchevite revisionists collude with U.S. imperialism to suppress the revolutionary struggles of the peoples of the world and to attack and undermine socialism, even as they contend with U.S. imperialism for world domination.

Today, a new center of modern revisionism has emerged, led by a party which once struggled to uphold Marxism-Leninism – the Communist Party of China. Under the guise of opposing Soviet social-imperialism “as the greatest danger”, the CPC has departed from Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. It has emerged as the great defender of neo-colonialism and uses the spector of a supposedly “inevitable” world war to try to stampede the socialist countries, the international proletariat and the oppressed nations into an alliance with U.S. imperialism, its imperialist junior partners, and their neo-colonial lackeys. Like Tito and Khrushchev before them, the leaders of the CPC attempt to blur over the fundamental contradictions in the world today, painting enemies as friends and slandering the socialist camp and genuine Marxist-Leninist Parties.

The opportunism of the CPC has not gone unchallenged. The Party of Labor of Albania, with Enver Hoxha at its head, has once again taken the lead in exposing the new center of modern revisionism in the international working class movement. Its principled polemics have driven the CPC revisionists to expose themselves even further, by resorting to Khrushchev’s great-power bully tactics of withdrawing economic and military aid from the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania in order to try to silence it. They will never succeed.

Opportunism, no matter how powerful, has never silenced the voice of revolution. Each great battle against revisionism has purified and steeled the international communist movement and enriched Marxist-Leninist theory, from Lenin’s struggle against the social-chauvinism of the Second International to the great polemics against Khrushchevite revisionism conducted by the Party of Labor of Albania and the Chinese Communist Party in the 1960’s. Already the struggle against the revisionist theory of the “three worlds” has strengthened the unity of Marxist-Leninists in Europe and Latin America. It is high time for all genuine Marxist-Leninists in the United States to unite to oppose not only the theory of the “three worlds”, but to deepen our struggle against all manifestations of modern revisionism and opportunism.

In the United States, the Marxist-Leninists fight against each and every variant of modern revisionism. We oppose the Communist Party USA, which adheres to Khrushchevite revisionism while collaborating with the U.S. bourgeoisie. We fight against the social-imperialists such as the Communist Party/Marxist-Leninist which brazenly advances the theory of the “three worlds”, as well as the centrists such as the Revolutionary Communist Party USA which presumes to accept or reject the theory of the “three worlds” depending on convenience. We unite in resolute struggle against all the forces of imperialism and opportunism.

II. We Unite In Rejecting the Theory of the “three worlds” As A Counter-Revolutionary Revision of Marxism-Leninism

Marxism-Leninism’s fundamental method of analyzing society and the movement of history is the mode of production. This concept includes not only the nature and level of development of the productive forces, but the system of ownership, distribution and the actual relations men enter into in the process of production – relations of production, which are relations of classes. From the Communist Manifesto on down, Marxism-Leninism has always affirmed that the class struggle is the motor of history.

The theory of the “three worlds” abandons this perspective. It bases its division into three worlds one-sidedly on the level of development of the productive forces and military might. In the so-called third world it negates the qualitative differences based upon the mode of production and class rule. Socialist, capitalist and semi-feudal modes of production are all included in this category; as are states of the dictatorship of the proletariat and new democracies, where the toiling masses hold power, and the bourgeois democracies, semi-feudal autocracies, fascist dictatorships and out-right colonies tied to world imperialism. It is to this undifferentiated group of countries that the theory of the “three worlds” assigns the role of “the motive force propelling the wheel of world history.” At the same time, with the division of the imperialist powers into a “first” and “second” world, it distorts beyond recognition mere quantitative differences. In addition, the “three worlds” theory obliterates the existence of antagonistic classes and class struggle in all countries.

Taking the theory of the “three worlds’” claim to be a strategy at face value, we see that it substitutes the categories and criteria of bourgeois economics and bourgeois nationalism for Marxism-Leninism.

The Theory of the “three worlds” Negates the Importance of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat

Recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat has always been the touchstone of Marxism-Leninism, and the establishment of socialist states is the proudest achievement of the entire international proletariat. However, there is no place in the theory of the “three worlds” for the contradiction between the two systems, between states under the dictatorship of the proletariat and states under the rule of the imperialist bourgeoisie. To claim that no socialist camp exists because of the restoration of capitalism in the Soviet Union and the East European People’s Democracies is to adopt a Khrushchevite view of the socialist camp as a mere politico-economic bloc and to ignore its class content.

