Communist Party of Britain

The British Road to Socialism (1989)


The Communist Party


In this programme we have shown that the many acute problems facing the majority of the p0pulation in Britain today, and millions of people in many other parts of the world, basically stem from the system of capitalist exploitation and oppression. We have shown that these problems can only begin to be solved if capitalism is abolished and replaced by the new system of socialism. At the same time we have shown that the strategy for socialism in the conditions of Britain today presupposes mobilising the organised working class and its allies around the policies of the Alternative Economic and Political Strategy. And we have shown that only by establishing the unity of the working class and its allies through the building of the democratic anti-monopoly alliance can the struggle for progressive policies be lifted, and the way opened to taking state power and building socialism.

However the fulfilment of these tasks will depend in large measure on the existence of an effective Communist Party capable of providing the required ideological, organisational and campaigning leadership. The necessity for this leadership, and the possibility of its exercise, are not linked to any subjective or arbitrary notions of elitism, but to the aims and principles of organisation on which Communist Parties, as distinct from other political parties, are based. The most important characteristics of a Communist Party are the following.

First, the Communist Party is based upon the class and internationalist principles of Marxism-Leninism which enable it both to analyse the nature of capitalist society and to develop a strategy that will lead to socialism.

Second, it is organised for socialist revolution, and therefore constantly seeks to strengthen its roots in the working class, because of the latter's leading role in revolutionary social change. On that basis it seeks to weld together all progressive movements at a local and national level, initiating and assisting the people's campaigns. In order to help develop political consciousness, it organises itself both in the workplaces and localities.

Third, the Communist Party is a democratic party, one which draws on the initiative and creativity of its members in planning and carrying through its activity and policy, and in electing its leadership, answerable to that membership. To this end the party develops and maintains close relationships within its own ranks, between different sections of workers, between men and women, black and white people, young and old.

Fourth, the Party is centralised, so that it can intervene in the class struggle as a disciplined and united force, once policy is decided. These last two points, democracy with centralism, embody the principles of democratic centralism which, among other things, make the Party capable of acting in a uniquely effective way.

Fifth, the Communist Party seeks close relations with the communist movement in other countries, based on the independence, equality and mutual respect of each communist party in a world movement which is leading the transition to socialism on a global scale. This unity, together with international solidarity with other movements fighting for peace, progress and national liberation, is vital not only in the immediate struggles, but for the achievement and building of socialism in Britain.

These essential characteristics of the Communist Party have enabled it over the years to be an effective vanguard party of struggle, involved in a central way in the main battles of the working class and the labour and progressive movement, generating class and socialist consciousness, and showing the need to win political power and advance to socialism.

But the Communist Party is still too small, and its roots among many sections are still weak. It has recently re-established itself in order to overcome the difficulties and divisions created by the revisionist assault on its integrity. It needs to grow both numerically, and in terms of its political influence. To do this, it must inspire discussion with a view to developing activity and struggle, not only in the labour movement, but in all progressive organisations and democratic movements. It must aim to win the confidence of those potentially revolutionary forces coming into political activity. It must aim to encourage positive cultural movements, seeking to make available those forms of the arts which have hitherto been of an elitist nature. It is vital to recognise the place of culture in the lives of working people. It must help, organise and educate a new generation of active Communists to invigorate, staff and lead its organisations in the workplaces and communities. Central to the creation of this new generation, the Party will need to pay particular attention to the needs and aspirations of young people. And it needs to increase its electoral activity, although Communist contests should be undertaken on a selective basis, taking into account the overall political situation, the level of Communist work, the Party's influence in the constituencies or wards concerned, and the nature of the candidates put forward by Labour.

The Communist Party must also endeavour to show more effectively in experience of action, as well as by explanation, that class collaboration has to be replaced by class struggle, that the 'neutrality' of the state is an illusion, that only if parliamentary struggle is combined with mass struggle outside parliament can the working class and its allies win significant victories, and that the problems we face can only be successfully tackled by a strategy for socialist revolution. Ready to listen and learn, as well as to provide strategic leadership, Communists will more and more become a trusted and reSpected popular force. In this way the Communist Party will be able to become a mass party - not just a party with a numerically bigger membership, but with members ideologically equipped and drawn from, and involved in, every section and area of our society, a party through which more and more people can be brought into political action.

All of this constitutes the essential condition for the Communist Party to develop its distinctive political role as a force which leads from where the people are, which fights for the unity of the working class, and for the cohesion of the democratic anti-monopoly alliance at every stage. Only in this way can the reformist influence amongst working people be overcome and replaced by socialist consciousness.

