Industrial Workers of the World


Saturday, July 8


Owing to the slowness of the delegates in gathering, the convention was not called to order until shortly before nine o’clock A. M.

The minutes not being present at the opening, the reading of the minutes of the previous day’s proceedings was postponed.

On motion the roll call of delegates was dispensed with. Communications were called for, but there were none to be brought before the convention.

The Credential Committee announced that it had no further report to make.

Special committees were called for.

DEL. WHITE: Under the head of special committees, I will say that we are $5 short on the expenses of the meeting last night. The meeting altogether cost $20. We only succeeded in raising $15, and $5 has got to be made up here.

DEL. JOHNSON: I suggest that the same committee that took up the collection yesterday take up another collection to make up the deficiency; that is, after the bulk of the delegates come in. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried.

The Committees on Constitution and Resolutions announced that they had no further reports.


The Committee on Literature and Press, through Delegate Pat O’Neil, submitted the following report:


Old as the story of wealth is the story of oppression, and that oppression has always been leveled at, and heaped upon those who have produced all the wealth—the laboring class.

To-day the warfare of the struggle between the classes is as merciless, fierce and bloodthirsty as it ever was in the past.

Your employer may be personally your friend. He may be a man of the best intentions, and really desire to better the condition of those he employs. But when his competitor cuts wages, he in turn must cut yours or go out of business.

This is the iron law of business, the law of competition, and the class struggle.

Can you not see the futility, therefore, of fighting individual employers ?

The whole method must be swept away, until in the hands of the laboring class rests the control of the tools of production and distribution.

For this, the most important of all questions, insists upon being answered, and must be answered without evasion.

Who are entitled to the ownership and control of the industries? Those who perform the labor and produce the wealth; or, those who produce nothing yet claim ownership after production, because they have permitted part of your product to return to you in the form of wages?

The natural law of labor and wages, as laid down by all the great authorities, beginning with: “In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread,” is that the result of labor belongs to that one who performs the labor. Thus the ownership is by right of labor alone.

Naturally, then, follows this question: Who shall fix the wages? Those who labor with the machines of production and distribution, or those who laboring not at all, demand a portion of the product?

Many men who claim to be our friends tell us there is a harmony and identity of interest between the laboring and the master class. Let us see. You are interested in getting the largest possible returns for your labor. The master is interested in getting your labor for the smallest wages.

Can you imagine harmony or identity of interest here?

This industrial union has been brought into existence because those who organized it recognized there could be neither harmony nor identity of interest, but instead, a never-ending and merciless conflict, until the wage system is swept away.

This organization has come into the field for the purpose of giving you a weapon with which to wage a contest for better returns for your labor than you now enjoy, and that in all conflicts you can offer an unbroken front of all labor to your enemy,—the master class.

Also by becoming members of this organization you do your part toward bringing into life and action a solidified workers’ union, —a union that, recognizing the solidarity of the working class, unites instead of dividing the workers.

All the efforts of labor organizations of the past have been directed toward benefiting a few of the laboring class.

Just the skilled workmen of the various trades, as cigar makers, carpenters, engineers, etc.

And after these men have joined their various unions, they seem to feel they have become of another class than their fellow workers, and seem to think those fellow workers are not entitled to the same treatment, conditions and pay as they demand for themselves.

The industrial union, however, offers to all the workers the same advantages the older organizations offer to only a favored few.

Recognizing that the common laborer is as valuable to society as the most skillful mechanic, we offer to him the same shelter, the same assistance and the same comradeship the older unions offer to only a few tradesmen.

In the past, these bodies of union men have been kept divided and at enmity by leaders who either ignorantly or willfully assassinate the welfare of their followers for the benefit of the master class. By these divisions and the strife, thus brought about, these unions have wasted upon each other the strength which should have been expended against the common enemy.

But the industrial union, embracing all workers, gives no opportunity for craft conflict, nor can unscrupulous leaders embroil the branches in wrangles over trade autonomy.

A uniform label for all products of union labor makes impossible wrangling between trades over their labels. It will end corrupt bargaining between capitalists and labor officials to further the label of one group of workers above that of another.

Such a union label is truly a weapon of defense for the workers; instead of an advertisement for favored manufacturers and to assist in the formation of monopolies to further oppress working class purchasers.

Divided in resources and fighting strength as are the forces within the present unions, nearly every strife becomes a battle, not between laborers and capitalists, but between different divisions of the working class.

But the industrial union concentrates all its force upon any one point, financially or any other way.

It is the business and duty of the industrial union to wipe out all imaginary boundary lines or divisions between the workers by bringing them within the lines surrounding all the workers in this and other countries.

Neither must a worker serve an apprenticeship to man or machine, nor “stand and deliver” an enormous initiation fee to become a member of this union.

In this industrial union there is room for and no bar against any worker on account of race, sex, creed or color, and an earnest invitation is extended to every worker to enroll him or herself a member of this union.

At the time craft unions were organized trades were of importance, and individual employers were the rule. Inventions and developments upon the industrial field have wiped out the trades. Craft unions have refused to keep up with the progress of economics. They have served their time. Their usefulness has ended, and they are to-day only deadweights on the forward movement.

Would you not think a nation foolish that would go to war with bows and arrows against machine guns. Yet that is the condition of the trades unions to-day on the industrial field, its members rushing unarmed and divided to do battle with a unified, disciplined and merciless employing class.

Divided into small crafts they are helpless, for many crafts are employed in one industry.

Betrayed by their leaders, these crafts are led singly to battle and destruction, for all other crafts of that industry assist the master in crushing their brothers. Just think how easy it is done.

Union hod carriers go on strike, and union bricklayers carry brick and mortar for themselves.

Union coal miners strike. Union railroad men haul scabs to the mines and scab coal away from the mines.

Officials of the miners’ union order members of that union to unload machinery loaded by scab teamsters.

We recognize that injury to one is injury to all, and that the workers should be organized as a whole; thus avoiding such treason among themselves.

In this way only an entire industry becomes a branch of the organization, and the day of craft troubles will disappear.

For the uniform union label will mean uniform union conditions to all.

And when you join any union, your card is good in any other union without another initiation fee.

We see that the defeats of the past that have met us at every turn were only because of our lack of unity.

For these reasons this organization has come into being. We earnestly entreat you to enroll yourself with us.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the report of the Committee on Literature and Press. What is the pleasure of the convention?

DEL. DAVIS: I move its adoption.

DEL. HALL: I move that it be turned over to the incoming Executive Board. (Seconded).

Motion put and carried, and report referred to the Executive Board.


THE CHAIRMAN: Has the Ways and Means Committee any further report to make?

DEL. HELD: Yes. The Committee on Ways and Means recommend that this convention assume the indebtedness contracted by the convention, and further, that the matter be referred to the incoming Executive Board.

THE CHAIRMAN: Is that the Conference?

DEL. HELD: All preliminary financial transactions; that is what it is meant for.

Del. Pat O’Neil moved the adoption of the report. Motion seconded by Delegate A. W. Morrow.

THE CHAIRMAN: Is it to be understood from this report of the Ways and Means Committee that they recommend that the Industrial Workers of the World assume the indebtdedness that was incurred during the preliminary work of the Industrial Conference?

DEL. HELD: Yes. I want to make an explanation, that I would like to have the Chairman of the committee here to explain the situation. I did not write out the report myself, and this was presented to me by the Chairman to read out, so that I would like to have him make the explanation or explain the situation so that there will be no misunderstanding about it.

THE CHAIRMAN: Is the Secretary of the Ways and Means Committee present?

DEL. HELD: The Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee.

DEL. MCCABE: I don’t think the Chairman is here just now. That was his understanding; that was the understanding of the committee, that this report should be made out with the understanding that we assume the indebtdedness of the original committee, the preliminary work for this convention.

THE CHAIRMAN: Does this include the work and the indebtedness contracted by this convention?


The motion was put and carried.


THE CHAIRMAN: Have the Committee on Ritual prepared their report?

DEL. MILLER: As a member of the Committee on Ritual, I will state that we finished up to the installation ceremony last night, but the committee has had no meeting this morning. I got here at eight o’clock and saw one or two members of the committee, but no more.

DEL. WHITE: I move that the report of the Ritual Committee be accepted and referred to the incoming Executive Board. (Seconded).

Motion put and carried.


DEL. DANIEL MACDONALD: The Committee on Organization desire to submit the following: Your committee realize that the subject referred to them is of vast importance to the growth and welfare of this organization, and under the circumstances we gladly offer certain recommendations as our judgment would best prompt. We, further realize that the suggestions that we offer will involve the expenditure of money, and the organization is without funds, and that many demands will be made upon it in the near future. Under these conditions we believe the interests of the organization can best be served by refraining from imposing a burden of instructions prior to the provisions being made for carrying out the same. We therefore recommend that the matter of organization for the ensuing term be left in the hands of the Executive Board, with full power to act.

(The report was signed by Delegates McDonald, Baker, Mother Jones, Bradley, Fitzpatrick and Hopkins).

On motion of Delegate Dinger the report was adopted.

The Committee on Label and Emblem, being called on, announced no report.

THE CHAIRMAN: Any unfinished business? New business.


Secretary Trautmann read the following resolution:

“The delegates to this convention from the International Painters’ Union of America, Local 359, would advise every member of this organization to recognize that it is his privilege as an American citizen to have weapons in his possession, and they should use them when the capitalists force us to use them.”

(Submitted by Delegate Samuel).

Delegate Dinger moved that the resolution be laid on the table. (Seconded).

THE CHAIRMAN: The chair does not entertain the resolution, as we are not under that order of business at this time. This will not appear in the minutes of the convention until it comes under the proper head.


THE CHAIRMAN: The installation of Organizations. The representatives of the different local unions, international unions and individual members who are to take part in this new movement will so announce by rising to their feet.

The respective representatives and individuals rose.

THE CHAIRMAN: Individuals, all who take part in this new movement, either representing themselves, their local unions or other national bodies.

The delegates rose almost unanimously.

THE CHAIRMAN: I, as Chairman, hereby duly install the respective individuals and the representatives of the local unions as a part of the Industrial Workers of the World. (Applause).

DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: I desire to know if those who did not stand did not participate in becoming a part of this organization. In other words, Mr. Chairman, I want to know if those who did not install themselves and did not participate in installing their organizations at this time, shall have a voice or a vote in this organization from this time on.

THE CHAIRMAN: Those who have not become installed have neither a voice nor a vote from this time on.

DEL. SMITH: I believe it would be well to have a record of those.

THE CHAIRMAN: To make a record of the delegates, or of those present?

DEL. SMITH: To make a record of those who have installed themselves in the organization. Several delegates representing organizations with instructions to install did not rise or participate in the installation.

THE CHAIRMAN: The Secretary will read the roll call and proceed to make a record of the delegates and their organizations that have been installed.


Secretary Trautmann then called the roll and took the answers, as follows (dashes represent no response):

Western Federation of Miners—W. D. Haywood, yes. Charles H. Moyer, yes. Charles H. McKinnon. Albert Ryan—J. H. Baker, yes.

Milling and Smeltermen’s Union, Butte, Mont.—

Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance—Duncan McEachren, yes. August Gillhaus, yes. Samuel J. French,— Thomas J Powers, yes. Thomas H. Jackson, yes. Paul Dinger, yes. Theodore Bernine, H. J. Brimble,— John T. Remley,— Joseph Scheidler, yes. Octave M. Held, yes. Daniel De Leon, yes. Carl U. Starkenberg, yes. Walter Goss,— Max Eisenberg, yes. (Delegate Eisenberg requested to be called under the organization to which he belonged.)

Industrial Workers’ Club, Cincinnati— Max Eisenberg, yes.

Industrial Workers’ Club, Chicago— Thomas J. Hagerty, yes. Robert Larson, yes. Mark Bartlett, yes. Bert Sainer,— John E. McEachren, yes. Gus. Bartlett,— Mrs. Bohlman,— Mrs. Isora Forberg,— Mrs. Lillian Forberg, yes. Robert C. Goodwin,—Miss Libby Levinson, yes. M. B. Quinn,—

W. J. Knight, Pueblo,—

DEL. WHITE: Mr. Knight informed me as Secretary of the Credential Committee that he had to leave, and he left a notice for the brother from Illinois to act in his stead. He wants to install his union, and left a written notice under his signature to that effect, that he wanted to install his organization. He left last night.