The lumping together of the socialist countries with dependent countries still struggling to liberate themselves from imperialist control on the basis of a common historical experience and the fact that they are all faced with the task of economic development obliterates the difference between freedom and slavery and spits on the untold sacrifices made by the proletariat to throw off the yoke of capital.

By down-grading the tasks of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the theory of the “three worlds” negates the obligation of the socialist countries to provide inspiration, political leadership and concrete support to both the revolutionary struggles of the proletariat for socialism in the capitalist countries and the national liberation movement, on an international level. On the domestic level it provides a cover for capitalist restoration by failing to stress that the dictatorship of the proletariat exists to suppress the bourgeoisie, its ideology and all traces of its relations of production, to prepare the transition to communism.

The Theory of the “three worlds” Seeks To Turn The Proletariat of the Capitalist Countries Away from Socialist Revolution

The proletariat of the imperialist countries has the historic task of overthrowing capitalism in its own lair. But its contradiction with the bourgeoisie is absent from the theory of the “three worlds”. On the grounds that modern revisionism has totally disrupted the workers’ movement and that no revolutionary situation exists in the capitalist world, this so-called strategy of the international proletariat for our era advises communists in the imperialist countries to accumulate forces by fighting for the immediate demands of the workers – without linking them to the goal of proletarian revolution, without making active preparations to achieve that goal. In what way does this differ from the practice and outlook of the revisionists, who assume bourgeois rule is unshakable? In fact, in a period of acute crisis like the present, the contradiction between the proletariat and bourgeoisie can come to a head overnight, as it already shows signs of doing in Portugal and Spain. To ensure that this does not occur, the opportunist theorists of the “three worlds” revert totally to the line of the Second International, calling upon the proletariat to unite with their own imperialists “to defend national independence” against the threat of Soviet social-imperialism, rather than rising in revolt against them, and thus serve to strengthen the hold of U.S. imperialism over these countries.

The Theory of the “three worlds” Negates the Necessity of Proletarian Leadership In the National Liberation Struggle

With regard to the contradiction between the oppressed nations and colonies, and imperialism, the theory of the “three worlds” repeats the rotten theses of Khrushchevite revisionism almost word for word. It holds that the proletariat need not struggle for leadership of the national liberation movement, and that there is no need to struggle against feudal elements and imperialist agents in the dependent countries. Marxist-Leninists have always been clear that the conditions for uniting with bourgeois or feudal elements in the national liberation struggle are that their struggles genuinely weaken imperialism, and that they allow communists freedom to organize. The theory of the “three worlds” ignores this and promotes neo-colonial stooges like Mobutu and fascist butchers like the Shah of Iran and Pinochet to the leadership of the anti-imperialist movement they have worked so hard to suppress.

Like the Soviet revisionists before them, the theorists of the “three worlds” negate the political tasks of the national liberation movement and deny the consistent revolutionary role of the proletariat, focusing narrowly on economic development. Thus, while claiming that the countries of the so-called third world are the leading revolutionary forces of our era, the essence of their position is that all their contradictions with imperialism can be resolved without revolution.

The Theory of the “three worlds” Abandons The Struggle Against Imperialist War

The theory of the “three worlds” shrill insistence that imperialist war is inevitable and imminent differs, in form alone, from the Soviet revisionists’ blathering about doing away with war without destroying imperialism. In essence both views hold that revolutionary class struggle in the imperialist countries and wars of national liberation are not essential to prevent the outbreak of imperialist war.

The opportunism of the Chinese Communist Party and its followers goes further than that of Khrushchev on this question. He upheld the threat of nuclear annihilation to forbid the proletariat and oppressed nations to revolt against their imperialist masters. Using the real threat of Soviet aggression, the Chinese revisionists urge the people to actively unite with the Western imperialist bloc and support its war preparations. But the military apparatus of the capitalist state exists primarily to maintain class and national oppression, not for defense. The Chinese are not simply calling for the maintenance of capitalist exploitation and oppression, but for its intensification.