At the same time, however large our party, we could not envisage achieving this development by ourselves. Other parties and organisations will play an important role in this process. But the distinctive aspiration of our party is, in placing our policies and strategy for socialism before the people, to give this process coherence and vision, and to exercise democratic leadership. This means that the Communist Party, as part of the labour movement, seeks no special privileges within it. What it does seek, however, is the removal of all discriminatory bans and proscriptions directed mainly against Communists, but also affecting others in the left, which only help the right wing by keeping the movement divided. This is why Communists want to ensure that the trade unions have the democratic right to elect, from among those who pay the political levy, delegates of their own choice to the Labour Party, and to put forward nominees for selection as Labour candidates.

It is important to stress that the Communist Party does not seek to replace the Labour Party as a federal party of the working class, but rather to strengthen its original federal nature. We see a much more influential Communist Party as crucial to the future of the Labour Party itself, and to the development of the labour movement and the democratic anti-monopoly alliance as a whole. If right-wing ideas and leadership in the labour movement are defeated and replaced by people and politics committed to the struggle against monopoly capitalism, and if the Communist Party itself grows in strength and influence, and if bans and prescriptions which promote disunity are removed, new opportunities will open up for still more developed forms of Labour-Communist unity, including in the electoral field. Under these circumstances, future affiliation to the Labour Party could become a realistic possibility.

Central to any strategy for advance to socialism in Britain is the need to build up the unity of the left. Our programme is fundamentally based on seeking to achieve the widest possible unity on a principled socialist basis. It offers therefore the basis for achieving left unity in the course of struggle. The development of this unity must involve respect for the principled differences which do exist. This is the condition for building up mutual confidence and trust, for developing work together on specific issues and on that basis creating the atmosphere where it becomes possible to discuss differences in a comradely way, leading progressively to the achievement of common understanding.

An important element in the development of left unity must obviously be efforts to overcome divisions which still exist within the Communist movement. One of the reasons for re-establishing the Party on the basis of its rules and programme was to create an organisation around which it would be possible, in time, to bring together all British Communists as part of the overall development of left unity. In the meantime, the best way to overcome differences and to prepare the ground for principled discussion leading eventually to forms of organisational re-unification is to work within the broad left on specific issues together with other Communists whatever their affiliation.

The degree to which the Communist Party can realise the aims outlined above depends to a great extent on access to a means of mass communication, independent of monopoly capitalist control, through which it can channel its programme for socialism into the ranks of the working class in the widest possible way. In this connection the role of the Morning Star is crucial. The Morning Star remains today the only national daily newspaper which is co-operatively owned and free of control by the press barons. Maintained in existence, with its predecessor the Daily Worker, since 1930, by the tireless support of its readers, the Morning Star consistently takes up the cause of all working people in their struggle against all forms of monopoly capitalist exploitation and oppression. At the same time, providing analysis and advice from a consistent Marxist and internationalist perspective, it is also the only daily paper which can help mobilise working people and other progressive forces for peace and socialism. Helping to build the democratic anti-monopoly alliance, it helps to cement links between the labour and trade union movement, other groups of the working class, and other sections of the British people.

As we say, the role of the Morning Star is vital, and all on the left should support it. But for communists in particular, the task of expanding its circulation and its influence within the trade unions and other progressive movements must be an overriding priority.

Conclusion

The analysis, arguments and objectives presented in this programme sum up what the Communist Party stands for. As we said at the outset, our intention has not been to provide a detailed account of every area of policy, but to provide a general perspective on a strategy for action and struggle which can bring about the unity of the working class and its allies for the winning of political power and the establishment of socialism.

It is the Communist Party's firm belief that if there is working class unity in Britain, and if there is international solidarity and unity with all the other major forces in the world fighting for progress and socialism, then the moribund system of state-monopoly capitalism in Britain as in other imperialist countries, with its neo-colonialism and its plans for arms build-up, war and destruction, can be defeated and the way opened up for working people's liberation everywhere.

The struggle for the liberation of all oppressed people and the establishment of socialism is the cause which motivates the Communist Party. That is the cause for which we shall fight. The socialist society for which were are working in Britain will draw inspiration from the experiences of socialism everywhere. It will have essential features in common with other socialist societies but it will be built by British people, and it will be constructed on the basis of our own democratic, revolutionary and cultural heritage. We invite all who share our aspirations, our world outlook and class commitment, to join our ranks and help us win that fight.