THE SECRETARY: That will be so recorded. The United Mine Workers, Kansas, John Veal—

DEL. GRAHAM: I wish to say that the peculiar circumstances under which I was sent to this convention would not justify me, in my opinion, just now in installing the men that appeared on my credentials; for the reason that I belong to a big local of the Federation of Miners and there were only a few, about 40 names, given on my credentials, as men that were in favor of this movement as far as they understood the movement. They sent me for the purpose of finding out what this movement was; what were its intentions and object; and I have to go back to them and take them a report. Now, I feel that I would not be justified in installing those men by voting “yes;” but on my own account, and installing myself into the organization, I will vote “yes.”

The roll was continued:

United Brotherhood of Railway Employees—J. Fitzgerald—Thomas de Young, yes. E. T. Eastman— A. H. Williamson— J. Churchfield— J. S. McDonald— Frederick Dean— M. E. White, yes. Fred Hopkins, yes. Frank McCabe, yes. William Hickey, yes. A. W. Morrow, yes. H. M. Kyle— William Benning— Thomas Hansberry,— W. L. Hall, yes. W. J. Bradley, yes. Fred Henion,— John Plummer—

Montreal (Canada) Wage Earners’ Union— R. J. Kerrigan— (The Secretary stated that Delegate Kerrigan was absent, but was empowered.)

Punch Press Operators’ Union, Schenectady— J. W. Roff—

THE SECRETARY: I will state that Delegate Roff, before he left, gave me authority to either write out or explain or communicate to this convention that the Punch Press Operators’ Union of Schenectady will install into this new organization, and another statement by him was that somebody should be sent to Schenectady in order to get the other organizations installed into this new Industrial Workers of the World. So I can report him “yes.” He gave me power to report that way. .

(Roll call continued):

United Mine Workers, Red Mount, Montana—

DEL. FAIRGRIEVE: I explained my position some time ago, and I have seen no reason to change my views since.

Flat Janitors’ Local, Chicago— George U. Miller— Andrew Anderson—

Journeyman Tailors’ Union, Pueblo, Col.,— A. Klemnsic, yes.

United Metal Workers of America— Charles O. Sherman— Charles Kirkpatrick—

Journeyman Tailors, San Francisco— George Nesbitt, yes. American Labor Union— W. D. Haywood, yes. Daniel McDonald, yes. William Shurtleff,— David C. Coates, yes. John Riordan, yes. Henry S. Davis, no. Charles H. Moyer, yes. F. W. Cronin, yes. Fred Clemens, yes. Clarence Smith, yes.

Cloakmakers and Custom Tailors—absent.

Charles O. Sherman, United Metal Workers, “here.”

DEL. MOYER: I would like to ask the Secretary how he recognizes him as voting.

THE SECRETARY: He answered “here” to the roll call. He has not voted on the matter of installing the organization in this industrial movement.

DEL. SHERMAN: “Yes.” (Applause.)

Roll call continued: John Beuchert, no. Longshoremen’s Union, Hoboken— Charles Kiehn—

DEL. KIEHN: May I be permitted to explain my position? THE CHAIRMAN: Yes.

DEL. KIEHN: I wish to explain to this convention that I was sent here with no definite instructions, but since I have been here I got instructions to install my organization on condition that this organization shall not depart from the spirit of the Manifesto. Since I have heard and know the constitution that has been adopted, in my opinion it is not according to the spirit of the Manifesto. In the first place, the plan of dividing the industrial activities of society into craft unions, into thirteen divisions, appears to me as the creation of craft lines.

DEL. HELD: I enter an objection to a member making a speech on explaining his vote.

DEL. KIEHN: Can’t I explain my position?

THE CHAIRMAN: I think so. Yes, Brother Kiehn, we would like to know your position.

DEL. KIEHN: Another objection to the constitution is that it gives the President or the Executive Board of this organization czarish powers that are not given to the executive officers of any other pure and simple organization in this country. Practically we install ourselves in the hands of a few individuals, In this particular I wish to pay my compliments to the delegates of the Trades & Labor Alliance, who, in my opinion, have turned a complete somersault on the teachings and the principles that they have been promulgating for the last ten or fifteen years. It appears to me that the organization that has been created by the constitution—whether only for a time or whether it is forever does not matter—but it seems to me that this organization is a second edition, but not an improved edition, of the American Federation of Labor. I have been sent here to assist in creating an organization that will be something different from the American Federation of Labor, and since the adoption of this constitution I have made up my mind that there is no difference, excepting that it may be a little worse. It has been left to the Executive Board, and we know by experience what an Executive Board is; the Executive Board in interpreting the constitution consists of the President and General Secretary; we have always found that out, and the constitution they can stretch as they please; it is a rubber band, and they can stretch it as they please, and we are not, in my opinion, and the members that I represent, to comply with the rules arbitrarily interpreted or laid down by a few men. We wish to hold the organization to ourselves, and that is why I take the stand that I will not undertake to install any organization that I represent.

THE SECRETARY: Not install?

DEL. KIEHN: Not install.

THE SECRETARY: Now come the individuals. Mark Ord,— H. Ferber, yes. M. Glasgow—

DEL. GLASGOW: Allow me to explain briefly. I have raised the matter before the union that I belong to, with 1,700 members, and after considerable discussion and opposition, and with the aid of Brother Saunders, succeeded in having that union send five fraternal delegates to this convention. Of course we have no power in any manner to install here by initiating as an organization or union into this convention. Individually I feel this way: I represent that union in the Painters’ District Council, and also in the Chicago Federation of Labor. I know that if I become a member of this as an individual I will be denied the privilege of representative in those two bodies. I also do not know what position my own union may take, provided I become an individual member. I feel that I can do more for the industrial organization upon the lines which we have succeeded in adopting by being able to attend those bodies and advocating the principles whenever an opportunity may present itself, in such a way that it will not debar me also in my own union. I therefore feel that I must refrain from identifying myself with it as an individual.

Roll call continued: J. J. Johnson— Robert Nelson— J. W. Saunders— Otto Ulrich— Lincoln Wright, no. T. J. Hitchings, no. F. P. Cranston— J. A. Sturgis— Frank Kremer— W. P. Clarke— A. F. Germer— Alexander Haenny— M. Rappaport— F. W. Rowe— N. C. Marlatt— H. Arthur Morgan— P. Samuels— H. S. Doon— John Spielman, yes. E. Weintraub— Robert Rives La Monte— Wilbour M. Wolfe— B. Burgess— Mary Z. Breckon— Lorenz Kleinherz— Michael Tracey— Juile Mechanic— Joseph Clossy— Rosa Sullway— W. C. Critchlow— Emma F. Langdon, yes. Theodore Rickey J. Peuchert, as an individual, yes. Philip Veal—

DEL. VEAL: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, I wish to state the position which the local holds that I represent. In that mine there are 400 miners working. There are seven locals in the United Mine Workers represented in this mine. The local I belong to sent me here. It is known as the radical local, the Edgmont local. Now, then, I know that I express the sentiments of those men, that they would come in as far as that local is concerned, but the moment that they would, these other men who are working there would go and scab on them. Hence I am not going to take the responsibility of saying that those men will come in, but as an individual I am going to take the responsibility myself, and will work; and I don’t propose to bore from within either; we are going to smash them from without. I want Mr. Wright, the delegate from Local 99, who works in the same mine, to state before this delegation the position that he is going to take when he returns back and reports before the local.

Roll call continued: Philip Voegtle— Evan Evans— J. Walker— John Green— Philip Veck— H. C. Perry— Tom Burke— W. Thopham— Duncan McDonald— W. D. Ryan— R. J. Robinson, yes. Fred Shotak— J. Fox— Florence Basora— Joseph J. O’Brien— J. L. Fitts, yes. C. L. Spiegel, yes. L. L. Thompson— W. F. Davis, yes. H. M. Richter— Gust. Herwarth— J. W. Johnson, yes. Ben Frankford, yes. J. W. Saunders— Charles Schoeller— James Smith, yes. Pat O’Neil, yes. C. W. Sunagel—

DEL. SUNAGEL: In the position I am in I cannot install the organization I represent. They sent me to see the work done here. Probably if they think the constitution is all right they will go into the organization. If not they will not. Therefore I cannot vote.

THE SECRETARY: Individually how do you stand?

DEL. SUNAGEL: Individually I am in favor of the movement.

Roll call continued: R. M. Scutt, yes. C. F. Martin— W. E. Scoggan, yes. Evan J. Dillon, yes. R. Sullivan— James Murtaugh— J. C. Sullivan, individually yes. C. H. Becker— Joy Pollard— Frank W. McCormick, individually yes. W. F. Weber— Charles McKay, yes. A. Jorgensen—

DEL. JORGENSEN: As an individual yes, but as to my local I am somewhat in the same position as the individual from the Painters’ Local. Although I would like to say yes, I would install myself individually in the new organization, but in accordance with our instructions in our organization, and in accordance with the ideas that I was sent here with, I do not see that it would do any good for this organization to do anything for a month or two in that body. If I can go back to the organization and report the work of this new organization and its proceedings they will see for themselves, and we may try to start a club and work in the same way after as we started that local when we first started twenty years ago. I think it will be more beneficial to this organization if I remain silent after this. I can assure you that the impression that I have got from this organization, and also my colleague, Brother Thompson, is that the only thing for the trade unionists and any other men that toil on this earth for a living is to join a movement of this kind. (Applause). Trade unions, the fighting sort that they have in there, seem to be getting weak. That due book and due card seems to be getting so weak that it is all riddled full of bullet holes that have been shot in them whenever they have showed that card and made any demands. Another card fifty times as big as the card I carry in my pocket is the card of injunction that has been posted on all the wagons of industry, so it seems to me that we have got to have the ball opened and that weapon of the industrial union for our organizations. I must criticize a member or the members on this floor that will say that we don’t see that this organization will have more in its future for organized labor than the American Federation of Labor. I will say that the American Federation has only one good thing, and that is this, that Gompers is a doctor who gives the members of that organization a box of pills, and tells them to take one pill at a time. The cover on that box is put on so tight that they can’t get the cover off the box.

DEL. BRADLEY: A point of order.

DEL. JORGENSON: I am about through. The tighter the cover on the box, the longer the pills last.

DEL. BRADLEY: I object to his making a speech in explaining his vote.

DEL. JORGENSEN: Well, I am through.

Roll call continued: Pat O’Neil, yes. J. A. Ferguson— Thomas Schwartz— John Cren— Edward Payment— John Brown— Luella Twining, yes. Charles Hibbard— Edward Rody— Joseph Gilbert, yes. Ad. S. Comm, yes. W. F. Morrison—

DEL. MORRISON: I simply want to ask for information this: I am a member of the United Brotherhood of Railway Employes. Will it be necessary at this time for me to say “yes” as an individual delegate on the floor?

THE CHAIRMAN: It won’t do any harm.

DEL. MORRISON: Then I will say “yes.” The only reason was I did not want to go on and say “yes” for the organization:

Roll call continued: W. Tunningly— Bessie A. Hanan— Mrs. E. C. Cogswell, yes. Albert S. Cogswell, yes. C. C. Ross—

DEL. ROSS: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, I only ask for a moment. Being heartily in accord with every line and every word of the Preamble of this organization, that is its platform, I feel satisfied that any man who analyzes it will never be called to task for the faithful performance of his duty as I heard our worthy chairman Comrade Haywood and fellow delegate Brother Sherman explain last night. As far as the constitution for governing the organization is concerned, I am willing to leave that to the wisdom of the Constitution Committee and to the members of this organization, in the belief that if in time to come it proves insufficient it will be amended; and accordingly I vote “yes.” While I have the floor I want to call the Secretary’s attention to the roll call on the constitution yesterday. He omitted my name and I was recorded as not voting, whereas I voted “yes.”

THE SECRETARY: I called the name right upon the roll call. It is the same roll call that I have got in my hand now.

