Marxists’ Internet Archive: ETOL Home Page: Trotskyist Writers Section: Farrel Dobbs
Source: Socialist Appeal, Vol. IV No. 35, 31 August 1940, p. 2.
Transcription & Mark-up: Einde O’ Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
There is general agreement among the officers and members of the Steel Workers Organizing Committee that a vigorous organization drive is needed. The big question is, how shall it be conducted? Many in the ranks contend that an immediate fight for the 6 hour day at 8 hour’s pay is necessary to show the unorganized steel workers that the SWOC means business. The leaders say, on the other hand, that the union can’t effectively fight for this demand until it is more completely organized.
The leadership understands, nevertheless, that it must show some fight if the union is to make any gains whatever. This is evidenced by the official campaign just launched with considerable fanfare against the Bethlehem Steel Corporation.
The announcement last week by Bethlehem Steel Corporation that it was raising wages to a 62.5 cents hour minimum is an encouraging sign that a vigorous union campaign would soon push this company into line. Undoubtedly the corporation made this announcement to offset the union drive launched just previously.
The announced objectives in this drive are:
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To win these demands would mean to bring considerable gains to the Bethlehem workers. It should be noted, however, that the program is very vague as to the objectives regarding hours of work. It is, in essence, a move calculated to bring this openly anti-union company up to the approximate level of conditions in those steel concerns where the SWOC has greater strength.
It does not represent a step towards direct trade union action to force a solution of the grave problems of unemployment and threatened loss in earnings which are confronting the steel workers. The union leaders are still hoping against hope that a way can be found to avoid an open fight with the corporation. They look to the government to give them a substitute' for trade union action.
Forty-six local lodges introduced resolutions at the SWOC convention proposing to fight for the 6 hour day at 8 hour’s pay. The officials answered that they were pressing for a broad national program to solve the problem of technological unemployment. They did not mean a broad national trade union program. Their proposal is for a national conference of leaders of government, industry, labor and farm groups.
The workers would be glad to find a solution to their pressing problems without being forced into strike action. Strikes are not a pleasant thing. However, the steel workers will fight if necessary, and fight hard. The question is, what price peace? They are not for peace at any price.
The SWOC leadership has abandoned to all practical intents and purposes any idea of strike struggle since the defeat in Little Steel. Strike action has been used since that time in few cases; then only for very limited purposes and gingerly handled. The National Labor Relations Board has become the white hope of the union. Reliance on the government to the almost complete exclusion of trade union action has been the official policy for the past three years. The results of this program are not very impressive.
The union has contracts with the United States Steel corporation and quite a number of small companies. The national leadership is very cautious about creating strained relations with any of these companies. They are uneasy about the possible outcome. Grievances are pressed by the union membership and the local lodge leaders, but the national officers frequently put on the brakes.
There are no contracts with the Little Steel corporations. Existing governmental legislation, principally the Walsh-Healey Act, is used by the SWOC as the base in these companies for minimum conditions as to wages and hours.
The union does not have direct recognition by these corporations, but relies instead upon the Wagner Act to maintain the best possible semblance of collective bargaining. There are union grievance committees in these plants which are given some de facto recognition by the management. They get what they can by negotiations, and in some cases, if the company agrees, by arbitration. The workers are told by the union leaders that the NLRB is their big stick.
This, in general, is not a very impressive state of affairs. Despite these shortcomings the SWOC has made gains for its members. The union has saved the jobs of many workers and it can be said that the presence of the SWOC in the industry has resulted in some benefits for every steel worker, whether or not he is a member of the union. Nevertheless, the situation of the steel workers is not good.
Technological change continues to take its toll among them. The revolution in production methods in steel is creating an entirely new set of problems for the steel worker. Three years of experience have already shown that neither the National Labor Relations Board nor general unemployment conferences can be relied upon to meet the needs of the day.
The steel workers must depend upon their own organized strength as, the primary weapon in their struggle against the corporations. They must be well organized to win this fight. The SWOC must conduct a campaign to bring the unorganized workers into the union ranks. Abstract arguments won’t do this job. It is necessary to show them a union in action. Three years of dependence upon substitutes for trade union action is enough and more than enough.
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Last updated: 22 May 2020