The Theory of the “three worlds” Attempts To Cover Up The Crimes of U.S. Imperialism and Its Allies

Like the Khrushchevite revisionists in the 1950’s, the theorists of the “three worlds” are trying to convince the peoples of the world that imperialism in the West is no longer aggressive or even exploitive. On the grounds that U.S. imperialism is on the ropes, its provocations against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, its subversion in Chile, its support of the racist settler regimes in Azania and Israel, and other acts of overt and covert aggression around the world are passed over in silence, or actively promoted, to justify an alliance with it. The second-rank imperialists are transformed into “middle forces” who can be united with in the struggle against both superpowers. Presumably their export of capital has been transformed into disinterested aid and their armed interventions into collective security. While the international proletariat must utilize all the contradictions which exist within the imperialist camp, it cannot – on the pain of death – forget that it is the enemy camp.

III. We Unite In Condemning the Violation by the Chinese Communist Party and the People’s Republic of China of Leninist Norms and Proletarian Internationalism In Its Relations With the Party of Labor of Albania and Other Marxist-Leninist Parties and With the Socialist State, The People’s Socialist Republic of Albania

On July 7, 1978, one year to the day that the Party of Labor of Albania exposed the revisionist nature of the theory of the “three worlds” with the editorial “The Theory and Practice of the Revolution” in Zeri i Popullit, the People’s Republic of China announced it was terminating all aid to the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania.

The aim of this action is clearly not to strengthen the international socialist camp and strengthen a fraternal socialist country but is aimed at undercutting the struggle of the Albanian people, led by the Party of Labor of Albania, to build and strengthen a powerful socialist state and is clearly aimed at undercutting and destroying socialism in Albania. Standing behind this act of out-right great-power chauvinism and pressure are deep-seated ideological and political motives. Because Albania persisted in its exposure of the revisionist theory of the “three worlds” and because it would not go along and join in with China’s alliance with U.S. imperialism, China set out to “punish” Albania by cutting off aid. This hostile act further exposes the fundamental unity of the Chinese Communist Party with imperialism and modern revisionism.

The action taken by the Chinese leadership is identical with Khrushchev’s withdrawal of aid from Albania and China in 1960, when the Parties of these two countries persisted in attacking the revisionist line the Soviets were attempting to impose on the international communist movement. Both the Soviet and Chinese revisionists shared the illusion that a small country like Albania will quickly knuckle under to their great-power bullying. Like all revisionists, they underestimate the strength of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Under the leadership of its Party of Labor, Albania was able to drive out the fascist Italian and German armies that occupied it during World War II. Later it repulsed Tito’s efforts to annex it to Yugoslavia. Relying primarily on their own efforts, the Albanian people have built up a balanced socialist economy. Their success can be measured in the degree of development of socialized industry and agriculture and the level of material and political well-being of the Albanian people. The dictatorship of the proletariat is a reality in Albania. The initiative of the masses is given full play in all areas of political, economic and social life, in line with Enver Hoxha’s slogan “the masses build socialism, the Party makes them conscious.”

The Party of Labor of Albania has always held to a single Marxist-Leninist line. Neither factionalism, bureaucratism nor revisionism have been able to strike root and triumph in the Party of Labor of Albania, because the bourgeois-revisionist diseases have been systematically corn-batted, because their hostile activity has not been allowed to develop, nor have the views and activities of traitors been allowed to destroy the unity of the Party. The strict upholding of Leninist norms in the Party’s internal life is reflected in the determination with which it has fought for the purity of Marxism-Leninism in the battle against all modern revisionist groupings in the international communist movement. This small Party was the first to openly condemn Khrushchevite revisionism, after consistently attempting to bring the C.P.S.U. back to Marxism-Leninism with fraternal criticism.

It has been this method that the Party of Labor of Albania attempted to employ with the Chinese Communist Party. But the CPC has arrogantly ignored the Albanian’s comradely criticism over the years. This has been the experience of many other Marxist-Leninist Parties which have protested China’s alliance with imperialism and reaction and its scornful attitude toward the international communist movement. The attitude and actions of China reflect its view of itself as a great power. They are in fundamental violation of the Leninist norms of equality of all Marxist-Leninist Parties and proletarian internationalism. In the polemics conducted with Soviet revisionism the CPC once affirmed that:

”The touchstone of proletarian internationalism for every Communist Party is whether or not it resolutely defends the whole socialist camp, whether or not it defends the unity of all countries in the camp on the basis of Marxism-Leninism and whether or not it defends the Marxist-Leninist line and policies which the socialist countries ought to pursue” (A Proposal Concerning The General Line of The International Communist Movement, p.10). The CPC stands condemned by its own words.