Roll call continued: W. Harry Spears— E. Bosky— E. J. Morrow— J. L. Schatzke— J. W. Ryan— Michael Tracey— C. A. Payne—Joe Corna—

DEL. CORNA: I desire to state that I am placed in a very peculiar position, for the local that appointed me to represent them here did not give me power to install them. As far as joining this organization as an individual, I would be very glad to take part in it if social conditions would permit me to pay the dues in both organizations. That is something I cannot afford to do at the present time, for we have been working about twelve hours per week during the last three or four months. Consequently, I am willing to use my best judgment and devote my ability to propagate this new industrial movement, but at present I do not know whether it would be advisable for me to become a member or not.

THE SECRETARY: Not voting?

DEL. CORNA: No; I vote “no.”

Roll call continued: A. Wrink— A. M. Simons, yes. E. V. Debs, absent. Mother Jones, yes. W. E. Trautmann, yes. John O’Neil, absent. Carl Koechlin—

THE SECRETARY: He left a letter with me before he left empowering me individually to announce that he would become a member of this organization.

Roll call continued: W. Roscoe Parks, yes. E. D. Hammond—Marion Brown— R. D. Tobias— T. Kleinman— Lucy E. Parsons— Charles Frey, no. T. N. Ricke— W. V. Hardy— A. G. Ristol, yes. A. Kohn— Anton Andra, no. J. D. Mack— John Matthews—

DEL. S. J. FRENCH, NEW YORK, S. T. & L. A.: S. J. French, absent when called, asks to be recorded as present and ready to install. So recorded.

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any delegate in the hall who has not heard his name announced?

DEL. WILKE: Have you got my name? I want to go on record as saying that I realize that by becoming a member of this organization I will be made the target of every political and labor fakir in the city of Milwaukee. I am prepared to stand their shocks and go against them on the lines as laid down in the Industrial Workers of the World. (Applause.)

DEL. SHURTLEFF: I would like to be recorded as voting “yes.”

DEL. JOHNSON: I want to be recorded as voting “yes.”

DEL. HOPKINS: I was not here when my name was called. I would like to be recorded as voting “yes”; Hopkins, of the U. B. R. E.

DEL. SAINER: Delegate Sainer of the Industrial Club, Chicago, “yes.”

DEL. BARTLETT: I also. I would like to state that the Industrial Workers’ Club, consisting of fifty-four members, have instructed us to put all the members on that list. I have the list ready and will send it to the Secretary.

DEL. G. M. YOUNG: I would like to be recorded as voting “yes,” from the Longshoremen, Detroit.

DEL. MILLER: I should like to he recorded as voting “yes.”

THE CHAIRMAN: Is there any other delegate who has not heard his name called, or who came in after his name was called? Those delegates who came in after the installation will please rise to their feet; any of the delegates who came in late.

Delegates Sherman, Kirkpatrick and French rose.

THE CHAIRMAN: Brother Sherman and Brother Kirkpatrick. Any other delegate that has not been installed?

DEL. FRENCH: I had my name quietly recorded. I voted on my position. I did not know about the installation; I was out.

The individuals ready to install rose.

THE CHAIRMAN: Brothers, as Chairman of the Industrial Workers of the World, I hereby announce that you, as individuals and as representatives of your respective locals and internationals, are hereby duly installed as members and as parts of the Industrial Workers of the World. (Applause). The next order of business is the report of the Committee on Ways and Means.

DEL. DE LEON: Now, Mr. Chairman, I move you—

THE CHAIRMAN: Brother De Leon, the special order of business this morning is the election of officers.

DEL. DE LEON: All right, sir.

THE CHAIRMAN: The next order of business is the election of officers. Nominations for President are in order.


DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: I nominate Albert Ryan, of the Western Federation of Miners, of Jerome, Arizona, as President. (Seconded by Pat O’Neil.)

DEL. DANIEL MCDONALD: I have in mind a member of this convention, and a friend of labor and brother of mine, that I desire to place before this convention. He is a man that requires no recommendation and no introduction from me; a man who has been associated with the labor movement for years; a man—

A DELEGATE: I desire to know whether the brother voted to install.

DEL. MCDONALD: What was the interruption?

THE CHAIRMAN: He asked whether you had voted, when your name was called, to install.

DEL. MCDONALD: I did not think I would be accused of that much impudence. I desire to place before you for the favorable consideration of this convention a man of determination; a man who, though modest, is a man of force and activity; a man that has been tried and stood the test; a man that has contributed as much if not more than any other single individual in this convention to the consummation of this organization; a man who, in my judgment, will contribute as much if not more, in the next year, to the success and growth and development and perpetuation of this organization than any other individual or combination of individuals could do; a man, I say, who is charitable, who is kind, who is tender, who is extremely modest. I desire to place this gentleman in the hands of this convention for your kind, serious and favorable consideration Mr. Charles H. Moyer, President of the Western Federation of Miners. (Applause.)

DEL. MOYER: I want to thank Delegate McDonald for the confidence he has expressed in me by nominating me as President of the movement which we have just installed. But I want to say to Brother McDonald that I fully appreciate the nomination, and without making a speech at this time and without going into details in regard to the reasons that I may give to this convention, I will say that it is absolutely impossible for me to accept the nomination. In declining the honor conferred I wish to place in nomination a delegate in this convention in whom I have the utmost confidence; a man who, I believe, if elected to lead this movement which has just been launched, will not be found wanting; a man who, I believe, is prepared at this time to go up against the American Federation of Labor and fight it to the finish that is going to be absolutely necessary; a man who I believe has been instrumental in drawing, more than any one other man, his organization away from the American Federation of Labor in order that they might be installed as a part of the Industrial Union; a man in whose hands I am willing to place my organization, the Western Federation of Miners as a part of this organization. I have the pleasure, and I believe I make no mistake, in placing before this convention the name of Charles O. Sherman as President.

DEL. GILLHAUS: I rise to second the nomination for the same reasons given by Brother Moyer.

DEL. GUY MILLER: Briefly I rise to voice my own preference. When one realizes that the battle is to be hard and bitter, one wants to know that the man who is to lead that movement will stand the hardest blows and be able to give as much as he receives. The man whom I name is one who has the power to do and the courage to dare in larger measure than any other man identified with the labor movement in America. I name that peerless Secretary-Treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners, William D. Haywood. (Applause.)

DEL. FERBER: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, I rise not to make a nomination, but to second the nomination made by Guy E. Miller. I second the nomination of the man who has acted as our Chairman; a man whom I consider one of courage; a man whom I think and I trust the capitalists of this country and of the world will not point their fingers to with scorn, but a man who will not be afraid to go to the bull-pen if necessary.

MOTHER JONES: And lick the militia.

DEL. FERBER: Yes, and lick the militia. (Applause). I admired his speech last night when he said that if he were a Negro he would be worth $3,000, and I thought then that he was a priceless jewel for labor. That is the opinion that I have formed of him since we assembled here. I am not here for the purpose of throwing bouquets. I am not here for the purpose of having my little speech taken down by the stenographer. I am not here for the purpose of seeing my name in print. But I am here as my brother Wilke from Milwaukee said, to make a target of myself also for capitalism. Since I have been here in this convention I have lost my job. I make this declaration, as I made on the Fourth of July, that from this time on, so help me God in heaven, I shall make myself a target for capitalism, and I shall devote every life-blood drop for the upbuilding and the emancipation of labor. (Applause.)

DEL. GILBERT: I am not going to take up much time, neither am I going to make a nomination; but now that I have become a member of this organization, although I do not represent any body of workers, I do not consider it presumption on my part as an individual to say a few words. Probably some of you here to-day do not fully realize the work that we have done. Probably you do not fully realize what a tremendous fight we are going up against. I want to tell you, fellow delegates, that we are going up against the greatest thing that has ever been, as you are going to see the tragedy of the ages enacted if only we all do our duty. Therefore, on the threshold of that fight we have got to develop men in whom we all have absolute confidence. I am not going to say that to cast any reflection upon any others; only I will say this, that while there may be other men just as good as one who has been nominated here to-day, that we have got to judge a man by what he has done, and when we consider one of these men who have been placed in nomination here to-day, we know that he is made of material that will not flinch when the time comes requiring a stout heart. We also know that he possesses the utmost integrity of purpose. We also know that he possesses one of the qualities I firmly believe in, and that is idealism. And therefore this convention could not do a wiser thing than to make the election of William D. Haywood unanimous. (Applause.)

DEL. SIMONS: When we first heard of the Western Federation of Miners, we knew that the man who now occupies the chair and whose nomination I am going to second in a moment, possessed courage, possessed those characteristics that made him feared and hated as but one or two others, if any others in America, are feared and hated by those who are our enemies and the enemies of our class. I know personally, from the experience I have had with him in the conference and on the committee in this convention, that he is a man whose counsel is of value; a man who sees widely and clearly; we know him to be a man who has sat in this convention largely apart from the factions that may have arisen within it; and for all those reasons, plain, practical but strong reasons, I want to urge, as the gentleman who has just sat down, that we make his election unanimous.

DEL. HAYWOOD: Brothers and sisters, I realize the honor that has been conferred upon me by being placed before this convention as a candidate for the presidency of this organization; but it is impossible for me to accept the nomination. I have but recently left Salt Lake City, where the Western Federation of Miners held their thirteenth annual convention, and was there re-elected as Secretary-Treasurer of the Western Federation of Miners. I was elected in good faith by the membership of that organization. I accepted the office in good faith. When you stop to consider the condition of other officers in other labor organizations that have been involved in trouble, and think what it means to the officers of that organization to have been re-elected, you will understand where my duties lie at the present time. I want to stay there with the Western Federation of Miners to fill out the term for which I have been elected. In doing so I believe I can assist the Industrial Workers of the World. You can depend upon me at every turn in the road. You can crush me on the wheel, if you will; I will do everything I can to carry my part of the burden. But owing to the condition of my family making it impossible—or rather I do not desire to be away from home as much as an office of this kind would entail upon me. I cannot move my family to where the headquarters are likely to be located, and believing that that family is the first consideration, I must decline the nomination.

DEL. ALBERT RYAN: I decline the nomination; I was downstairs when I was nominated.

DEL. KLEMENSIC: I think we have men in this convention who are willing to do what is right, who have undoubtedly shown their ability in the labor movement and devoted their time to it. I would like to mention here for nomination Comrade Coates. He has been one of the staunch fighters for the last many years, and he would do as good as anybody. (Applause. Nomination seconded.)

A Delegate moved that the nominations be closed. No second.

A DELEGATE: I would like to ask, is Eugene V. Debs a member of this organization?

THE CHAIRMAN: Brother Debs not having been duly installed, it would occur to the Chair that he is not at this time regularly installed.

DEL. BARTLETT: I would like to place in nomination Daniel De Leon, of New York.

DEL. DE LEON: I decline. I beg to request the convention to drop my name. I have other work to do for which I am better fitted than to be the head of an organization of this nature. I decline.

THE CHAIRMAN: Charles O. Sherman and David C. Coates are nominees. If there is no further nomination—

DEL. COATES: I want to kindly thank Delegate Klemensic for this nomination, but I wish to say that I absolutely and positively decline to be a candidate before this convention for any position, President or in any other official capacity in this organization at the present time.

DEL. ROSS: I now move that the nominations be closed, and there remaining but one nomination, that of Delegate Sherman, that this convention make his nomination unanimous. (Motion seconded by Delegate T. J. Hagerty.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the nominations be closed and that Delegate Sherman be declared the unanimous choice of this convention for President. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for.)

DEL. DE LEON: By a rising vote.

THE CHAIRMAN: Those in favor of the motion will please rise to their feet. (The entire convention arose). Those opposed. The Secretary will cast the ballot of the convention for Delegate Sherman.

THE SECRETARY: Charles O. Sherman elected by unanimous vote President of the Industrial Workers of the World.

(Applause and calls for Sherman.)

