G. Demorgny, The Persian Question and the War, Paris, 1916.
((The author is a legal adviser to the Persian Government and professor of the Teheran School of Political Science. Also author of many books and articles on Persia—both in Persian and French.))
Highly instructive as a description of the truly miserable state of Persia, shamelessly humiliated and robbed by three—primarily—Great Powers. Russia, Great Britain and Germany. The author is, of course, wholly a French “patriot”. All the more interesting, therefore, is his ruthless and compelled exposure of the conflict—a most bitter conflict—between Russia and Great Britain.
Formally, Persia is neutral in this war. In actual fact, however, both the Russians and the British, on the one hand, and the Turks and the Germans, on the other, are fighting and plundering on Persian territory.
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p. 277: August 27, 1915; the German Vice-consul Schoenemann attacks the Russian and British consuls, etc. |
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The book has a map of Persia showing the Russian and British “zones of influence”.
The treaty between Russia and Great Britain (1907) demarcating their respective “spheres of influence” in Persia did not satisfy them (“the implementation (of the 1907 treaty) did not achieve the aim” (67))—their conflict and mutual distrust continued (“Anglo-Russian rivalry”, p. 64 and passim). Germany exploited this, and her treaty with Russia (the Potsdam meeting, 1910) was “a triumph for German diplomacy” (p. 57)—an attempt to divide Persia between Germany and Russia. “We shall divide Persia between us and oust Great Britain” (57)—thus Demorgny sums up the content (more correctly: the meaning and substance) of this treaty.
“Anglo-Indian imperialism” (p. 65 et seq.).
Great Britain is actually in full control of the “neutral zone”, too (within Persia), and the struggle with Russia continues.
“Beginning with the government, everything of importance in the country joins either the Russian, German or British clientele” (78).
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There are frequent quotations from The Strangling of Persia, by Morgan Shuster, New York, 1912. The Russians accused him of “dictatorial” behaviour and forced him to leave the country (January 11, 1912). The British tried to defend him but with no success. The author calls his book “bitter” (“a bitter book against Persia, Russia, Great Britain and Germany” (86)) and says that he “did not understand the situa- tion”, that he was “no diplomat” (a “poor diplomat” (85)). |
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Foreign powers cannot obtain concessions in Persia without the consent of Russia or Great Britain (80).
Let us (French) not forget Syria in our calculations (82)....
The consuls (of the three Great Powers) resort to shameless intrigues, hire gangs, incite conflicts, “consular fury” (p. 110 and elsewhere), slander “moderate” ambassadors, etc. (p. 89 and elsewhere, about Russia).
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“The aim is control over the national finances. This has become a new and very fashionable formula for a disguised protectorate” (93, note). |
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| N.B.! well said! |
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| “Russian imperialism” (p. 120, etc.).... | N.B. |
...“The Dzhulfa—Tabriz—Rezaiyeh—Teheran railway concession was granted on January 24 (February 6), 1913, to the Russian Discount Bank in Teheran” (168)....
“From 1912-14 Anglo-Russian rivalry in Persia has continued in the same forms” (196).
“There was also the much discussed question of a big trans-Persian railway.... Anglo-Russian rivalry on this issue, skilfully fostered by the Persian Government, was adroitly exploited by Germany. On this issue, too, French interests have up to now been subordinated to the secret machinations of certain financial groups” (262)....
“On December 24” (1915 or 1914?) “a bomb intended to destroy the Russian, French, Belgian and British ministers was exploded in Teheran, but the attempt failed and the bomb killed one of the participants in the plot, which was organised by a German-Turkish gang. The German Legation was not discouraged, it recruited a thousand bandits at ninety francs per month each and gave them weapons. These men hastened to sell the rifles and cartridges and make off” (273).
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A meeting of Russian industrialists in Moscow on November 23, 1910, was opposed to a trans- Persian railway, because, they argued, it would facilitate British and German competition (266-67). |
sic!! |
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(In Persia now, 1915) “there are no longer spheres of influence, the Russians and the British now help one another against the Germans. Three hundred Cossacks have left Meshed in pursuit of four German officers and 83 Bakhtiars, who recently left Meshed for Afghanistan, where they want to instigate an uprising” (296). |
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Etc., etc
There are figures on Persia’s trade. Total turnover is 628 million krans (1 kran = 0.45 franc).
1) Russia—63% of total trade (p. 247)
2) Great Britain—25%
3) Turkey—9%
4) Germany (24 million krans)
5) France (11)
6) Italy.
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