While cutting off aid to socialist Albania, we see the spectacle of China increasing aid and even sending military advisors to prop up the reactionary regime of Mobutu in Zaire. With acts such as these, which strengthen the forces of imperialist war and reaction, including modern revisionism and trotskyism in the short run, they will not succeed in forcing Albania from the socialist path, nor in silencing the Party of Labor’s voice in upholding the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

Nor will they silence us. These provocations only strengthen our resolve to defend socialist Albania, to defend Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism, and to take up the historic mission of the international proletariat – the overthrow of the imperialist system, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat and socialism, and the transition to communism.

IV. We Unite In Our Opposition To Both Superpowers And Reaffirm Our Proletarian Responsibility To Destroy U.S. Imperialism

We unite with the assessment of the two superpowers put forward by comrade Enver Hoxha at the Seventh Congress of the Party of Labor of Albania: “Each separated or together, the superpowers represent, in the same degree and to the same extent, the main enemy of socialism, and the freedom and independence of nations, the greatest force defending oppressive and exploiting systems, and the direct threat that mankind will be hurled into a third world war.”

We absolutely reject the contention of the theory of the “three worlds” that U.S. imperialism has lost its teeth, and that Soviet social-imperialism is now the greatest danger to world peace, the independence of peoples, socialism and the world revolution.

An objective look at the international situation shows that despite its historic defeat in Indochina, U.S. imperialism is actively seeking today a new redivision of the world in its struggle for world hegemony. The facts show that U.S. imperialism is not on the defensive as the “three worlds” theorists claim, and it has not changed its aggressive nature. Facts expose the myth of the “three worlds” theorists that “the imperialist camp is disintegrated.” Over the past year U.S. imperialism has been arming to the teeth – it increased its military spending by $10 billion to reach a total of $130 billion. Its aggressive military bloc, NATO, is stronger and more unified than it has been for years, and the U.S. imperialists are also moving to beef up its other military alliances such as NORAD, the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty, and the almost defunct SEATO.

U.S. imperialism is increasingly able to dictate political and economic policy to its junior partners. Carter’s globetrotting has paid off handsomely. Japan and West Germany have been forced to expand their military, economic and political roles. France has emerged as the policeman of Africa, sparing U.S. imperialism the embarrassment of direct intervention. While U.S. capital exports are rising, devaluation of its currency is undermining the position of its imperialist rivals.

U.S. imperialism, with the manipulation of Egyptian President Sadat, has successfully disrupted the “fragile Arab unity” in the struggle against Zionism. It has continued to prop up white minority regimes and also prepares for neo-colonial regimes in Africa, and has tightened its grip on Latin America and other regions through such neo-colonial ploys as the Panama Canal Treaty. Under the guise of concern for “human rights”, U.S. imperialism seeks to dominate and apply pressure to the Nicaraguan and Chilean regimes, among others. The United States still occupies the Chinese province of Taiwan and it continues provocations against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Democratic Kampuchea.

At home U.S. imperialism is subjecting the working class to more intense exploitation and oppression. It has stepped up the repression of oppressed nationalities, national minorities and peoples throughout the country and is encouraging the growth of fascist movements among the labor aristocracy, sections of the petty bourgeoisie and backward workers.

Far from retreating into isolationism or “appeasement” of the social-imperialists, the U.S. ruling class is gearing up for war.

Marxism-Leninism teaches us that it is the obligation of the proletariat in the imperialist countries to oppose the aggressive designs of their own bourgeoisie, not to defend them. A war between the two superpowers would be a war for imperialist plunder and redivision of the world. We will seek to prevent such a war by rallying the proletariat and its allies to proletarian revolution. If unable to prevent the outbreak of war, we strive to transform it into civil war for the overthrow of the bourgeoisie, regardless of which superpower will fire the first shot.

We U.S. Marxist-Leninists refuse to heed the opportunist call to unite with U.S. imperialism on the grounds that it is weaker or “more democratic” than Soviet social-imperialism, and we pledge to combat all chauvinist and social-chauvinist influences among the masses.