DEL. SHERMAN: Mr. Chairman, Brothers and Sisters: As I never was placed in a position of this kind before, it is difficult for me to find words fitting for the occasion. I believe that this is the first time in my life that I have been untrue to myself. For the past six months I had resolved within myself and announced to my friends and the world that I was serving my last official term for labor, and I will assure you that the position that I am placed in makes it so embarrassing that it is hard to find words fitting for the occasion under those circumstances, and had it not been for the many warm friends that I have had a great many years in this movement and those that I have made in this convention; had it not been for them bringing the pressure to bear upon me that they did, I should certainly have declined this most honorable election. I feel that I have been honored with the greatest trust that any man was ever honored with in years (applause), because I feel that no man was ever offered an executive office or any position where the principles were involved that are involved in the Industrial Workers of the World. I feel that it was the greatest honor that could be bestowed upon any man when the Western Federation of Miners laid their vote at my feet, realizing as I did the vast material that they have got in their organization that I feel is superior to myself for a position of this kind; realizing the great education that they have had, and when they absolutely refuted to furnish a candidate and laid the force and the vote of that organization at my feet, I felt that it was the greatest honor that could be bestowed upon me. I trust, sisters and brothers, that you will realize as keenly as I do the responsibility that you have put upon me. As Mother Jones remarked, we are up against the real thing. But I feel that if I get the same co-operation of the sisters and brothers that there has been in this convention, if they give the same co-operation to the administration of this organization that they have to this convention, there will at the next convention be plenty of candidates for the executive head of this organization. (Applause). Because I feel that with the assistance of those who are joining this organization at the present time and those that will join between now and the next convention, we are going to have an industrial organization second to none in the world. I realize too keenly that there will not be one moment of quietude, there will not be one moment but what there will be a contest or fight on somewhere, but I will say to you, brothers, that as long as there is one drop of blood left in my body, if my constituents will stand by me they will find me on the battle line supporting the banner. (Applause). If we do not succeed, it will not be because we will recede from the position, but because we will be crushed. We will succeed or they must kill us. (Applause). The watchword must be, “There is no defeat. We must and will win.” (Applause). I hope and trust, as I said before, that every sister and brother, whether he or she may be close to the President of this organization or in other parts, that they will remember their obligation to the organization, that they will constitute themselves an organization, and if they do I am confident that we will win. As President of your organization I feel that it is my duty to carry out the laws of the constitution that you have adopted in this convention. I will exercise my right as given to me in those laws, and try to administer those laws and rules in a way that will be satisfactory to all who have endorsed this constitution. It will be the height of my ambition to see our organization grow, and our treasury, so that we can at as early a date as possible institute an educational bureau whereby we can reach with literature those who need education, and enlighten them on this work and upon the principles of industrial unionism based upon the class struggle. I will feel that it is my duty to look after all these things that we have pledged ourselves to do in the way of resolutions and in the way of the constitution, and do such other work as I believe will be the making of the organization. Now, I say, sisters and brothers, that I am opposed to having any office, whether it be the industrial or a political organization. I feel that I am now only your hired man and your servant, and I will try to conduct myself in that way; and I say to you that it is not the time to receive any applause or brass bands, but wait till my office has expired, and then if my work shows that it is worthy of a brass band or applause, then it is up to you to say whether I receive them or not. (Applause). If I deliver the goods along with the constituents and the membership, then we will join hands and feel that we unitedly are entitled to praise. I thank you most sincerely. (Applause.)

President Sherman was then called before Chairman Haywood, to be installed.

CHAIRMAN HAYWOOD: President Sherman, the Ritual Committee, have prepared a pledge. “You have been selected by the members of this organization to assume the responsibilities of office. The place of difficulty and danger is the post of honor. It is neither to be sought nor shunned. All that the world has gained is the gift of the toilers. They stand with empty hands, but they are coming to claim their own. It is your duty to carry out the policies that will best defend their interests. Your devotion and courage will hasten the day when those who have known only toil and gloom shall enjoy the sunshine and the beauty of the world. Let neither praise nor slander take you from the path of duty. The measure of your service will be the measure of our love. Guard well the interests confided to your care.”

President Sherman then assumed the duties of President, amid applause.

PRESIDENT SHERMAN: Sisters and Brothers, I subscribe to the charge in full, and will, to the very best of my ability, carry them out to the letter. I would like to say, however, that a remark was made here on the floor of this convention that the American Federation of Labor was going to be one of our opponents. My position would be this: that in any open fight or battle or battles that they wish to challenge us to, if they will come in the open and discuss the proposition we are willing to leave the decision to the rank and file. (Applause). I believe the next order of business will be the nomination and election of a General Secretary-Treasurer.

DEL. HALL: Mr. Chairman, I desire to place in nomination for this responsible office a man whom I know personally, and whom the world knows to have made a great personal sacrifice for the industrial union movement at a time when he had no encouragement to do so; a man who has asked for nothing; a man who has taken upon himself the work of furthering this movement without any idea of personal gain. I am satisfied that when I mention the name of the person whom I wish to place in nomination there is not a person in the United States who has kept himself familiar with the labor movement but will say with me that he stands almost peerless in the way of a personal sacrifice to the interests of the working people, and that man is William E. Trautmann, of Cincinnati. (Applause.)

DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: In seconding the nomination of William E. Trautmann I would say that from the time of the issuance of this Manifesto the entire power of the machinery of the American Federation of Labor was brought to bear upon William Ernest Trautmann; that his organization, the United Brewery Workers, although voting overwhelmingly to retain him in his position as the editor of the “Brauer Zeitung,” was itself cheated out of the services of Brother Trautmann by the casting of fraudulent ballots against him; that as editor of the “Brauer Zeitung” he was in the fore front of the radical labor movement of the world, and by reason of his intimate familiarity with the labor movement not only of America, but of all continental Europe, by reason of his personal relations with the secretary of the International Labor Bureau at Berlin, of his personal relations with Emilio Pauget of France, of his personal relations with the labor movement of Italy, of Denmark and of Germany, he is known not only in this country as a man absolutely familiar with the revolutionary economic spirit of the world-wide working class, but his name is not unknown in foreign lands, where he is recognized as standing by the principles of the Industrial Workers of the World. And I move you, if it is not out of order, in seconding this nomination, that his election be made by acclamation of this entire congress here. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: I will rule that at this time the motion would be out of order. Any other nominations?

DEL. MORRISON: In view of what has been said I rise to second the nomination that is now before this body. In the labors that have been performed by our worthy brother, W. E. Trautmann, I desire to say this: To my mind, the power and the integrity and the wisdom that he has displayed in his every-day life and in his connection with this movement from its incipiency do not in any degree reveal to me the character of a weak stream which searches out some little channel in which to wind its fickle and sickly course. And again, my brothers, they do not remind me of the headlong torrent which carries havoc in its mad career. But his every act and his ability resemble, to me, the mighty ocean which this organization must manifest to the world; an unceasing power, ever restless upon its bed, heaving the mighty waters to the shore. And, my brothers and sisters, he to-day represents that particular emblem of majestic power. And as a mighty ocean, this man and this movement identified together will prove their power and their efficiency by their common action. I believe W. E. Trautmann represents to this organization the individual who should administer the affairs of this office and to the best interests of this organization. (Applause.)

DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: I have known Brother Trautmann since last September only, but since last January I have been intimately associated with him in the work of the Executive Committee that has prepared for this convention. I want to say, Mr. Chairman, that in my opinion there are two requirements for an official position in this organization. One of them, which is the less of the two in my opinion, is perfect familiarity with the work with which he has to contend or meet, and the other, which is the most important of all, is the willingness to meet any test to which he may be put. I believe that the members of this organization, particularly the members of the Executive Board and its officers, are going to be placed in a position where, if they perform their work properly, they will be the target, not for the American Federation, as has been referred to on this floor, so much as the target for the capitalist class. And I want to say, Mr. Chairman, that in my judgment the fight of the capitalist class in Colorado against the Western Federation of Miners will, by the side of this that we are approaching, be the mere skirmish, and this is to be the battle. I believe that when men are to place particularly their lives in the hands of other men, we should have men who can be absolutely trusted with the lives of those men with whom they are associated. I do not know any other man with whom I would care to place my life if I were to be associated with this movement, than William E. Trautmann, the man who has been nominated. (Applause). I move you that the nominations now be closed and that the President cast the ballot of this association for William E. Trautmann as the unanimous choice of this organization for Secretary-Treasurer of the Industrial Workers of the World. (Seconded.)

DEL. POWERS: I rise to second the motion; and I will say on the nomination of Brother Trautmann, that the people I represent here are familiar with the name of Comrade Trautmann. We know that he is one of the pioneers of this movement. We know also of the great sacrifices he has made, and I know also of the work that he has done in this convention, and the hardly comprehensible amount of work which he has done in the launching of this organization. It is hardly conceivable to me how a man could go through all the work which he has gone through since this movement took its initiative step. I think, also, comrades, that when the workingmen of America have an opportunity to see the typical workingman represented by Comrade Trautmann, and to know by his speech and by his actions that he is the real every-day workingman, the man who has got the education necessary as a worker and all that sort of thing they will feel that the work of this organization is in the hands of the right man. Now, comrades, I do not feel equal to the emergency; I do not feel equal to the task of giving Comrade Trautmann the credit which properly belongs to him, but I heartily endorse on behalf of the Socialist Trade & Labor Alliance and heartily second the motion of the comrade to close the nominations and make the election of Comrade Trautmann unanimous. (Applause.)

DEL. FERBER: Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, I am not rising to place in nomination a new candidate, but I am simply here for the purpose of giving my second to the nomination already made. This is not because I agree with him politically and that I am affiliated in the same craft, but it is because we meet on the same economic field; that is why I second the nomination.

DEL. HAYWOOD: Mr. Chairman and Delegates: Considerable stress has been laid on the fact that some of the nominees that have been mentioned have received the support of the Western Federation of Miners. I take this opportunity of seconding the nomination of Brother Trautmann, and assuring him, believing that I voice the sentiments of the representatives of the Western Federation of Miners, of our entire support. We will render every assistance to himself and the President in carrying out the work of this organization, and we will expect him to give us full returns. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the nominations now close and that we make Brother Trautmann’s election unanimous. Those that are in favor of the motion will signify the same by rising to their feet. (The entire convention rose, amid applause). I will instruct the Assistant Secretary to cast one ballot for Brother Trautmann.

ASSISTANT SECRETARY LANGDON: I hereby cast my ballot as the unanimous choice of this organization as Secretary-Treasurer for W. E. Trautmann.

(Calls for Secretary Trautmann.)

SECRETARY TRAUTMANN: My comrades, in the early days of my life, confronted by the conditions of being raised from the slums of this proletarians of the world, I have known the class conflict on all its sides in every part of the world, and I was made by cruel conditions a slave, but a class conscious slave of the working class. In Russia, when the first lashings were administered to me in the same city where to-day the revolution arises, from that day I have become, not by the mere study of the works of the economists, not by a study of the conditions as they are shown in the books, but by the cruel, barbarous conditions under which my class has been evolved, I have become a class conscious wage worker and a wage slave. (Applause). Driven from one part of the world to another: born in a country which is considered to be free, in New Zealand; my father himself being a miner and crushed to death in the mines; from that day on my family was separated and I became a victim of the present system, and as a victim I became a warrior against the conditions that have made me a victim. (Applause). I came to this country, where my father was a citizen until he was forced to emigrate to New Zealand. When I entered upon the shores of this country, I found the same conditions prevailing as I found over in Russia, in Germany, in all the countries of the world wherever I had a chance to travel as a wage earner. I was a member of the United Brewery Workers, an organization of which I am proud because the rank and file are in it. When a member of that organization that to-day stands foremost in all the battles of the wage earners of this country, I went through all the struggles with them and have seen defeats and have seen victories. And today, I say as a United Brewery Worker that I know the rank and file will pretty soon be ready to become a part of the Industrial Workers of the World. There were days in this country when we had to work sixteen and eighteen hours a day. I saw the progress that that organization made under the leadership of progressive men in those early days, and I saw how this organization was later on, through the instrumentals of the capitalist class, made an auxiliary of the capitalist system of society, not by the fault of the rank and file themselves, but by their ignorance to observe and their having too much confidence in leadership. (Applause.) I have seen in this country, in the strikes and lock-outs, the spirit of the men and women crushed. I have seen them stand on the picket line. I have seen them when they were making their masterly fight against the capitalist class, and I have seen the labor lieutenants of the capitalist class crush the spirit of the men in those days, with the assistance of a man who to-day is paraded as a leader of labor, and I swore to myself that the fight we have to make is against the capitalist system as well as against those who are becoming and have been made the agents of the capitalist class. The aim of this organization will be to fight against the capitalist class with all its emissaries, and the co-operation of every man and woman in this land is necessary in order to make the battle successful. In accepting this office in the Industrial Workers of the World I realize the confidence that the representatives of the working class of this country have placed in me. I realize also that the storm and the fight will begin from this day on. Through all my life I have tried to be on the right side, although I was always in the minority, but it is not a shame or a disgrace to stand with the minority, because a time will come when the minority will be the majority. (Applause). The industrial organization of the working class is going to be the strongest of the class conscious toilers of this land; and when the message goes before the toilers, when they realize what has been done at this convention, when they realize that within them will lie the power of this organization in the referendum vote, when they know that this organization is going to spread, the men will become class conscious and will take up their place as members of this organization, knowing that we are building a structure that will be lasting and will not fall to pieces as other organizations have done. We know that the foundation of this organization is right; it is correct, and we are bound to build up upon this foundation a structure whose foundation is individual integrity, and while we have to go through all these fights and the every-day struggle, we know that our goal will be reached, and will be reached by the co-operation of those who are longing for a better form of society. I look to see the day when the working class will be their own masters, and not the slaves of a master class; and with that object clear before my eyes I pledge to this organization of the working class, not to the representatives at this convention only, but to the entire working class, the devoting of my energies to the interests of the victims of the capitalist system of society, of which I have been one. I thank you. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: Brother Haywood, will you please take the Chair?

