V. I.   Lenin


Published: First published in 1929 in the book: Protokoly TsK R.S.D.R.P. August 1917-fevral 1918 (Minutes of the C.C. of the R.S.D.L.P. August 1917–February 1918). Printed from the manuscript minutes.
Source: Lenin Collected Works, Progress Publishers, 1971, Moscow, Volume 36, pages 456-457.
Translated: Andrew Rothstein
Transcription\Markup: R. Cymbala
Public Domain: Lenin Internet Archive.   You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work, as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit “Marxists Internet Archive” as your source.
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The question of the composition of Pravda’s editorial board[2] is under discussion. N. I. Bukharin suggests that he be released from work in the Economic Conference, to enable him to devote himself entirely to work in Pravda.

Comrade Lenin points out that up to now the Economic Conference has not received sufficient attention, yet it is one of the most important factors in current state construction,[3] and therefore needs expert men, like Comrade Bukharin. Therefore he insists that Comrade Bukharin should not be on Pravda’s editorial board.


Yelena Stasova proposes an editorial board for Pravda composed of the following three: J. V. Stalin, G. Y. Sokolnikov and N. I. Bukharin.

Comrade Lenin proposes a different three: Sokolnikov, Stalin and Trotsky.


An application from A. I. Rykov, L. B. Kamenev, V. P. Milyutin and V. P. Nogin for readmission to the C.C. of the Party is under discussion.

Comrade Lenin reads a rough draft of his reply to this application,[4] pointing out that the statement of the four   shows clearly their complete disagreement with us, since they consider that the C.C. has made concessions. He makes the concrete proposal that the four should be required to state in writing where they want their letter to go, i.e., whether they want it printed in the press. For our part we do not intend to send it to the press, but reply to them in writing that we are not taking them back.


[1] These speeches are published according to the minutes of the C.C., R.S.D.L.P.(B.) for 1917, which are now at the Archives of the Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the C.P.S.U. Central Committee. The minutes consist of short records of speeches by participants in the meetings and of C.C. resolutions. Most of them were taken down by Yelena Stasova. These secretarial notes were not officially approved.

[2] The question of Pravda’s Editorial Board was dealt with by the C.C., R.S.D.L.P.(B.) in view of the fact that, as the minutes say, “the best men have gone into government, Party work has seriously suffered and this is especially noticeable in the Party organ, which has altogether failed to satisfy readers, provide articles explaining decrees, etc.” = After a discussion the C.C. decided to appoint a three-man editorial board consisting of Bukharin, Stalin and Sokolnikov.

[3] A reference to the establishment of the supreme economic body of the Soviet state which it was planned initially to call “Supreme Economic Conference”.

[4] A reference to the treacherous behaviour of Kamenev, Rykov, Milyutin and Nogin who abandoned their leading posts at the most crucial period of the revolution, the emergence of the Soviet power. By violating Party discipline they thwarted the will and decisions of the Second Congress of Soviets, subverting the newly gained dictatorship of the proletariat and the poor peasants.

On October 29 (November 11), 1917, the S.R.-Menshevik Vikzhel (All-Russia Executive Committee of the Railwaymen’s Union), a centre of anti-Soviet activity, passed a resolution on the need to form a government from all “socialist” parties, and the same day negotiations were started on the question between it and the Bolshevik Central Committee. In its resolution the C.C. pointed out that the conciliator parties conducted negotiations with the aim of subverting the Soviet government, and that in view of this the C.C. permitted the Bolsheviks’ delegates to take part in the talks with the sole purpose of showing up the unsolvency of the policy of setting up a coalition government and thus putting an end to the talks, but Kamenev and Sokolnikov behaved treacherously at these talks, accepting Vikzhel’s demand for a “socialist” government which was to include representatives of counter-revolutionary parties (S.R.s and Mensheviks), alongside the Bolsheviks. This conciliatory policy was supported by Nogin, Milyutin and Rykov.

On November 2 (15) the Bolshevik Central Committee adopted Lenin’s resolution on the question of the opposition within the Central Committee, urging all sceptics and waverers to cast off their hesitation and support the Soviet Government (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 277–79). On November 3 (16), the majority of the Central Committee, on Lenin’s initiative, presented the minority with an ultimatum (see present edition, Vol. 26, pp. 280–82), demanding that they completely submit to the Central Committee decisions and policy and stop their subversive and disorganising activity; it declared that any attempt to force the Party to give up power—handed to the Bolshevik Party by millions of workers, soldiers and peasants at the All-Russia Congress of Soviets—was betrayal of the proletarian cause. The minority retaliated by announcing their resignation from responsible posts. On November 4 (17) Kamenev, Zinoviev, Rykov and Milyutin announced their resignation from the C.C. There is no record of their application for a return to the C.C. or of Lenin’s draft resolution in reply. The C.C. adopted Lenin’s reply as a basis, and passed it on for editing to a three-man committee of C.C. members, having resolved to publish it in the event the four men demanded the publication of their letter. Their application was not published.

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