We recognize our internationalist duty to defend the socialist countries, but we refuse to be drawn into futile speculation about which superpower is more likely to attack a socialist state. The experience of the past decade in Indochina, Korea and along the Sino-Soviet border shows the willingness of both to mount such attacks.

In the fulfillment of our proletarian internationalist duties we consider it our responsibility to promote solidarity with and support for the People’s Socialist Republic of Albania.

We base our strategy and tactics on:
1. The contradiction between two opposing systems – socialist and capitalist;
2. the contradiction between labor and capital in the capitalist countries;
3. the contradiction between the oppressed peoples and nations and imperialism; and
4. the contradiction between imperialist powers.

As communists of one of the two superpowers, we recognize that our overriding internationalist duty is to mobilize the U.S. proletariat and its allies to destroy U.S. imperialism. We declare to all our comrades throughout the world, to the people of the socialist countries, to proletarians of all countries, and to the nations and peoples oppressed by imperialism that the opportunist theory of the “three worlds” does not blind us to this duty, and that we shall not rest until we have fulfilled our historic task.

V. Fight Against Imperialism And Opportunism On All Fronts

From the early growth and development of the working class movement in the United States, the reactionary bourgeoisie has sought various means to try to undermine, mislead and contain the class struggle. Their principal agents are the labor aristocracy and trade union bureaucrats, who preach reformism. At the same time, at every important turn in the class struggle, opportunists emerge claiming to defend the interests of the proletariat, but who have as their mission to find every possible way to sacrifice the struggle of the proletariat for socialist revolution for some immediate short-term gain.

Browderism, the first major development in the growth of modern revisionism, claimed that U.S. imperialism was no longer aggressive, had no fundamental contradictions with socialism, and should be supported down the line by the working class. Under the banner of “Communism is 20th Century Americanism”, the historic mission of the proletariat was deserted, the vanguard political party destroyed and class collaboration on all fronts was substituted for class struggle.

From this starting point, various opportunist trends have emerged which preach unity with this or that section of the reactionary bourgeoisie, whether they be those who are “peace-loving”, “anti-fascist”, “anti-monopoly”, or most recently, ̶o;willing to stand up to the Soviet Union.”

The significance of the counter-revolutionary theory of the “three worlds” internationally is that parties which once opposed imperialism and modern revisionism have now, under the guise that Soviet social-imperialism is the greater danger, aligned themselves with world imperialism and reaction in general, and U.S. imperialism in particular. They have thus become the agents of international imperialism, whose mission it is to permeate the communist and workers’ movement with class collaboration. It is for this reason that Lenin referred to such agents of imperialism at the time of the yellow Second International as “social-imperialists” and that today we must label the Communist Party/Marxist-Leninist and other followers of the theory of the “three worlds” as “social-imperialists”. Taking off their “socialist” robes we see their true imperialist body.

The current struggle in the international communist and workers’ movement against imperialism and opportunism must fight all forms of class collaboration, whether centered in Moscow or Peking.

In the United States, we Marxist-Leninists resolutely oppose any tendency toward collaboration with the reactionary bourgeoisie, and any tendency which relegates the struggle against imperialism to one of words, while no real revolutionary class struggle is waged for the overthrow of U.S. monopoly capitalism.

In the United States, the unity reached by Marxist-Leninists in this joint declaration is an important contribution to the worldwide defense of Marxism-Leninism and proletarian internationalism. It is part of the ever-growing international unity of the proletariat in which the Party of Labor of Albania plays a decisive role.

This joint declaration by U.S. Marxist-Leninists represents a fundamental break with opportunism and signals an important step in the revolutionary class struggle in the United States. By signing this declaration we Marxist-Leninists dedicate ourselves to educate, mobilize and organize the proletariat and its allies in the class struggle. This unity and dedication can only hasten the day when the U.S. proletariat shall have a vanguard political party to lead it into battle for the overthrow of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat, socialism and communism.

Long Live Marxism-Leninism! Long Live Socialist Albania! Death to the Two Superpowers and All Reaction! Down With the Counter-Revolutionary Theory of the “three worlds”! Fight For the Dictatorship of the Proletariat! Workers, Oppressed Nations and Peoples of the World, Unite!

Committee For A Proletarian Party, PO Box 8147 San Diego, CA 92102
Marxist-Leninist Organizing Committee, PO Box 8041 Chicago, ILL. 60680
Sunrise Collective, 2283 7th Avenue NYC, NY 10030