DEL. HAYWOOD: Have you got tired already?

THE PRESIDENT: I was tired before I came here.

(Delegate Haywood took the Chair.)

CHAIRMAN HAYWOOD: There are two members at large of the Executive Board to be elected. Nominations will now be in order.

DEL. COATES: As I understand the recommendation of Committee on Constitution on this matter, it provided that the convention elect five members of the Executive Board, and not two. It seems to me that we should pursue the course laid down by the committee; that is, select one of them from the Western Federation of Miners, one from the U. B. R. E., and one from the United Metal Workers, and then two at large. I believe that was the line laid down in the recommendation, and I think that we ought to follow that.

THE CHAIRMAN: I followed the instructions of the President.

DEL. COATES: Oh, you did?

THE CHAIRMAN: This recommendation reads: “Your Committee on Constitution recommends that this convention elect a Provisional Executive Board of seven to conduct the affairs of the organization until its progress at the next national convention. The said Provisional Board shall consist of the General President, the General Secretary-Treasurer, and five other members; two of these to be elected at large, one from the United Metal Workers and one from the United Brotherhood of Railway Employes. When the W. F. M., the U. B. R. E., and the United Metal Workers elect their members on the General Executive Board, the provisional delegates from their respective organizations shall withdraw.”

DEL. COATES: Then I am simply mistaken. The two general officers then come first.

THE CHAIRMAN: The two general officers have been disposed of.

DEL. COATES: The two at large come first. Your apology is accepted, Mr. Chairman. (Laughter.)

THE CHAIRMAN: Nominations for delegates at large are in order.

DEL. MORRISON: I would nominate as Delegate at Large Brother Pat O’Neil of Arkansas.

DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: I was going to do the same thing. I want to second the nomination of Pat O’Neil.

DEL. WILKE: I want to place in nomination before this convention as a member of that executive committee one who is conversant with the class movement of this country; who has participated in its strifes and struggles; who I think is duly qualified for the position. That man is the textile worker of Providence, R. I., Thomas Powers. (Applause.)

DEL. WHITE: I desire at this time to place in nomination a brother who is well known in the northwest and Chicago, and especially Canada; Brother John Riordan of Phoenix, British Columbia.

DEL. BAKER: I rise to lend my voice in seconding the nomination of Brother Riordan. I want to say that during the entire period of my official connection with the Western Federation of Miners I have had the pleasure of being in intimate and close association with Brother Riordan, and I have always found him what I believe an organization desires in an executive officer.

DEL. COATES: As I understand it now, we are to elect two on the same ballot?

THE CHAIRMAN: At this time.

DEL. COATES: Yes, we are to select two at once?


DEL. COATES: Well, Mr. Chairman and Fellow Delegates, I have no desire to waste the time of this convention in oratory as to the qualifications of the candidate whom I wish to name. I only want to say that he is well known in a heart of the jurisdiction of this organization that will bring, I think immediately, its greatest strength if it is properly and early looked after; a man who is well known there for his work in organization. I wish to place before the convention the nomination of F. W. Cronin of Butte, Montana. (Applause.)

DEL. BARTLETT: I would like to place in nomination a brother who knows a good deal about the form of organization that we have established, and I think he belongs there on the executive committee. I place in nomination Thomas J. Hagerty.

DEL. HAGERTY: I decline.

DEL. DE LEON: I rise to second two of the nominations, without disparagement to the others. The spirit of the resolution under which we are working provides for a temporary representation on the Executive Board by the organizations that have come instructed to affiliate with this body. Of these organizations three are already industrial organizations; they are the Western Federation of Miners, the Brother of Railway Employes, and the Metal Workers. The three are recognized by the resolution and allowed to choose their representatives, so we are bound to have representatives from them. But there are two other organizations that will be ripped up after this convention adjourns, and both of them have come with instructions to affiliate. These two organizations are the A. L. U. and the S. T. & L. A. Now, in obedience to what I consider to be the spirit of the resolution under which we are working, I rise to second the nomination of Delegate Riordan of the A. L. U., and Delegate Powers of the S. T. & L. A. (Applause.)

DEL. FERBER: I rise to second the nominations of the two delegates who have already been placed in nomination, and I think both have been seconded; they were the delegate from Arkansas who has introduced the Arkansas hog, and I also wish to introduce the little fat pig from Rhode Island, Delegate Powers. (Laughter.)

DEL. GILBERT: It seems to me an effort should be made to have an element represented that will not be represented by the other three. I am not going to say a word against those who have been nominated. I know some of them, and I am fully certain that they possess all the necessary qualifications, but for the sake of having a broader representation I desire to place in nomination an individual here who is very well known and who has had the courage to ally himself with this organization in spite of the fact that he occupies to-day an official position with the American Federation of Labor; a man who is well known by the masses; a man who has done considerable work for them in our mining states. That man is Charles L. Spiegel of the Utah State Federation of Labor. (Applause.)

DEL. MORRISON: I move you that the nominations be closed. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved that the nominations now close. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for). Those in favor will signify it by saying aye; contrary no. The nominations are closed. I will appoint as tellers Brother White, Brother Ross and Brother Klemensic.

DEL. ALBERT RYAN: I would like to ask what arrangements have been made for casting our ballots.

THE CHAIRMAN: There has been no provision made.

DEL. RYAN: I think there ought to be something done in the matter before, we go any further, to avoid any possible confusion.

DEL. CLARENCE SMITH: Mr. Chairman, if I understand the resolution of the Constitution Committee, these members of the Board are to be voted upon by those delegates who do not represent the organizations that have already selected their representatives, or are they to be voted on by all of the delegates?

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate Smith, the spirit of the resolution of this organization clearly sets forth that the administration shall rest in its entire membership. Every Board member or officer elected on the floor of this convention will be elected by the entire convention.

DEL. SMITH: It is not an argument on my part as to how they should be elected, but simply a question of information. I had understood the resolutions to say that the other delegations should withdraw pending the selection. I simply wanted to be put right in the matter, that is all.

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not so understand it. (The Chairman again read the provisions.)

DEL. DE LEON: As I understand the motion as to the method of voting, I perceive that there is going to be some difficulty here. I move you that the Secretary call the roll, and that the delegates as their names are mentioned state their preferences, and in that way we will ascertain where the majority lies. Then the tellers can count them if they like. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded that in the election of officers the Secretary will call the roll, and the delegates will announce their choice, and the tellers will so record it.

DEL. DE LEON: The number of votes.

DEL. COATES: I wish to make an amendment to the motion, that the election be by ballot; that the Secretary will call out each delegate’s name with the number of votes, and that he writes the number of his votes on one side of a piece of paper and his choice on the other side, and as he deposits the ballot in the hat he shall show the tellers the number of votes that he casts, so that every one just casts his own vote. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been moved and seconded as an amendment that the election shall be by ballot; that the Secretary shall call the roll, the delegate will write the name of his choice on one side of a slip of paper and the number of votes on the other, and that he shall show the tellers the number of votes when he deposits the ballot.

DEL. WILKE: I rise to speak against the amendment. I contend that in so far as no ruling has been taken on any vote taken for the election of officers, and in so far as this amendment is virtually a roll call with a subterfuge to dodge the record, I hope this amendment will not prevail.

DEL. DE LEON: I oppose the amendment for the reason that it will create confusion. Take for instance our own delegates. We have been instructed to give the vote of our organization. We have twelve ballots. Now then, if I cast a ballot I would not know what share of the votes I would be casting. We have been doing that during this convention, and this is a late hour to establish a different method. We have during this convention been voting the delegation as a unit. Now, by what process except one that will keep us here all day almost—by what process are we every time to find out who are the delegates present, and how many happen to be absent, and in that way allot the vote of our organization? I imagine that the same thing will happen with some other organization. I fail to see what is accomplished by putting the thing in shape of a ballot. If the Secretary calls the roll as he has done hitherto, every time a man’s name is mentioned you know the vote he is casting, and they can mention their candidates, getting up as they are called up. The ballot system will confuse the matter, and besides confusing it it will make it a long-drawn process.

DEL. COATES: Mr. Chairman, the only purpose I had in making my motion was this: that this convention in the election of the two officers that it has elected has followed absolutely the system of balloting. Each of the officers that have been elected have been elected on motions that an officer of this convention cast the ballot of this convention. Practically I have never been in an organization that elected its officers any other way than by ballot. Now, in answer to the argument of the last speaker—or not exactly in answer to the argument, but my position on the vote is this, that if any group here desires to vote its unanimous vote for any candidates it can so agree among itself, and one of that group can cast its entire vote for the candidates it decides on; as the S. T. & L. A. delegate gets up to cast his vote the Secretary will simply announce that the S. T. & L. A. casts 1,400 votes, or whatever the number is, and the delegate will simply show to the tellers that he is casting that number of votes, so there cannot be any confusion about the thing. They are entitled to their delegation vote, and they can cast it either separately or all together as they please.

The question was put by the Chairman. Before the result was announced Delegate Coates called for a division. A rising vote was taken, resulting: yes, 37; no, 30. So the amendment was carried.

The Chairman announced the candidates as Pat O’Neil, Thomas Powers, John Riordan, Frank W. Cronin and Charles L. Spiegel. The delegates then deposited their votes in the manner provided for in the amendment.

Delegate Miller was called to the chair to preside in place of Delegate Haywood.

DEL. DINGER: If it will be in order, I move you that we continue in session till we get through. I do not think there is much business before the house, and I think we can get through before adjournment. (Seconded.)

DEL. LANGDON: Mr. Chairman, as there are resolutions to come before the house to be reported on, I object to that.

The motion was put and carried.

DEL. HELD: As the convention this morning has given power to the Committee on Arrangements for the Ratification Meeting to take up another collection in order to cover the deficit, I would like to have you announce from the Chair that we shall take up the collection at the present time.

THE CHAIRMAN: That will not be in order till after this vote is taken.

DEL. PAT O’NEIL: To expedite matters, while they are counting the vote I have a resolution. May I read it?

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not think it would be in order, comrade.

DEL. O’NEIL: All right.

THE CHAIRMAN: The convention will listen to the report of the tellers.

The result of the ballot was announced by Delegate White, as follows:

Pat O’Neil: 8,278

John Riordan: 40,446

F. W. Cronin: 33,554

Thomas J. Powers: 7,189

C. L. Spiegel: 401

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegates Riordan and Cronin having received the highest number of votes, or a majority of all the votes cast for members of the Provisional Executive Council, I declare them elected.

DEL. PAT O’NEIL: Mr. Chairman, I am glad to see the vote cast as it was. Those men come from the two organizations that have made this industrial organization possible. I thank the delegates for the complimentary vote that was given me, who came here empty-handed and alone. I can follow the work I do now. I came here recognizing that the men who came here with organizations behind them were the bone and sinew of this movement, and I heartily congratulate those two men on their election, and if I am not out of order I would like to make a motion that the election of these two men be made unanimous. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: Now, the next thing in order will be the selection of members of the Executive Board by the delegations of the Western Federation of Miners, the United Metal Workers and the United Brotherhood of Railway Employees.

DEL. WHITE: I want to say, as chairman of the delegation, that the United Brotherhood of Railway Employees yesterday afternoon in session elected Brother Frank McCabe as their choice on the Executive Board.

DEL. DINER: I move you that Brother Frank McCabe be the choice of this convention on that committee. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried, and Delegate McCabe’s selection declared ratified by the convention.

DEL. SHERMAN: As a representative of the United Metal Workers I desire to place before this delegation the name of Charles Kirkpatrick, of the United Metal Workers, as their representative on the Executive Board.

DEL. HOPKINS: I move you that the recommendation of the United Metal Workers be concurred in by this convention, and that Brother Kirkpatrick be the unanimous choice of this convention to represent the United Metal Workers on the Executive Board. (Seconded.)

The Chairman put the motion and it was carried, and the selection of Delegate Kirkpatrick was declared ratified by the convention.

DEL. BAKER: On behalf of the Western Federation of Miners I wish to say that the unanimous choice of our delegates is our worthy President, Charles H. Moyer.

DEL. PAT O’NEIL: I move you that he be the unanimous choice of this convention also. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried, and Delegate Moyer’s selection declared ratified by the convention.

DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: The Committee on Constitution desires to get through with its work and be discharged by this convention.


DEL. WHITE: I move that we proceed with the installation of those officers.

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not think it is necessary to put the motion. The next thing in order will be the installation of the officers. It seems to me that the platform here is the proper place for the members of the Executive Board, the Secretary-Treasurer and the President of the organization as well. In the installation this morning the Chairman overlooked the obligation.

The officers and members of the Executive Board proceeded to the platform and arranged themselves before the Chairman.

THE CHAIRMAN (addressing the candidates): You have been selected by the members of this organization to bear the responsibilities of office. The post of difficulty and duty is the post of honor. It is neither to be sought nor shunned. All that the world has gained is the gift of the toilers. They stand with empty hands, but they are coming to claim their own. It is your duty to carry out the policies that will best defend their interests. Your devotion and courage will hasten the day when those who have known only toil and gloom shall enjoy the sunshine and beauty of the world. Let neither praise nor slander take you from the path of duty. The measure of your service will be the measure of our love. You will now raise your right hand and repeat after me:

“I. . . . . promise to fulfill the duties of my office to the best of my ability. I promise to deliver all books, papers, money or other property entrusted to my care to my successor in office or faithfully account for the same. I shall obey the constitution of the Industrial Workers of the World, in letter and spirit. I further promise to use all my efforts to secure unity of action among the workers, on both the political and economic field, and never by any act of mine create dissension in the councils or division in the ranks of the workers. To all of which I pledge my sacred honor.”

The obligation was taken by all the officers.

THE CHAIRMAN: The officers and members of the Executive Board of the Industrial Workers of the World are duly installed. (Applause).

DEL. HELD: Are we under the head of unfinished business yet?

THE CHAIRMAN: I think the next thing in the regular order is the selection of the meeting place.

Here Delegate Miller retired and President Sherman took the chair.


DEL. HALL: Mr. Chairman, do I understand that the business of selecting the headquarters of this organization is now under consideration?

THE PRESIDENT: I did not understand that there was a committee appointed to select headquarters. I understood it was to be left to the convention.

DEL. HALL: Then is that the matter before the convention now?


DEL. HALL: Well, I am going to make a suggestion. I am going to nominate a place for the headquarters of this organization. I do not care to occupy too much of your time, but I would like to go just a little into details in order to show you why I am making this selection. Now, the natural conclusion of a person is that the headquarters of an organization of this kind should be at the industrial center of the United States, but I do not agree with that opinion. It occurs to me that it should be closely situated to the industrial center of the United States, but I believe that to establish it directly within the industrial center of the United States has a bad effect upon the organization itself. I have been at a number of points and cities where the headquarters of the different organizations have been, and I have always found that it has a baneful influence upon the organized labor of that particular point. You take the cities of the United States where the headquarters of any organization that is well known is located, and you will find that the laboring people are not organized in that place. I would cite to you Indianapolis, one of the headquarters cities of the United States, and I venture to say that it is one of the least organized cities in the United States to-day; and I believe that if you will look over the ground you will find that that applies in every city where there is a headquarters of an organization that really amounts to anything. Now, I do not attempt to say why this is, but I believe it is due to the fact that too much dependence is placed upon the general headquarters by the membership of the organization when they are immediately in contact with it. Now, we want for a headquarters a place where offices can be equipped and maintained cheaply; a place where printing can be done cheaply, and a place where we have easy connections with the industrial centers of the United States. Now, I am going to suggest the town of Joliet, Illinois, as the headquarters of the industrial union movement, for this reason: We have several railways connecting with Joliet; we have a number of electric lines connecting with Joliet; and I venture to say that all the printing that is done for the organization will probably be done in Joliet because it can be done cheaper and be done better; and then the office rent in a city like Joliet is much lower than any place else, and that is going to be a considerable item for an organization in locating itself. Joliet is a well-advertised city. There isn’t anybody in the United States but what knows of Joliet, and it has easy access from all parts of the United States, just as much so as Chicago. And then if there is any baneful influence coming from the headquarters of the organization, for instance, taking the board of directors that was just initiated into this organization, I have never seen any place better guarded if we wanted to seclude those men as much as possible from public gaze. Therefore I suggest Joliet, Illinois, as the headquarters. (Applause).

DEL. BRADLEY: I am not much in favor Joliet. You know what they have got there. I think Joliet is a very safe place for the headquarters of the Industrial Workers of the World, but I don’t see that that is any reason why we should go there. I have in mind a little town nearly as big as Joliet, but it will probably be more serviceable for the purposes of the Industrial Workers of the World, and that town is Chicago. (Applause).

DEL. FERBER: I want to nominate a town which has been placed upon the map several times—Milwaukee.

DEL. COATES: Mr. Chairman, I want to make a motion that the selection of headquarters of this organization be left with the Executive Board of this organization. Now, I do this at this time for this reason: We all more or less have had experience in the labor movement. We realize that from now on the struggle will become more and more intense. We, realize that this organization is going to grow and be powerful; that it is going to be surrounded by every condition that opposition can bring. Now, personally I am opposed to the headquarters being in a large industrial center or a large town, for this reason, that you are surrounded on every hand by all kinds of spies and detectives, and it is almost impossible for the headquarters to protect itself against them. In large towns you will find them by the hundreds. I think any small place contiguous and accessible to a big town is preferable for the headquarters; I think that there the headquarters can guard itself absolutely against the outside, and I want the Board to take these things into consideration, and that is the reason I make the motion that the selection of the headquarters be referred to the Board.

DEL. J. C. SULLIVAN: I will willingly second the motion of Delegate Coates that the selection of a city wherein the headquarters of the Industrial Workers of the World are to be located for the ensuing year be left to the Executive Board. I have confidence in the Executive Board selected by this convention. I believe that they will be guided by reason, and that they will select such a place as the conditions under which we are to continue the struggle for the emancipation of mankind shall make most appropriate and most convenient for conducting our affairs. While I am an insignificant factor in this convention, I again second the motion of Delegate Coates that the selection of the headquarters, of the city or place within which the headquarters of the organization shall be left with the Executive Board.

DEL. SAUNDERS: I am in favor of Chicago, and I will tell you why. A remark was made by Delegate Coates that the capitalists will have their spies about us in a large industrial center. But if you take the headquarters to Quincy or some other small town, do you suppose the capitalists would not keep spies on you all the time? Is it the purpose of this organization to evade the eyes of capitalist spies? We have nothing to hide from them. We state our purpose in the Manifesto. Our purpose is ostensibly to take control of the means of life. That is what we are working for. Chicago is the proper place. It is the place where all can come. Read French history and you will find that Paris is always the center of the revolutionary spirit. We want Chicago as the headquarters because it is going to be the center of the economic revolution. If we place the headquarters at Joliet we will have to come to Chicago first, any way. Chicago is centrally located. It is the center of two million people. It is the industrial center of the United States. Delegate Coates said—maybe I am a little out of order—the gentleman said that if there was any opposition to this organization that it would not last another year. He goes on and says it is going to grow.

DEL. COATES: I did not say any such thing.

DEL. SAUNDERS: I beg your pardon. You said it might last another year, and I will leave it to the delegates.

DEL. COATES: I didn’t say any such thing.

DEL. SAUNDERS: That was your argument. I will leave it to the delegates.

THE PRESIDENT: The selection of a location for headquarters is the business before the convention, and two towns have been placed in nomination. If I understand the proposition right, any delegate has a right to place in nomination any town that in his judgment would be a proper location.

DEL. MORRISON: A point of order. Isn’t there a proposition before the house, and a second?

THE PRESIDENT: I rule the motion out of order.

DEL. WILKE: Mr. Chairman, I do not believe that at this time we should dump everything onto the incoming Executive Board. I believe the time has come for decisive action. We know what we want and we know how we want it. I do not believe in making motions to refer everything to the incoming Executive Board. Their load will be heavy enough before they get through with their labors, without encumbering them, with the insignificant proposition of selecting headquarters. It is immaterial to me where the headquarters are situated. What concerns me most is the action of the men that will constitute the Executive Board at that headquarters; that is the vital point, and I hope a decision will soon be reached.

DEL. PAT O’NEIL: Mr. Chairman, I have just a suggestion to make, and that is this: The men elected on that National Executive Board come from the west and northwest, with the exception of two. The great bulk of this organization lies in the west and northwest, and at the present time and for the next year the headquarters of this organization should be near the body behind it. That is the only idea that I have got about this thing, and I would suggest that for the first year at least the headquarters of this organization be somewhere further west, four or five or six or seven or eight hundred miles west of here where the body of its strength is.

DEL. GILBERT: I was going to suggest a point very similar to what Del. Pat O’Neil has, for this reason: There is no doubt at all in my mind but what this organization, if it is to be successful, must be in touch with the people where it wants to do something, and that will be west of Chicago unquestionably. But while we are discussing the idea of the place I wish to offer a suggestion that might be adopted later on, and that is that after you have got a strong influence built up for the organization there is only one place, in my estimation, that should be considered for the permanent headquarters, and that is the place that we expect to capture in a little while, Washington, D. C. We ought to get right there under the shadow of the capitol. (Applause). Don’t be sentimental about this. There is something more than sentiment attached to it. There we are not at a seat of industry. All of you men who have had a great deal of experience know that it is a good thing that we are away from the conflict. You want to be away from that, and you also want to be where you can have good postal facilities and also good transportation facilities, and Washington, D. C., offers you those things, and the fact that it is already the headquarters of the American Federation of Labor shows that in my estimation it was a good thing to go there, and that when we camp right on their trail we will also be where we can keep our hand upon the whole pulse of the labor problem and upon the legislation of this country. But I think that for the first year at least it would be a great deal better to place the headquarters further west, and I think it would be very much better to have them in a city like Denver for the first year.

(Delegate Haywood was called to the chair).

PRESIDENT SHERMAN: I would like to say a word on this, Mr. Chairman and Brother Delegates. I believe we have in nomination three points—four now; Joliet, Chicago, Milwaukee and Denver. The objection has been raised to Joliet on account of the high walls. Perhaps it would be all right to have them nearer the high walls, and I want to say to the brothers that if it ever becomes necessary to put men behind the high walls it would not cost anything for the transportation and they could get us there very quick. But I think the brother who is talking about Washington is afraid that the Executive Board and the officers of the Industrial Workers of the World will perhaps desire at certain times to exercise their right at the ballot box, and he is trying to disfranchise them by locating them in a town where they cannot vote, which is Washington, D. C. A brother laid great stress on the fact that the bulk of our organization force was in the west. It is at the present time, but I feel that the baby has only been born, and it is going to grow, and before the next convention we are going to have strength all around Chicago in every direction. I can concur in Brother Coates’s remarks as to a large industrial center for a labor organization, and especially a National labor organization, and while I appreciate with all kindness the other brother who stated that they wanted the headquarters at the seat of war, which is very good, yet I want to say to you, brothers, that you have imposed a burden upon the officers and the Executive Board of this organization such as has never been imposed upon a set of officers in any labor organization in the past. I want to say to you, brothers, that that matter will be taken up when we get to work and get to talking about handling the welfare and the progress of this organization; and while I as President will always grasp the hand of any sister or brother, I realize the fact that in a large industrial center the enthusiasm of the rank and file of the sisters and brothers will naturally draw them to our office many times for nothing more than to pay their respects, but at the same time when they are paying their respects they may be taking up some of the most valuable time that we have got, which might be used in doing the work that should be done. So I realize keenly that a small town near an industrial center is far superior for those whom you have chosen to serve you, because you want them to do the work and you expect them to do the work. Hence, if you place them in a place where they will naturally be subjected to the more or less unnecessary paying of visits you place them in a position where they will not be able to carry out the work that they could and would like to do and that which you expect them to do. Hence, if I could entertain the motion of Brother Coates I should have done so: not with the idea, by any means, that this Executive Board should have any power not vested in them by the Constitution, but that they might use their own good judgment. I presume we will have to have a temporary office to begin with, any way. I expect that, owing to the position that we are in financially. We are not at the present time in a position to go to any town and there rent any particular headquarters, and I do not see the necessity of it at the present moment. Owing to the fact that the United Metal Workers has quite a large office on West Madison street, I will say that the Industrial Workers of the World may have the rent of it free for the benefit of the organization. (Applause.) But I realize this, that those who never occupied an official position realize very little the amount of company that has to be entertained in those offices, and every moment, every second, sometimes, is worth dollars while a brother or sister may be there with a very important message, or you perhaps at that very moment are just at the point of writing some very important telegram and have called a boy over to take the telegram; a message that you want to go into the field where there is a battle and where the receipt of that message may have an effect on that battle. Hence I say, brothers and sisters, that I have realized keenly for years from my own experience and from the experiences of those who have held executive office, that a small town near a large industrial center, where they have good access to the mail and communication and transportation, is superior to a large industrial center. If you will talk to those who have had experience they will make the same statement to you. Now that is all I desire to say on that, and I thank you.

DEL. COATES: I do not desire to go into an argument, because I want to save time. I want to do what I think the best thing for the organization. And I am not going to appeal from the decision of the Chair. But, for the life of me, I cannot understand why you ruled my motion out of order.

THE CHAIRMAN: For the reason that the Chair announced that the convention was to have the naming of the headquarters or locality for the headquarters, and I had accepted nominations previous to your making the motion. Now I would feel that it would be necessary for the nominees or those who have placed the different towns in nomination, to withdraw their nominations, and then your motion would be in order.

DEL. COATES: All right, I think my motion is still in order, because the convention has the power at any time to delegate its powers to the Executive Board. We have done that time and time again by resolutions before the convention.

DEL. WILKE: I rise to move the previous question. (Seconded.)

DEL. FERBER: For the sake of harmony, though Milwaukee is so close to Chicago, and I think when the electric lines are finished Milwaukee will be superior to Chicago, I withdraw my choice of Milwaukee.

DEL. WHITE: I move as an amendment to Chicago, Washington, Joliet and other towns, that these places be referred to the incoming Executive Board for their consideration. (Seconded.)

DEL. WILKE: I moved the previous question, and it was seconded.

The motion of Delegate White was seconded.

DEL. J. C. SULLIVAN: I desire at this time to offer a substitute for all the motions and amendments, namely, that the matter of the selection of a headquarters for the provisional government of the Industrial Workers of the World be left to the Executive Board. Now, before I relinquish the floor I would ask if the Chair would entertain that motion as a substitute.

THE CHAIRMAN: I believe it would be in order.

DEL. SULLIVAN: That is all I desire to know.

A DELEGATE: I second the motion.

THE CHAIRMAN: A substitute has been offered to leave the selection of headquarters to the incoming Executive Board. Are you ready for the question? (Question asked for). Those in favor of the same will signify it by saying aye. Contrary minded no. The ayes have it and it is so ordered. I will announce now that the temporary headquarters will be at 148 West Madison street, Chicago, until further notice.


DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: I ask for the consideration of this report so that we will get through with it, as one of the Constitution Committee cannot remain here more than ten or fifteen minutes longer. The committee yesterday did not finish their work on the constitution report.

THE CHAIRMAN: The Constitution Committee has a further report to make.

DEL. HAGERTY: A further report, and I think that will be all.

THE CHAIRMAN: We will hear the report of the Constitution Committee.

Del. Hagerty, of the Committee, read the following report:

“We, your Committee, further recommend that Delegate Haggerty’s resolution, from the Butte Milling and Smelter Men’s Union, receive the careful consideration of the General Executive Board, and that as soon as possible an educational system appropriately financed be established for the purpose of training the workers in the principles of industrial unionism.”

DEL. GILLHAUS: I move to concur in the recommendation of the committee. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried.

On motion of Delegate Held the Committee on Constitution was discharged.

DEL. COATES: The Resolutions Committee has completed its work, and I ask that the Committee be discharged by the convention. It was moved and seconded that the Committee be discharged with a vote of thanks.

DEL. WILKE: Cut out the thanks. The proletarian doesn’t need any thanks for his services. (Applause.)

The motion was put and carried.

The Committee on Literature and Press being called for, announced that it had no further report to make. On motion of Delegate Coates the Committee was discharged.


DEL. HOPKINS: A point of information. Now that we have elected and installed our President, our Secretary-Treasurer and the Executive Board, what compensation are they going to receive? I failed to hear of any compensation for our executive officers or any provisions made for the compensation of our President or Secretary-Treasurer in our Constitution. While I was absent a few hours from this convention this morning they may have made some provision of that kind but I failed to hear it. I want to know if this convention desires that our President and Secretary-Treasurer and other executive officers are to serve the Industrial Workers of the World without any compensation. I would like to have that question settled before we adjourn, and not leave it to the officers themselves to fix their own compensation and thereby raise dissension among the rank and file.

THE CHAIRMAN: I will state for the benefit of the brother that I believe the constitution provides for the President and General Secretary-Treasurer, if I am not mistaken. There is no provision made for the members of the Executive Board. As you remember, only those who come from at large come from the organizations. There is no provision made, to my best recollection, for the members of the Executive Board, as to their remuneration for services.

DEL. HELD: Will you announce that there is a collection to be taken up for the deficit from the ratification meeting, a shortage of five dollars.

THE CHAIRMAN: The brother states to me that there was a shortage of meeting the expenditures of the Committee on Ratification of something about five dollars, and he asks the privilege of taking up a collection. We will proceed to take up a collection at the present time.

DEL. MOTHER JONES: Owing to the fact that there is no money in the treasury to start this organization with, it seems to me it would be good policy to leave the decision of the salaries to the incoming officers. I for one am not afraid to trust those officers with fixing the salaries that will compensate the officers, and I think it will be satisfactory to the body as a whole. I do not know that this body here could now decide what is best to do with regard to the salaries, as long as we have no funds to begin with. When the funds grow larger and it is worth while making a decision about that, I believe that is time enough for us to begin. (Motion seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: Now, Mother, will you please state that motion again? Just make the motion so that I can understand it.

DEL. MOTHER JONES: My motion is to refer the salary question to the incoming officers, the Executive Board. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded that the salaries of the members of the Executive Board be referred to the executive officers. Are you ready for the question?

DEL. BRADLEY: Am I to understand that the Executive Board itself is to fix the salaries of the members of the Executive Board and the others?

DEL. JOHNSON: I would like to offer as an amendment to the motion that the compensation of the Executive Board shall be in accordance with the wages that the different members of that board receive, and in addition the extra expenses connected with their work. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: There has been an amendment made to the motion, but I wish you would make that amendment again, as short as possible.

DEL. JOHNSON: I offer an amendment to the motion, that the compensation of the members of the Executive Board shall be equal to the wages that they receive in their respective vocations, and in addition to that the expenses incurred by their work.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the amendment to the motion, which has been duly seconded. Are you ready for the question on the amendment? (Question called for). Those who are in favor of the same will signify it by saying aye. Contrary minded no. The ayes have it and it is so carried.


DEL. KLEMENSIC: As a member of the Press Committee I have been approached by several delegates in view of the fact that the Daily People published the doings of this convention and an article that after I read it I took it as a direct slap at the convention; it is a slap at practically myself. I want to read the article, how it was written in regard to the session, and which it published as the eighth day session, taken up with the Coates amendment destroying the principle of industrial unionism.

DEL. DE LEON: I rise to a point of order. I would be perfectly willing for any one to take up the question of the Daily People or any other paper if we had time to discuss it. At this late hour the convention would have no such opportunity. The capitalist press and all other papers hostile to this convention have been lying about us, misrepresenting us, and no action has been taken upon that. What does this move mean of trumping up a charge against the Daily People at this late hour when the convention is on the point of adjourning? To do so, in this way, at this time, is out of order because the convention cannot have sufficient time to consider the matter. I raise that as a point of order.

THE CHAIRMAN: The point is well taken. The Chair rules that we are under the regular order of business at this time, and there is unfinished business, the report of the Ways and Means Committee, to be heard.


THE CHAIRMAN: The Ways and Means Committee made a report. That report was that there be an assessment of five cents levied on the membership of this organization, which was amended that there be an assessment of one dollar, to pay the expenses incurred in launching this organization and to provide for a stenographic report. An amendment to the amendment was offered providing for an assessment of one dollar and that the stenographic report be not considered. What is the pleasure of the convention with regard to this report as amended and the amendment to the amendment?

DEL. DINGER: I move that the recommendation of the committee be concurred in. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion is out of order. The question before the convention at this time occurs on the amendment to the amendment, which provides for a one dollar assessment on the entire membership of the organization.

DEL. WHITE: Would a motion be in order at this time as a substitute for the whole?

THE CHAIRMAN: A motion would be in order as a substitute.

DEL. WHITE: I move as a substitute for the whole that this matter of these recommendations and amendments be referred to the Executive Board for their consideration. (Seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: It has been regularly moved and seconded as a substitute that the proposition of levying an assessment, the report of the Ways and Means Committee, be referred to the Executive Board. Are you ready for the question? (Question called for.)

DEL. DE LEON: I am opposed to the substitute because the matter of the stenographic report is involved.

THE CHAIRMAN: Not in this amendment.

DEL. DE LEON: Not exactly, but the substitute for the whole refers the whole thing to the incoming board, doesn’t it?

THE CHAIRMAN: It refers the entire matter to the incoming board.

DEL. DE LEON: And the stenographic report likewise.


DEL. DE LEON: For that reason I am against the substitute. If it is decided to have a stenographic report let us find it out. The Board has work enough on hand and will not be able to undertake it. The Board starts out without a cent in the treasury. The stenographic report so far, since we have had anything to do with it, is the property of the Daily People. I stated when the convention opened that since the expense would be larger than anticipated we were willing to make it the property of the convention if the convention would pay the difference. Now, if this thing is referred to the incoming board or to the President of this organization, as stated by one comrade here, the stenographic report will be ancient history by the time it is published. Now as a matter of right this stenographic report is the property of the Daily People, and we can put it through quickly, long before the Board can have come to a decision and long before it can have raised the funds for that. The stenographic notes are valueless as they are now. They are valuable only if we have stenographic notes transcribed. You all know that it takes time to collect funds, and a person who works wants to know who is going to pay him for it. I am authorized to say that the stenographic report can be published, that the publication of it can be begun immediately by the Daily People. Consequently I am against the substitute. If the substitute fails I shall move to lay the whole matter upon the table, so that the stenographic report remains where it was when this convention opened; my reason being that in no other way can the stenographic report be published in time to be of interest. My purpose is to publish it as soon as the report can be transcribed, running it every day in the Daily People until we are through with it, and that will not be effected if you pass it over to the incoming executive board.

THE CHAIRMAN: Your motion is to lay the matter on the table?

DEL. DE LEON: No, I argued against the substitute motion for the reasons I have given.

THE CHAIRMAN: Did you make a motion to lay the entire matter on the table?

DEL. DE LEON: No, I could not make such a motion after arguing on the substitute. I stated that if this substitute motion is defeated I shall then make a motion to lay the whole thing upon the table, the motion on the assessment and the motion on the stenographic report and everything.

A DELEGATE: I wish to speak on the motion. The Ways and Means Committee recommended to the convention that the report be adopted. In preference to the position that the brother takes on this matter, that the stenographic report is not going to be printed, we might just as well start in right. There are other things besides the stenographic report here. There was over $100 borrowed from one individual to carry on the preliminary work of this convention, and I think that is much more important. for this convention than the stenographic report at the present time.

DEL. DE LEON: I understand that any other motion is out of order without the consent of the convention. I would request that I be allowed to divide the question. I agree with the delegate that the matter of this stenographic report has been jumbled up with the matter of the assessment. Will the Chair allow me to make a motion to divide the question? There are two distinct questions in that report of the committee and in all the amendments. One question is the question of the assessment, and another question is the question as to the stenographic report. I beg leave to divide that question into two. Will the Chair or the convention allow it?

THE CHAIRMAN: It occurs to me that such a motion would be placing the Chair in rather a peculiar position.

DEL. DE LEON: All right.

THE CHAIRMAN: I would rather not put this motion.

DEL. DANIEL MCDONALD: I understand the motion before the house is the motion to refer the entire matter to the incoming Executive Board.


DEL. MCDONALD: I am in favor of that motion. I believe the Board is in a position to know exactly the amount of money they will have in a very few days and be able to make a recommendation and report to this organization. They will know exactly about the amount of money that can be raised and how quick they can raise it, and I am in favor of referring the entire proposition to the incoming Executive Board.

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate McDonald, did you take into consideration the statement of Delegate De Leon, that it is desired that they be given property in this stenographic report so that they can take up the publishing of it? Did you understand that?

DEL. MCDONALD: I am not in favor of giving them that power. I think this should become the property of the Executive Board, and if the delegate desires to use this he may get it with the consent of the Executive Board after it is given to the Executive Board.

THE CHAIRMAN: Yes, but it is the property of the Daily People at the present time; they have paid their money for it.

DEL. MCDONALD: Well, with the proviso that if the convention desires the report. Now, the Executive Board can determine as to whether they desire it. If they desire not to have the report, then leave the proposition to them.

DEL. DE LEON: For that very reason the result would be to place the convention in an awkward position, whether the Executive Board decided that they do want it, or that they do not want it. Suppose they decide that they do not want to publish it, that would prevent us from publishing it in time, because we would have to wait until their decision. You put it, by such a motion, in a rather awkward position and put yourselves in an awkward position. What is the position in which you place yourselves and those who have already borne the expense thus far? Without their work in this direction there would have been no stenographic report, because this man was not going to work on tick, on promises to pay. He has been paid already for last week, and is to be paid to-day. We pay this bill, and yet you put yourselves in the absurd posture of saying that what we have paid for becomes your property; and you try to manoeuvre us into the unjust position of not having anything at all. Suppose on the other hand that it is finally decided by the Board that they do not want the report, what would be the situation if your motion prevails? At the late hour when the Board may decide that it does not want the report, it would have become stale matter if we then start its publication. Or is it your purpose to try and deprive us even then of the right to publish it. We are ready to go on with it right here. If the delegate will explain to me what sense there is in that motion I may be willing to accept his view of it, but as the motion now stands we and you, especially you, are put in an absurd position. This report is the property of the Daily People. You rejected the motion of Delegate Smith; you rejected the motion of the Committee on Ways and Means: and had we acted on the spirit that disposed of those motions we would have discharged the stenographer on the spot, and then there would have been no stenographic record of the transactions of this convention. But we saw the value to the Movement of preserving this record, and so, while you were hanging fire and this convention was making history, we continued the expense of the stenographer’s fees. Now, it is a matter of courtesy on our part to consider this thing any further in the hands of this convention; it is a matter of pure courtesy; and knowing that, I hold that the only legitimate way for this convention to act is to defeat the motion of Brother White. If that motion is defeated, I shall then make a motion to lay upon the table so much of the committee’s recommendation as concerns the stenographic report. Then the rest of the motion can be taken up afterwards.

THE CHAIRMAN: Delegate De Leon, to get the sense of this question properly before the convention, the Chair will entertain a motion to divide the question.

DEL. DE LEON: That is just what I asked leave to do. Then I move that the question of the stenographic report and the question of the assessment of one dollar involved in this motion and in the amendment and in the amendment to the amendment be divided. (Seconded.)

The motion to divide was put and carried.

DEL. DE LEON: Now I move you that the matter of the stenographic report be left where it was when this convention opened. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: The motion now will occur on the substitute, which is to refer the Ways and Means Committee’s report, that regarding the assessment, to the incoming Executive Board. Are you ready for the question? (Question asked for). Those in favor will signify it by saying aye. Contrary no. The motion is carried.


DEL. ROSS: Mr. Chairman, repeatedly in the last few moments it has been declared from the floor of this convention that the incoming officials have nothing in the way of finances to do anything with. On this eighth day of July, one hour ago, we ceased to be a convention and became an organization. I move that every member of this organization that has been installed at this time and place, as the Secretary shall call the roll, shall come forward and pay his first month’s dues of fifty cents, and thereby put something in the treasury.

A DELEGATE: You have got to pay it to the respective organizations.

DEL. ROSS: When he gets back home it will appear on the record here that his dues are paid for a month, won’t it?

DEL. POWERS: Is there anything more to come before the organization?

THE CHAIRMAN: I know of nothing further.


DEL. HELD: The Ways and Means Committee has not been discharged, and the Committee on Ratification has not been discharged.

DEL. DE LEON: I move that they be discharged. (Seconded.) THE CHAIRMAN: Did the Committee on Ratification Meeting get enough money to pay their bills?

DEL. HELD: They did not get enough money, but the proprietor of the hall took what we got and called it square.

THE CHAIRMAN: The Chair would say that the committee should not be discharged until they had liquidated all their debts.

DEL. HELD: We have got the bill and the debts have been liquidated, and we owe absolutely nothing to anybody.

The motion to discharge the committees was carried.

DEL. WHITE: I move that we now adjourn.

THE CHAIRMAN (DEL. HAYWOOD): Just a moment. I want the President here when we adjourn. Is there any further business to come before the convention?

DEL. COATES: Have we decided on the place where the next convention is to be held?

THE CHAIRMAN: I do not believe it has been decided.

DEL. COATES: Of course the constitution, as I understand it, fixes the first Monday in May, doesn’t it?

THE CHAIRMAN: The first Monday in May is the date, but the place has not been named.

DEL. DE LEON: I move that this matter be referred to the incoming Executive Board. By that time they will know what organizations have joined and in what place it would be advisable to hold that convention; they will be in a much better position to decide. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried.

THE CHAIRMAN: Now, delegates, the temporary Chairman has a request to make of this convention. At the opening of the convention I was presented by some one with a gavel. I do not know to whom that gavel belongs, but I would very much like to retain it, and I would like to ask the privilege of this convention to do so.

DEL. MORRISON: I move that the request be granted.

DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: I move that the Chairman take possession of that gavel in the name of this organization, of the Industrial Workers of the World. (Seconded.)

DEL. POWERS: Before you put the motion I wish to state that there is another comrade there at the door that has got the stick that Comrade Haywood called the meeting to order with, so that he has got a rival in Chicago to that gavel.

DEL. PAT O’NEIL: I have a resolution that I would like to offer and move its adoption:

“Whereas, During the period from the issuance of the Manifesto to the convening of this congress of industrial workers, the Miners’ Magazine, the Chicago Arbeiter Zeitung, the Crisis, the Cleveland Arbeiter Zeitung and the Daily People have uncompromisingly advocated our cause; therefore be it

“Resolved, That we, the Industrial Workers of the World, express our thankfulness to the above mentioned journals for their support of industrial unionism.”

Motion seconded.

THE CHAIRMAN: You have heard the reading of this resolution. What is your pleasure?

DEL. POWERS: Question on the gavel.

THE CHAIRMAN: Is my request in regard to the ownership of the gavel granted?

DEL. SHURTLEFF: I would like to state that that gavel is the property of the International Machinists’ Union. It has been carried by me all over the country from the West to the East. Personally I am willing for the Chairman to keep it. I don’t think there will be any question about it, and really I would rather see him keep it than any other man.

THE CHAIRMAN: I thank you very much, Delegate Shurtleff. I will put this with the chart and the chairman’s badge, in one group. What is the pleasure of the convention in regard to this resolution?

DEL. COATES: I have no objection to the resolution at all, except I know of a number of other papers, that I cannot call by name just now, which have done valiant service for this Manifesto and for this organization since the issuance of the Manifesto. A number of them are small papers out in the community or in the part of the United States in which I live, and I think, Mr. Chairman, if we are going to do this, if we are going to offer thanks to somebody that in my opinion simply did their duty, let us include them all. Let us not only name four or five that are the most prominent and exclude a number of others that are entitled to the same thanks, but let us include them all. I am in favor of that motion.

DEL. DE LEON: I move, to amend that resolution by adding the words: “and all other papers that have upheld the cause of industrial unionism.” If any one can name them, let them be placed in that resolution, so as to include them all. (Amendment seconded.)

THE CHAIRMAN: The amendment is that the names of all other papers that are known be added to this list? Is that it?

DEL. DE LEON: The amendment is to add “and all other papers that have stood for the cause of industrial unionism.”

THE CHAIRMAN: “And all other papers that have stood by the cause of industrial unionism.”

DEL. FITZGERALD: If I am not out of order I would like the Voice of Labor inserted in there.

DEL. GILBERT: I think this is all out of order. The Crisis was the first paper to champion this cause, and I prefer not to put in any names. As the delegate here said, we only did our duty, and therefore what do we want a vote of thanks for? Therefore I move as a substitute that the whole thing be laid on the table. (Seconded.)

DEL. DE LEON: Is he to be allowed to make a speech on a motion to lay on the table?

DEL. T. J. HAGERTY: I object to the substitute, on the ground that there are very few labor papers in this country that have endorsed the Manifesto. By looking at the labor exchanges we can find out the names of the other labor papers or journals that have endorsed this working class movement, and it seems to me right and proper here that we should express some recognition of the fact; that these papers and whatever other papers may be known be recognized as supporting our cause. If there are other papers, it ought to be no great matter to find out their names. Every man here who has been in the labor exchanges since the issuing of that Manifesto can find that out. As soon as the other papers outside of the Voice of Labor are known, I think they can very easily be specified, and not make any error in the names. There are a number of papers that have supported the movement, but I personally do not know any others outside of that, and I have been in the labor exchanges since the issuance of the Manifesto. I would like to know the names of those that support this Manifesto and have them added to that resolution.

The motion on the substitute to lay on the table was lost. The amendment of Delegate De Leon was then carried, and the resolution was adopted.

DEL. J. C. SULLIVAN: Mr. Chairman, unfortunately the Assistant Secretary of this convention incurred some loss, partially, I suppose, owing to the fact that she was acting as Secretary of this convention; that is, she lost some effects, and the matter was presented to this convention yesterday. Whether or not the loss has been recovered or replaced I am unable to say, but I believe that the work that she has done and the attention that she has given to the duties of Assistant Secretary of this convention are worthy of consideration and a just and fair recompense. I move you at this time that the Executive Board be instructed to pay out of the first money available in the treasury of the Industrial Workers of the World a just, fair and equitable compensation for the services rendered to this convention by the Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Langdon. (Seconded.)

The motion was put and carried, and the Chairman directed the Executive Board to take notice accordingly.

Chairman Haywood retired and President Sherman resumed the Chair.

There being no further business to come before the convention, the President at 1.20 P. M. declared the first convention of the Industrial Workers of the World adjourned sine die.